Search results for: armed conflict

Authors: Anu S. Krishna

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The paper tries to analyse the UN involvement/intervention in the case of intra-state armed conflict of El Salvador and Nepal comparatively. The peace mission in El Salvador is considered to be the most successful missions of UN ever since it started involving in the peace-building activities. Meanwhile, in the armed conflict of South Asian country, Nepal, the result seemed to be disappointing in comparison with its counterpart. The study on this paper takes three variables as the success or failure of international mediation, i.e., a) signing of the peace agreement, b) disarmament/demobilization and c) constitutional mechanism. A significant amount of scholarship looks at the case of ONUSAL (United Nations Mission in El Salvador). Meanwhile, the armed conflict of Nepal and the role of UNMIN (United Nations Mediation in Nepal) are under researched so far. The paper thus tries to throw light on these cross-regional contexts that share certain similarities and dissimilarities in the nature of conflict. In addition, the international third-party involvement and their way of approaching both the cases differ, which again affected the mediation outcome. The paper tries to argue that, since the approach of the UN led international mediation in theses peace missions were contextual and varied from case to case, thus, finally affected the mediation outcome too.

Keywords: Nepal, UNMIN, El Salvador, ONUSAL, international mediation, armed conflict

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Authors: Ghzlan Mahmoud Abdel Aziz

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This case study aims to identify the intrastate conflicts between the nation state and armed groups. Nowadays, most wars weaken states against armed groups. Thus, it is very important to negotiate with such groups in order to reinforce the law for the protection of victims. These armed groups are the cause of conflicts and they are related with many of humanitarian issues that result out of conflicts. In this age of rivalry; terrorists, insurgents, or transnational criminal parties have surfaced to the top as a reaction to these armed groups in an effort to set up a new world order. Moreover, the intra state conflicts became increasingly treacherous than the interstate conflicts, particularly when nation state systems deal with armed groups which try to influence the state. The unexpected upraising of the Arab Spring during 2011 in parts of the Middle East and North Africa formed various patterns of conflicts. The events of the Arab Spring resulted in current and long term change across the region. Significant modifications in the level, strength and period of armed conflict around the world have been made. Egypt was in the center of these events. It has fought back the armed groups under the name of terrorism and spread common disorder and violence among civilians. On this note, this study focuses on the problem of the transformation in the methods of organized violence within one state rather than between two state or more and analyzes the objectives, strategies, and internal composition of armed groups and the environments that foster them, with a focus on the Egyptian case.

Keywords: armed groups, conflicts, Egyptian armed forces, intrastate conflicts

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Authors: Edmilson Nhambe, Belisario Machaieie

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Since the signing of the General Peace Agreement-GPA in 1992, Mozambique has seen successive setbacks in the search for effective peace, civil war, social conflicts, terrorism, and armed conflicts mix the reality of Mozambican democracy. The article seeks to understand the dynamics of conflict and peace in Mozambique. Specifically, it seeks to analyze the structural factors that lead to (violent) conflict situations and the factors that favor or promote peace. For this purpose, desk research was chosen to analyze studies of peace and conflict. This article develops the argument that the non-violation of the peace agreement, in particular the GPA in Rome, as it had a structuring effect on the Mozambican political system, no longer guarantees in itself the irreversibility of the pacification process. In fact, the country is currently stagnating in the category of a fragile peace process with the risk of slipping into a situation of war or open armed conflict.

Keywords: peace, conflict, GPA, instability

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Authors: Mustafa Kirisci

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Arms embargoes have not been adequately examined in terms of their effects on conflict duration. Prior research on arms embargoes has generally investigated the effect of arms embargoes on arms import/export practices and violations in arms embargoes, but it says little about the effect on conflict duration. This paper attempts to fill this gap and aims to investigate the effect of arms embargoes on conflict duration throughout the world. More precisely, the purpose of the paper is to understand how arms embargoes affect the duration of both internal and interstate conflicts. Given the theoretical framework, the main hypothesis of the paper is arms embargoes will have no reduction effect on conflict duration when arms transfer and region are controlled. This hypothesis is tested by using OLS regression. Results indicate that arms embargoes have no effect on both internal and interstate conflict duration. Another crucial result is that both small and major arms transfers made by the embargoed countries during the internal conflict increase the duration of the conflict, but no effect on interstate conflict duration. The final part concludes and provide explanations on what these results imply for finishing the conflict and bringing the peace.

Keywords: arms embargo, arms transfer, internal conflict, international conflict

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Authors: Shivam Dwivedi, Saumya Kapoor

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The Israeli Supreme Court in Public Committee against Torture in Israel v. Government of Israel observed the presence of non-state actors in cross-border terrorist activities thereby making the role of non-state actors in terrorism the center of discussion under the scope of International Humanitarian Law. Non-state actors and their role in a conflict have also been traversed upon by the Tadic case decided by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. However, there still are lacunae in International Humanitarian Law when it comes to determining the nature of a conflict, especially when non-state groups act within the ambit of various states, for example, Taliban in Afghanistan or the groups operating in Ukraine and Georgia. Thus, the objective of writing this paper would be to observe the ways by which non-state actors particularly terrorist organizations could be brought under the ambit of Additional Protocol I. Additional Protocol I is a 1977 amendment protocol to the Geneva Conventions relating to the protection of victims of international conflicts which basically outlaws indiscriminate attacks on civilian populations, forbids conscription of children and preserves various other human rights during the war. In general, the Additional Protocol I reaffirms the provisions of the original four Geneva Conventions. Since provisions of Additional Protocol I apply only to cases pertaining to International Armed Conflicts, the answer to the problem should lie in including the scope for ‘transnational armed conflict’ in the already existing definition of ‘International Armed Conflict’ within Common Article 2 of the Geneva Conventions. This would broaden the applicability of the provisions in cases of non-state groups and render an international character to the conflict. Also, the non-state groups operating or appearing to operate should be determined by the test laid down in the Nicaragua case by the International Court of Justice and not under the Tadic case decided by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia in order to provide a comprehensive system to deal with such groups. The result of the above proposal, therefore, would enhance the scope of the application of International Humanitarian Law to non-state groups and individuals.

Keywords: Geneva Conventions, International Armed Conflict, International Humanitarian Law, non-state actors

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Authors: Kenneth Azaigba

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The history of post-colonial African States has been dubbed a history of endemic warfare in existing literature. Indeed, Africa political environment is characterized by a multiplicity of threats to peace and security. Africa's leading drivers of conflict include abundant (especially mineral) resources, personal rule and attendant political authoritarianism, manipulation of identity politics across ethnicity, marginalization of communities, as well as electoral mal-practices resulting in contested legitimacy and resultant violence. However, the character of armed conflicts in Africa is changing. This paper attempts to reconstruct the trajectory of armed conflicts in Africa and explain the changing pattern of armed conflict. The paper contends that large scale political violence in Africa is on the decline rendering the endemic thesis an inappropriate paradigm in explaining political conflicts in Africa. The paper also posits that though small scale conflicts are springing up and exhibiting trans-border dimensions, these patterns of armed conflicts are not peculiar to Africa but emerging waves of global conflicts. The paper explains that the shift in the scale of warfare in Africa is a function of a multiplicity of post-cold war global contradictions. Inclusive governance, social justice and economic security are articulated as workable panaceas for mitigating warfare in Africa.

Keywords: Africa, conflicts, pattern, war

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Authors: Nkatow Mafany Christian

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According to UNHCR’s annual Database, humanitarian crises have globally been on the increase since the beginning of the 21st Century, especially in the Middle East and in Sub-Saharan Africa. Cameroon is one of the countries that has suffered tremendously from humanitarian challenges in recent years, especially with crises in the Far North, the East and its Two English-speaking Regions. These have been a result of failed mechanisms in conflict resolution peacebuilding by the government. The paper draws from this basic premise to argue that the failure to reach a consensus in order to curb internal conflicts has largely been due to the government’s attachment to the domineering attitude which emphasizes an imposition of peace terms by a superordinate (government) agency on the subordinate (aggrieved) entities. This has stalled peace efforts that have so far been engaged to address the dreaded armed conflicts in the North and South West Regions, leading to the persistence of the armed conflict. The paper exploits written, oral and online sources to sustain its argument. It suggests that an eclectic approach to resolving conflicts, which emphasizes open and frank dialogue as well as a review of the root causes, can go a long way not only to build trust but also to address the Anglophone-Cameroonian problems in Cameroon.

Keywords: conflict, conflict resolution, peace building, humanitarian crisis

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Authors: Grace Onubedo

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The primary objective of this research study is to contribute to and deepen the understanding of the realities and conditions for which children recruited by violent extremist organisations in Nigeria live, as well as ascertain the state of their mental health following their reunification with either family or protection workers. The research is intended to contribute to a more focused child protection programming agenda for children associated with armed forces and groups in Nigeria and the wider conflict setting. The extent to which violence has affected the psychological well-being and mental health of children abducted and exposed to activities of Violent Extremist groups remains a largely empirical question. This research attempts to answer the following research questions with the aim of providing further evidences for informed programming: I. What are the demographic characteristics of children associated with armed groups? II. What is the state of their mental health? III. What is the relationship between their background and their mental health?

Keywords: counterterrorism, psychosocial support, psychological distress, children, armed groups

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Authors: Manasse Elusma, Thung-Hong Lin, Chun-yin Lee

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The relationship between hunger and war or conflict remains to be discussed. Do wars or conflicts cause hunger and food scarcity, or is the reverse relationship is true? As the world becomes more peaceful and wealthier, some countries are still suffered from hunger and food shortage. So, eradicating hunger calls for a more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between conflict and hunger. Several studies are carried out to detect the importance of conflict or war on food security. Most of these studies, however, perform only descriptive analysis and largely use food security indicators instead of the global hunger index. Few studies have employed cross-country panel data to explicitly analyze the association between conflict and chronic hunger, including hidden hunger. Herein, this study addresses this issue and the knowledge gap. We combine global datasets to build a new panel dataset including 143 countries from 1989 to 2020. This study examines the effect of conflict on hunger with fixed effect models, and the results show that the increase of conflict frequency deteriorates hunger. Peacebuilding efforts and war prevention initiative are required to eradicate global hunger.

Keywords: armed conflict, food scarcity, hidden hunger, hunger, malnutrition

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Authors: Collins Ogbu, Godwin Johnny Akpan, James NDA Jacob

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The debilitating outcomes of violent conflict, consummated by rural armed banditry have nonetheless, occasioned the need for the mapping of crime zones in Nigeria. As a step towards understanding the scourge of armed bandits, ungoverned spaces have been uncovered as the most dominant excuse for rural crimes and fierce confrontations. From the creeks of the Niger Delta to the forest of Sambisa, Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) have proliferated to the vagaries of national insecurity. While the trends present indications of State fragility, the paucity of governance in these so-called ungoverned spaces has persistently reflected a Hobbesian state of nature, where the fittest survives. This study, therefore, interrogates the demographic implications of these ungoverned spaces by specifically identifying the most immediate features of the characters in the areas under investigation. The Farmers-Herders Crises, Niger-Delta Militancy, Boko-Haram Insurgency, Armed Robbery, Kidnapping and Cattle Rustling all define the major focus. In undertaking this study, anecdotal sources will be relied on, while extant information on the concept of ungoverned spaces will be content-analyzed. It is hoped that the knowledge gathered, as a result, will ultimately aid in proffering a dependable panacea to the crises of rural armed banditry in Nigeria.

Keywords: ungoverned spaces, rural armed banditry, state fragility, conflicts

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Authors: Pranil Kumar Upadhayaya

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While peace is dividend to tourism, tourism can also be a vital force for world peace. The existing body of knowledge on a tripartite complex nexus between tourism, peace and conflict reveals that tourism is benefactor to peace and sensitive to conflict. By contextualizing the ongoing sporadic structural conflict in the transitional phase in the aftermath of a decade long (1996-2006), Maoist armed conflict in Nepal, the purpose of this study is to explore the potentials of tourism in peace-building. The outcomes of this research paper is based on the mixed methods of research (qualitative and quantitative). Though the armed conflict ended with the comprehensive peace agreement in 2006 but there is constant manifestations of non-violent structural conflicts, which continue to threaten the sustainability of tourism industry. With the persistent application of coping strategies, tourism is found resilient during the ongoing structural political conflict. The strong coping abilities of the private sector of tourism industry have also intersected with peace-building efforts with more reactive and less proactive (pro-peace) engagements. This paper ascertains about the application of the ‘theory of tourism security’ by Nepalese tourism industry while coping with conflict and reviving, and sustaining. It reveals that the multiple verities of tourism at present has heterogeneous degree of peace potentials. The opportunities of ‘peace through tourism’ can be promoted subject to its molding with responsible, sustainable and participatory characteristics. This paper comes out with pragmatic policy recommendations for strengthening the position of tourism as a true peace-builder: (a) a broad shift from mainstream conventional tourism to the community based rural with local participation and ownership to fulfill Nepal’s potentials for peace, and (b) building and applications of the managerial and operational codes of conducts for owners and workers (labor unions) at all tourism enterprises and strengthen their practices.

Keywords: code of conduct, community based tourism, conflict, peace-building, tourism

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Authors: Kindeye Fenta Mekonnen, Alagaw Ababu Kifle

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The failure of international responses to armed conflict to address local preconditions for national stability has recently attracted what has been called the ‘local turn’ in peace building. This ‘local turn’ in peace building amplified a renewed interest in traditional/indigenous methods of conflict resolution, a field that has been hitherto dominated by anthropologists with their focus on the procedures and rituals of such approaches. This notwithstanding, there is still limited empirical work on the relevance of traditional methods of conflict resolution to end localized conflicts vis-à-vis hybrid and modern approaches. The few exceptions to this generally draw their conclusion from very few (almost all successful) cases that make it difficult to judge the validity and cross-case application of their results. This paper seeks to fill these gaps by undertaking a quantitative analysis of the trend and applications of different communal conflict resolution initiatives, their potential to usher in long-term peace, and the extent to which their outcomes are influenced by the intensity and scope of a conflict. The paper makes the following three tentative conclusions. First, traditional mechanisms and traditional actors still dominate the communal conflict resolution landscape, either individually or in combination with other methods. Second, traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution tend to be more successful in ending a conflict and preventing its re-occurrence compared to hybrid and modern arrangements. This notwithstanding and probably due to the scholarly call for local turn in peace building, contemporary communal conflict resolution approaches are becoming less and less reliant on traditional mechanisms alone and (therefore) less effective. Third, there is yet inconclusive evidence on whether hybridization is an asset or a liability in the resolution of communal conflicts and the extent to which this might be mediated by the intensity of a conflict.

Keywords: traditional conflict resolution, hybrid conflict resolution, communal conflict, relevance, conflict intensity

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Authors: Lotsmart Fonjong

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The livelihood of rural communities in the West African state of Cameroon, which is largely dictated by natural forces (rainfall, temperatures, and soil), is today threatened by climate change and armed conflict. This paper investigates the extent to which rural communities are aware of climate change, how their perceptions of changes across different agro-ecological zones have impacted farming practices, output, and lifestyles, on the one hand, and the extent to which local armed conflicts are confounding their efforts and adaptation abilities. The paper is based on a survey conducted among small farmers in selected localities within the forest and savanna ecological zones of the conflict-ridden Northwest and Southwest Cameroon. Attention is paid to farmers’ gender, scale, and type of farming. Farmers’ perception of/and response to climate change are analysed alongside local rainfall and temperature data and mobilization for climate justice. Findings highlight the fact that farmers’ perception generally corroborates local climatic data. Climatic instability has negatively affected farmers’ output, food prices, standards of living, and food security. However, the vulnerability of the population varies across ecological zones, gender, and crop types. While these factors also account for differences in local response and adaptation to climate change, ongoing armed conflicts in these regions have further complicated opportunities for climate-driven agricultural innovations, inputs, and exchange of information among farmers. This situation underlines how poor communities, as victims, are forced into many complex problems outsider their making. It is therefore important to mainstream farmers’ perceptions and differences into policy strategies that consider both climate change and Anglophone conflict as national security concerns foe sustainable development in Cameroon.

Keywords: adaptation policies, climate change, conflict, small farmers, cameroon

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Authors: Charlotte Lülf

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Migration flows cannot be tackled by single states but need to be addressed as a transnational and international responsibility. However, the current international framework staggers. Widely excluded from legal protection are people that flee from the indiscriminate effects of an armed conflict as well as people fleeing natural disasters. This paper as part of an on-going PhD Project deals with the current and partly contradicting approaches to the protection of so-called war- and climate refugees in the European Union. The analysis will emphasize and evaluate the role of the European judiciary to define, redefine and potentially expand legal protection. Changing jurisprudential practice of national and regional courts will be assessed, as will be their dialogue to interpret the international obligations of human rights law, migration laws and asylum laws in an interacting world.

Keywords: human rights law, asylum law, migration, refugee protection

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Authors: Khadija Ali

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Prosecution of sexual violence in international criminal law requires not only an understanding of the mechanisms employed to prosecute sexual violence but also a critical analysis of the factors facilitating perpetuation of such crimes in armed conflicts. The extrapolations laid out in this essay delve into the jurisprudence of international criminal law pertaining to sexual and gender based violence followed by the core question of this essay: Has the entrenchment of sexual violence as international crimes in the Rome Statute been successful to address such violence in armed conflicts?

Keywords: conflict, gender, international criminal law, sexual violence

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Authors: Rocio Murad, Juan Carlos Rivillas, Nury Alejandra Rodriguez, Daniela Roldán

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In Colombia, around 5 million women have suffered forced displacement and all forms of gender-based violence, mostly adolescents and young women, single mothers, or widows with children affected by the war. After the signing of the peace agreements, the department of Antioquia has been one of the most affected by the armed conflict, from a territorial and gender perspective in the period. The objective of the research was to analyze the situation of sexual and reproductive rights in the department of Antioquia from a territorial and gender perspective in the period after the signing of the Peace Agreement. A mixed methodology was developed. The quantitative component conducted a cross-sectional descriptive study of barriers to access to contraceptive methods, safe abortion and gender-based violence based on microdata from the 2015 National Demographic and Health Survey. In the qualitative component, a case study was developed in Dabeiba, a municipality of Antioquia prioritized in order to deepen the experiences before, during and after the armed conflict in sexual and reproductive rights; using three research techniques: Focused observation, Semi-structured interviews, and Documentary review. The results showed that there is a gradient of greater vulnerability to greater effects of the conflict and that the subregion of Urabá Antioqueño, to which Dabeiba belongs, has the highest levels of vulnerability in relation to departmental data. In this subregion, the percentage of women with an unmet need for contraceptive methods (9%), women with unintended pregnancies (31%), of women between 15 and 19 years of age who are already mothers or are pregnant with their first child (32%) and the percentage of women victims of physical violence (42%) and sexual violence (13%) by their partners are significantly higher. Women, particularly rural and indigenous women, were doubly affected due to the existence of violence that is specifically directed at them or that has a greater impact on their life projects. There was evidence of insufficient, fragmented and disjointed social and institutional action in relation to women's rights and the existence of androcentric and patriarchal social imaginaries through which women and the feminine are undervalued. These results provide evidence of violations of sexual and reproductive rights in contexts of armed conflict and make it possible to identify mechanisms to guarantee the re-establishment of the rights of the victims, particularly women and girls. Among the mechanisms evidenced are: working for the elimination of gender stereotypes; supporting the formation and strengthening of women's social organizations; working for the concerted definition and articulated implementation of actions necessary to respond to sexual and reproductive health needs; and working for the recognition of reproductive violence as specific and different from sexual violence in the context of armed conflict. Also, it was evidenced that it is necessary to implement prevention, attention and reparation actions.

Keywords: sexual and reproductive rights, Colombia, armed conflict, violence against women

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Authors: Aaron Walayat

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Protection of the environment in international law has been one of the most developed in the context of international humanitarian law. This paper examines the history of the protection of the environment in times of armed conflict, beginning with the traditional notion of restraint observed in antiquity towards the obligation to protect the environment, examining the treaties and agreements, both binding and non-binding which have contributed to environmental protection in war. The paper begins with a discussion of the ancient concept of restraint. This section examines the social norms in favor of protection of the environment as observed in the Bible, Greco-Roman mythology, and even more contemporary literature. The study of the traditional rejection of total war establishes the social foundation on which the current legal regime has stemmed. The paper then studies the principle of restraint as codified in international humanitarian law. It mainly examines Additional Protocol I of the Geneva Convention of 1949 and existing international law concerning civilian objects and the principles of international humanitarian law in the classification between civilian objects and military objectives. The paper then explores the environment’s classification as both a military objective and as a civilian object as well as explores arguments in favor of the classification of the whole environment as a civilian object. The paper will then discuss the current legal regime surrounding the protection of the environment, discussing some declarations and conventions including the 1868 Declaration of St. Petersburg, the 1907 Hague Convention No. IV, the Geneva Conventions, and the 1976 Environmental Modification Convention. The paper concludes with the outline noting the movement from codification of the principles of restraint into the various treaties, agreements, and declarations of the current regime of international humanitarian law. This paper provides an analysis of the history and significance of the relationship between international humanitarian law as a major contributor to the growing field of international environmental law.

Keywords: armed conflict, environment, legal regime, restraint

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Authors: Julian Dario Castro Cifuentes

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In Colombia, the armed conflict has lasted for more than sixty years bringing poverty, internal displacement of people, deaths from both government and insurgent forces and other violence-related problems that has damaged its social fabric. In 2016, the peace process between the Colombian government and the FARC rebels brought the possibility of ending this war and a new set of challenges to Colombian society in order to achieve pacific coexistence and reconciliation. In this scenario, there have been different efforts from diverse social actors in order to build peace and reconciliation mainly within the victims of the armed conflict. In the case of music, there have been multiple programs for social transformation through music and pedagogical experiences. Nevertheless, the need to strengthen this initiative by giving ‘peace building oriented’ pedagogical tools to the musicians that lead this experiences and understanding which aspects make this practices ‘musically meaningful’, has been recognized. For this reason, the purpose of this study is to discuss the convergences and divergences of music, and educational experiences applied to peacebuilding in the context of Colombia’s post-conflict. In this research, the hermeneutic phenomenology paradigm is applied in a case study of a peace building music education experience in the department of Nariño, Colombia articulated with the program ‘Manos a la Paz’. Two particular experiences, one on musical practice and another on music education are taken as a unit of analysis to understand its essence and structure in order to find ways to articulate efforts in peace building actions from music. This study shows how the existent gap between music experience and its subjacent pedagogical knowledge, can be reduced through deconstruction of the music and pedagogical experience. The ‘Manos a la Paz’ program showed how a peace building approach to music education can make major contributions to Pacific Coexistence and Reconciliation in Colombia’s Post-Conflict.

Keywords: music education, music for peace, music pedagogy, peace building, social fabric

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Authors: Jingya You, Yongqiang Chen, Yuanyuan Hua, Wenqian Wang

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Conflict is commonplace in construction projects, and construction projects always involve designing contracts between the owner and the contractor. However, how the contract affects the level of conflict between the owner and the contractor has not been elaborated. The purpose of this paper is to explain the effects of contractual complexity on the level of conflict, including task conflict and relationship conflict, and then to demonstrate the moderating role played by the interdependence between the owner and the contractor. Using data from owners and general contractors in the Chinese construction industry, this research reveals that contractual control will reduce relationship conflict. Contractual coordination will also reduce relationship conflict by the mediating effect of task conflict. Besides, under high joint interdependence, the positive relationship between task conflict and relationship conflict is strengthened, while high interdependence asymmetry has effects on weakening the relationship between task conflict and relationship conflict. The findings provide guidance for contract designers to draft suitable contracts in order to effectively deal with conflict. Additionally, this research implies that project managers should highlight the importance of contract in conflict management.

Keywords: construction projects, contract governance, interdependence, relationship conflict, task conflict

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Authors: Badru Hasan Segujja, Nassiwa Shamim

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This study “Territorial Influence of Religious Based Armed Conflicts in Africa” was in place to identify the influence of religious based armed conflicts, their parsistance and their impact on African societies. The study employed a qualitative research methodology, as data from respondents was descriptively recorded using random sampling technics. The study discovered that, the world is experiencing religious based armed violence where actors fight under the umbrella of freedom fighters where the African continent in particular has been at the pic of such armed violence almost since each countries independence to date. Because of this situation, the Continent is torn apart as families are traumatized by the memories of their dear ones who never survived in yesterdays’ faith based armed violence. The study disvovered that, some of these faith based armed conflicts are caused by factors ranging from undemocratic practices due to poor governance, poverty, Unemployment, religious extremism and radicalism which later turn into intractable violence. Religious armed groups such as, Holly Spirit Movement (HSM), Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and Lords Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda and now Eastern DRC and Central African Republic, ALSHABAB in East Africa, SELEKE and ANTI BALAKA in Central African Republic, BOKO HARAM in Nigeria, JANJAWEED in Sudan and Republic of Chad, Sudaneess Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA) in Southern Sudan, Alqaida Mission in Islamic Magreeb (AQIIM) in Mali coupled with acute racism of Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda or Burundi and Xenophobic Nationalism in (South Africa). The study futher discovered that, the component of “freedom fighters” has strongly made these groups maintain the ground without fear of any repucation, which situation has resulted into children and women becoming disproportionally victims and the response of international communities to the violence is inadequate. The study concludes that, dialogue for peace is better than going for wars. The study recommends that, in order to restore peace on the African continent and elsewhere in the world, UN should recommend the teaching of peace values in schools, pre-conflict early warnings must be well attended, actors must refrain from using religious lebles, democracy, unemployment and poverty issues should as well be addressed to avoid unnessesary conflicts.

Keywords: influence, religious, armed, conflicts

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Authors: Seember Susan Aondoakura

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This paper examines the international legal framework established to address the challenges women and girls experience in situations of violent conflict. The United Nations (UN) women, peace, and security agenda (hereafter WPS agenda, the Agenda) aspire to make wars safer for women. It recognizes women's agency in armed conflict and their victimization and formulates measures for their protection. The Agenda also acknowledges women's participation in conflict transformation and post-conflict reconstruction. It also calls for the involvement of women in conflict transformation, encourages the protection of women from sex and gender-based violence (SGBV), and provides relief and recovery from conflict-related SGBV. Using Third World Critical Feminist Theory, this paper argues that the WPS agenda overly focus on the protection of women from SGBV occurring in the less developed and conflict-ridden states in the global south, obscures the complicity of western states and economies to the problem, and silences the privileges that such states derive from war economies that continue to fuel conflict. This protectionist approach of the UN also obliterates other equally pressing problems in need of attention, like the high rates of economic degradation in conflict-ravaged societies of the global south. Prioritising protection also 'others' the problem, obliterating any sense of interconnections across geographical locations and situating women in the less developed economies of the global south as the victims and their men as the perpetrators. Prioritising protection ultimately situates western societies as saviours of Third World women with no recourse to their role in engendering and sustaining war. The paper demonstrates that this saviour mentality obliterates chances of any meaningful coalition between the local and the international in framing and addressing the issue, as solutions are formulated from a specific lens—the white hegemonic lens.

Keywords: conflict, protection, security, SGBV

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Authors: Daniil Chernov

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In the modern world, the number of conventional interstate wars is declining while the number of military interventions is rising. States no longer initiate conflicts by declaring war but actively intervene in existing military confrontations, often using a comparable number of coercive means. According to existing scholarly understanding, the decision to use force in international relations (in any form) is influenced by roughly the same set of factors: the dynamics of domestic political processes, national interests, international law, and ethical considerations. In the database on armed intervention to be presented in the report, the multifactor model of decision-making is developed. The database describes more than 200 different parameters for armed interventions between 1992 and 2022. The report will present the structure of the database, descriptive statistics, and its key advantages over other sources.

Keywords: conflict resolution, international relations, military intervention, database

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Authors: Ebobo Urowoli Christiana

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The Nigerian Prison Service statistics of 2007; 2009 revealed that though crime in the past was ascribed to men, but today there is a steady increase in the population of women involved in crime. This study focused on the investigation of female criminality in Lagos State: A case of Armed Robbery. Its major objective was to find out if there is an increase or decrease in female involvement in armed robbery and its growth rate. The major research question is 'Is there an increase in the perpetration of armed robbery by females in Lagos State?' the null hypotheses is 'There is no significant increase in the perpetration of armed robbery by females in Lagos State.' As a result, this study adopted the survey design, purposive sampling method and a sample size of 120 respondents. The rational choice theory was used to explain the reason for female involvement in armed robbery. Both primary and secondary data was generated for this study; the primary data was collected from the criminal records in Lagos State Police Command, Panti while the Quantitative data was collected using the questionnaire from 120 female detainees and inmates. The data collected was analyzed using the simple frequency tables and percentages and chi square was used to test for relationships. The study revealed a persistent rise in the prevalence of female armed robbery and recommended that youths should be equipped with educational/vocational skills in order to lead responsible lives.

Keywords: criminality, armed robbery, female, police commands, panti, nature

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Authors: Piret Pernik

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Based on strategic, operational, and technical analysis of the ongoing armed conflict in Ukraine, this paper will examine the opportunities and risks of using small commercial drones (dual-use unmanned aerial vehicles, UAV) for military purposes. The paper discusses the opportunities and risks in the information domain, encompassing both cyber and electromagnetic interference and attacks. The paper will draw conclusions on a possible strategic impact to the battlefield outcomes in the modern armed conflicts by the widespread use of dual-use UAVs. This article will contribute to filling the gap in the literature by examining based on empirical data cyberattacks and electromagnetic interference. Today, more than one hundred states and non-state actors possess UAVs ranging from low cost commodity models, widely are dual-use, available and affordable to anyone, to high-cost combat UAVs (UCAV) with lethal kinetic strike capabilities, which can be enhanced with Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Machine Learning (ML). Dual-use UAVs have been used by various actors for intelligence, reconnaissance, surveillance, situational awareness, geolocation, and kinetic targeting. Thus they function as force multipliers enabling kinetic and electronic warfare attacks and provide comparative and asymmetric operational and tactical advances. Some go as far as argue that automated (or semi-automated) systems can change the character of warfare, while others observe that the use of small drones has not changed the balance of power or battlefield outcomes. UAVs give considerable opportunities for commanders, for example, because they can be operated without GPS navigation, makes them less vulnerable and dependent on satellite communications. They can and have been used to conduct cyberattacks, electromagnetic interference, and kinetic attacks. However, they are highly vulnerable to those attacks themselves. So far, strategic studies, literature, and expert commentary have overlooked cybersecurity and electronic interference dimension of the use of dual use UAVs. The studies that link technical analysis of opportunities and risks with strategic battlefield outcomes is missing. It is expected that dual use commercial UAV proliferation in armed and hybrid conflicts will continue and accelerate in the future. Therefore, it is important to understand specific opportunities and risks related to the crowdsourced use of dual-use UAVs, which can have kinetic effects. Technical countermeasures to protect UAVs differ depending on a type of UAV (small, midsize, large, stealth combat), and this paper will offer a unique analysis of small UAVs both from the view of opportunities and risks for commanders and other actors in armed conflict.

Keywords: dual-use technology, cyber attacks, electromagnetic warfare, case studies of cyberattacks in armed conflicts

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Authors: Charlotte Lülf

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Migration flows, resulting from war, climate change or economic crisis cannot be tackled by single states but need to be addressed as a transnational and international responsibility. The traditional architecture surrounding the work of the UNHCR and the 1951 Convention, however, is not equipped to deal with these challenges. Widely excluded from legal protection are people not individually persecuted for the statutory criteria, people that flee from the indiscriminate effects of an armed conflict as well as people fleeing natural disasters. With the lack of explicit legal protection and the political reluctance of nation states worldwide to extend their commitment in new asylum laws, the judiciary must be put in focus: it plays a unique role in interpreting and potentially expanding the application of existing regulations. This paper as part of an ongoing Ph.D. Project deals with the current and partly contradicting approaches to the protection of war- and climate refugees. Changing jurisprudential practice of national and regional courts will be assessed, as will be their dialogue to interpret the international obligations of human rights law, migration laws, and asylum laws in an interacting world. In recent judgments refoulment to an armed conflict as well as countries without adequate disaster relief or health care was argued as violating fundamental human and asylum law rights and therefore prohibited – even for applicants without refugee status: The first step towards access to subsidiary protection could herewith be established. Can one observe similar developments in other parts of the world? This paper will evaluate the role of the judiciary to define, redefine and potentially expand protection for people seeking refuge from armed conflicts and natural disasters.

Keywords: human rights law, asylum-seekers, displacement, migration

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Authors: Faiz Bakhsh, Tahira Yasmeen

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The Afghan refugee children in Pakistan are considered as the most vulnerable persons in danger of being abused and treated badly as compared to the minimum criteria of the protection of refugee children under 1951 refugee convention. This paper explores the impact of the 1951 refugee convention on the protection of refugee children, affected by the armed conflict in Afghanistan, residing in refugee camps in Pakistan. Despite, protection available under Refugee Convention, there exist millions of refugees in the world, including a huge portion of women and children, that remain unprotected, and their protection remains a challenging task for the world community. This study investigates the status and number of refugees in Pakistan, especially children; protection and assistance of refugees under Refugee Convention; protection of the rights of refugee children in Pakistan; and implementation of the rules of Refugee Convention relating refugee children in Pakistan and measures for the protection of refugee children in Pakistan. This socio-legal study utilizes a qualitative research approach and applies mixed methods of data collection. The primary data is collected through the interpretation of the legal framework available for the protection of refugees as well as domestic laws of Pakistan. The secondary data is collected through previous studies available on the same topic. The result of this study indicates that lack of proper implementation of the rules, of the Refugee Convention, relating protection of refugee children cause sufferings to refugee children including the provision of basic health, nutrition, family life, education and protection from child abuse. Pakistan needs a comprehensive domestic legal framework for the protection of refugees, especially refugee children. Moreover, the government of Pakistan with the help of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) must prioritize the protection of Afghan refugee children as per standard criteria provided by the refugee convention 1951.

Keywords: refugee children, refugee convention, armed conflict, Pakistan

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Authors: Moksha Singh

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The proponents of deinstitutionalization, including Goffman and others, in their works, have regarded institutions (orphanages to be specific) as regulated social arrangements that negatively impinge upon a resident’s development. They, therefore, propose alternative forms of care. However, even after five decades of this critique institutionalization remains the only hope for children with social, physical and mental disabilities in larger parts of the developing world such as the conflict affected state of Jammu and Kashmir in India. This paper is based on the experiences of children who lost their parents to insurgency and counter-insurgency operations and the rehabilitation process. This study is qualitative in nature and adopts descriptive-cum-exploratory research design. Using theoretical sampling, six orphanages and thirty one child residents who lost their parent(s) in the course of the armed conflict in the state of Jammu and Kashmir in India were studied in the year 2009-2010. It included interviews, observation, life histories and introspective accounts of the orphans and the management. The results were drawn through the qualitative examination, understanding, and interpretation of the primary and secondary data. The findings suggested that rehabilitation of these conflict-affected children is taking place mainly through residential child care facilities run by non-governmental bodies. Alternative forms of rehabilitation are not functional in the state because of various geopolitical and socio-cultural complexities. Even after five years of arriving at these conclusions and more, the state of Jammu and Kashmir still lacks a comprehensive rehabilitation plan for these children. This has further encouraged a mushroomed growth of legal and illegal institutions. Some of these institutions compromise the standard norms of functioning and yet remain the only hope for thousands rendered orphan. These institutions, therefore, are there to stay as other alternative forms of care are not available in the state. A comprehensive intervention policy is needed based on the cultural specifics of the state and incorporation of views of institutions offering aid, the state and the children. The paper introduces Small Group Residential Care Model through which it is expected that the restoration process can be made smooth and effective.

Keywords: armed conflict, children's rights, institutionalization, orphanages, rehabilitation

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Authors: John Hardy, Paul Lushenko

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he twenty-first century international security order has been fraught with challenges to the credibility and stability of the post-Cold War status quo. Although the American-led international system has rarely been threatened directly by dissatisfied states, an underlying challenge to the international security order has emerged in the form of a slow-burning abnegation of small but significant aspects of the status quo. Meanwhile, those security challenges which have threatened to destabilize order in the international system have not clearly belonged to the traditional notions of diplomacy and armed conflict. Instead, the main antagonists have been both states and non-state actors, the issues have crossed national and international boundaries, and contestation has occurred in a ‘gray zone’ between peace and war. Gray zone conflicts are not easily categorized as military operations, national security policies or political strategies, because they often include elements of diplomacy, military operations, and statecraft in complex combinations. This study applies three approaches to conceptualizing the gray zone in which many contemporary conflicts take place. The first approach frames gray zone conflicts as a form of coercive diplomacy, in which armed force is used to add credibility and commitment to political threats. The second approach frames gray zone conflicts as a form of discrete military operation, in which armed force is used sparingly and is limited to a specific issue. The third approach frames gray zones conflicts as a form of proxy war, in which armed force is used by or through third parties, rather than directly between belligerents. The study finds that each approach to conceptualizing the gray zone accounts for only a narrow range of issues which fall within the gap between traditional notions of peace and war. However, in combination, all three approaches are useful in explicating the gray zone and understanding the character of contemporary security challenges which defy simple categorization. These findings suggest that coercive diplomacy, discrete military operations, and proxy warfare provide three overlapping lenses for conceptualizing the gray zone and for understanding the gray zone conflicts which threaten international security in the early twenty-first century.

Keywords: gray zone, international security, military operations, national security, strategy

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Authors: Olaifa Temitope Abimbola

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The spate of the occurrence of Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria and indeed Africa is sporadic and to say the least alarming. To scholars of Ethnic Conflict in Africa, it has defied all logical approaches to its resolution. Based on this fact international organisations have begun to look for alternative means of approaching these conflicts. Not a few have agreed that wars are better and cheaper prevented than resolved or transformed. In the light of this, this paper had set out to look at the concept of Preventive Diplomacy, Ethnic Conflict, Women and the role they play in mitigating conflict by researching into activities of women in pre and post-conflict situations in selected African conflict and has been able to establish the peculiar capacity of women in dousing tension both at domestic and communal levels.

Keywords: preventive diplomacy, gender, peacebuilding, low

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Authors: Romana P. Khokhar

Abstract:

The purpose of this study was to explore the impact of work-family conflict on self-esteem. On the basis of the literature reviewed, it was hypothesized that 1) work-family conflict has an impact on self- esteem, 2). There would be a gender difference on the variable of work family conflict. Data for this study was taken from a sample of 70 employees within the banking industry since this industry is generally associated with higher levels of work-family conflict. Statistical tests performed were regression and t-test. Self-esteem was assessed with the 10-item Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE; Rosenberg, 1965) and Work-Family Conflict Scale (WFCS; Netemeyer, R. G., Boles, J. S., & McMurrian, R. 1996) was used to assess the level of work –family conflict. The results indicated that an increase in work-family conflict resulted in lower self-esteem due to the various pressures evidenced in a complicated network of direct and indirect influences. It was also determined that there is less effect of work-family conflict on the female workers, as opposed to the male population, leading to the conclusion that in the case of the female workers the impact on self-esteem was not significant.

Keywords: work and family conflict, self-esteem, employee

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