Search results for: ruling party

Authors: Lalith Edirisinghe

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Due to the variability in global trading patterns, some ports in the world experience a shortage of shipping containers while the rest of the ports have excess container stocks. According to this study, carriers operate and manage their container inventories independently, leading to enormous container repositioning costs. In contrast, the researcher suggests that costs can be minimized if carriers exchange containers among them. In other words, rather than repositioning excess containers, a carrier could offer them to another carrier in the same port that has a shortage and vice versa. However, this is easier said than done because there is huge complexity in global container management as it involves many operational parameters such as multiple types and sizes of containers, the varying transit times of different carriers, etc., and the exchange may take place in various ports globally. Therefore, the exchange should be facilitated through a fully comprehensive automated computer system that could consider all the parameters that impact the possibility of exchange containers. Accordingly, the research used mixed research methods, combining qualitative and quantitative approaches. Data analysis is conducted using SPSS tools, and a prototype is developed as the output of the research. The proposed mathematical solution will proactively scan through the container size, type, and volume of every member carrier in each port and map how the deficit and excess quantities could be shared among them and set off the imbalance of empty container reposition at ports of their interest. The approach includes obtaining and processing container inventory information from multiple parties in real time for assessing container data associated with each party for each port at a given time. Using the container data, container inventories for each party at each port for a defined time are forecasted. A first party having surplus (offeror) and deficit (offeree) of empty containers at a first and a second port at a first time, respectively, is determined. A second party having a deficit and surplus of empty containers at the first time, respectively, is determined. Offering the first and the second party a container exchange opportunity to enable the first party to supply surplus empty containers to the second party at the first port based on the first container characteristics and the second party to supply surplus empty containers to the first party at the second port based on the second container characteristics. After the offeree obtains containers, they will be shipped to a port determined by the exporters. To ensure the sustainability of this method, the system should provide equal benefits to both the offeror and the offeree. Accordingly, the system will consider not only the number of containers exchanged but also the duration the offeree may hold them in its custody. This reduces container repositioning costs by utilizing mathematical modeling, algorithms, big data, machine learning, and artificial intelligence. This method and system may reduce the container repositioning cost by twenty percent.

Keywords: container inventory, benefit of exchange, reposition, imbalance, shipping, carriers, offeree, offeror

Procedia PDF Downloads 39

Authors: Daniel Schwarz, Jan Fivaz, Alessia Neuroni

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Although digitization is a buzzword in almost every election campaign, the political parties leave voters largely in the dark about their specific positions on digital issues. In the run-up to the 2019 elections in Switzerland, the ‘Digitization Monitor’ project (DMP) was launched in order to change this situation. Within the framework of the DMP, all 4,736 candidates were surveyed about their digital policy positions and values. The DMP is designed as a digital policy supplement to the existing ‘smartvote’ voting advice application. This enabled a direct comparison of the digital policy attitudes according to the DMP with the topics of the ‘smartvote’ questionnaire which are comprehensive in content but mainly related to conventional policy areas. This paper’s main research goal is to analyze and visualize possible differences between conventional and digital policy areas in terms of response patterns between and within political parties. The analysis is based on dimensionality reduction methods (multidimensional scaling and principal component analysis) for the visualization of inter-party differences, and on standard deviation as a measure of variation for the evaluation of intra-party unity. The results reveal that digital issues show a lower degree of inter-party polarization compared to conventional policy areas. Thus, the parties have more common ground in issues on digitization than in conventional policy areas. In contrast, the study reveals a mixed picture regarding intra-party unity. Homogeneous parties show a lower degree of unity in digitization issues whereas parties with heterogeneous positions in conventional areas have more united positions in digital areas. All things considered, the findings are encouraging as less polarized conditions apply to the debate on digital development compared to conventional politics. For the future, it would be desirable if in further countries similar projects to the DMP could emerge to broaden the basis for conclusions.

Keywords: comparison of political issue dimensions, digital awareness of candidates, digital policy space, party positions on digital issues

Procedia PDF Downloads 161

Authors: Eunice Chiamaka Allen-Ngbale

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Prior to bill of lading (BOL), merchants travelled along with their goods; then recorded the goods in the ship’s mates’ register; and finally started selling the goods while in transit by way of BOL, indicative that BOL is negotiable. Common law doctrine of privity of contract did not allow the transfer of right to sue to a non-party to the contract. This created hardship to cargo owners, which made many jurisdictions enact laws in this regard. Bill of Lading Act 1855 (BLA) was enacted in the United Kingdom, which applied as statute of general application under section 375 Merchant Shipping Act 1990 (MSA) in Nigeria; and conferred contractual rights of the suit on consignees and endorsees, but on the passing of ownership upon or by reason of such consignment or endorsement on the shipment of the goods simultaneously. The repeal of section 375 MSA by section 439 MSA 2007 created a lacuna, and the doctrine of privity of contract is the extant law in Nigeria. The aim of this study is to evaluate laws governing the transfer of the contractual right of suit to a third party under the bill of lading in Nigeria. The specific objectives of this study are to ascertain: (i) whether the extant law of common law doctrine of privity of the contract covers the transfer of the right of suit to the third party under the bill of lading in Nigeria; (ii) impediment(s) of the common law to transfer such right in Nigeria in the absence of any legislation; (iii) the level of applicability of the doctrine of privity of contract as it relates to transfer of the contractual right of suit to third party under the bill of lading in Nigeria; and (iv) whether to proffer possible suggestion on how to fill the lacuna left by the repeal of Merchant Shipping Act 1990. This work adopted a doctrinal approach with reliance on primary and secondary source materials. It finds that the common law doctrine of privity of contract in Nigeria is retrogressive. This work recommends for amendment of the relevant statute to cure this defect/lacuna like other commonwealth nations for best international practices.

Keywords: contract of carriage by sea, doctrine of privity of contract, lawful holder of bill of lading, third party right of suit

Procedia PDF Downloads 134

Authors: Gatut Priyowidodo, I. I. Indrayani

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The relations between Indonesia and Malaysia are always full of colors. Indonesia is always known as old brother of Malaysia since it has similar history, religion also socio culturally. Some decades show that the declination of relationship the both countries. Another time, as ASEAN members the two countries devotes their nationalities to purify their collective identities as Eastern. The objective of the research is to extricate the construction of Kompas online and Utusan online toward news coverage of the borders dispute between Indonesia-Malaysia in 2010. This research is proposed to examine central issues which reported by Kompas online and Utusan online consistently. As a media industry, Kompas coverage dominates circulation nationally. Kompas.com was the pioneer of online news in Indonesia and born in reformation era. Utusan is prominent media industry in Malaysia that conducted by UMNO as the ruling party in Malaysia for some periods. The method used in this research is framing method by Robert N. Entman’s which consists of four steps identification: defining problem, diagnosing causes, moral judgment and a treatment recommendation. This research found that Kompas news covered the border dispute must be negotiated as recognition of Indonesia dignity. In contrary, Utusan’s spectacle focused on the Indonesia demonstrans anarchism during the dispute.

Keywords: online media, media construction, the border dispute, Indonesia-Malaysia’s bilateral relations

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Authors: Joseph Ignagni, Rebecca Deen

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This paper analyzes the extent to which the U.S. Supreme Court votes to support the position of the United States in cases where the government is a party to the litigation. This study considers the relationship between the Solicitor General’s Office and the U.S. Supreme Court. The Solicitor General has the unique position of being the representative of the Executive Branch and the U.S. government before the Supreme Court. While a great deal of research has looked at the Solicitor General’s success as a “friend of the court,” far less has considered this relationship when the U.S. is a direct party in the litigation. This paper investigates the success rate of the Solicitor General’s Office in these cases. We find that there is considerable variation in the U.S. government’s success rate before the Court depending on the issue, Supreme Court leadership, the ideological direction of the Court and whether the U.S. approached the Court as a petitioner or respondent. We conduct our analysis on the Court’s decisions from 1953-2009. This study adds to our understanding of checks and balances, separation of powers, and inter-institutional relationships between the branches of the federal government of the United States.

Keywords: U.S. president, solicitor general, U.S. Supreme Court, separation of power, checks and balances

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Authors: John Pomerat, Aviv Segev

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Recently, deep learning has had many theoretical breakthroughs. For deep learning to be successful in the industry, however, there need to be practical algorithms capable of handling many real-world hiccups preventing the immediate application of a learning algorithm. Although AI promises to revolutionize the healthcare industry, getting access to patient data in order to train learning algorithms has not been easy. One proposed solution to this is data- sharing. In this paper, we propose an alternative protocol, based on multi-party computation, to train deep learning models while maintaining both the privacy and security of training data. We examine three methods of training neural networks in this way: Transfer learning, average ensemble learning, and series network learning. We compare these methods to the equivalent model obtained through data-sharing across two different experiments. Additionally, we address the security concerns of this protocol. While the motivating example is healthcare, our findings regarding multi-party computation of neural network training are purely theoretical and have use-cases outside the domain of healthcare.

Keywords: neural network aggregation, multi-party computation, transfer learning, average ensemble learning

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Authors: Euphrasia Susy Suhendra, Lies Handrijaningsih

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The banking sector as an intermediary party or intermediaries occupies a very important position in bridging the needs of working capital investment in the real sector with funds owner. This will certainly make money more effectively to improve the economic value added. As an intermediary, Islamic banks raise funds from the public and then distribute in the form of financing. In practice, the distribution of funding that is run by Islamic Banking is not as easy as, in theory, because, in fact, there are many financing problems; some are caused by lacking the assessment and supervision of banks to customers. This study aims to analyze the influence of the Third Party Funds, Return on Assets (ROA), Non Performing Financing (NPF), and Financing Deposit Ratio (FDR) to Total Financing provided to the Community by Islamic Banks in Indonesia. The data used is monthly data released by Bank of Indonesia in Islamic Banking Statistics in the time period of January 2009 - December 2013. This study uses cointegration test to see the long-term relationship, and use error correction models to examine the relationship of short-term. The results of this study indicate that the Third Party Fund has a short-term effect on total funding, Return on Assets has a long term effect on the total financing, Non Performing Financing has long-term effects of total financing, and Financing deposit ratio has the effect of short-term and long-term of the total financing provided by Islamic Banks in Indonesia.

Keywords: Islamic banking, third party fund, return on asset, non-performing financing, financing deposit ratio

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Authors: Lee Da Hyun

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The purpose of this study is to explore the relation between the internal dynamics of standing committees and legislative productivity of the Korean National Assembly using statistical methods. Studies on legislation in South Korea have been largely revolved around political parties due to the uniqueness of its political context including strong party cohesion and party’s nomination right. However, as standing committees have been at the center of legislatures since the 6th National Assembly, there is a growing need for studying the operation and effectiveness of standing committees in legislation process. Thus, through panel data analysis for the sixteen standing committees across the four terms of the Korean National Assembly-from the 16th to the 19th-this article attempts to reveal that legislators’ bill passing rate is not a sole function of factors pertaining to political party as the existing studies have believed. By measuring the ideological distribution within a committee and the bill passing rate, this article provides differentiated interpretation from established theories of standing committees and presents compelling evidence describing complex interactions and independent operation of the standing committees with the subsequent legislative results.

Keywords: collective decision-making, lawmaking, legislation, political polarization, standing committees

Procedia PDF Downloads 124

Authors: Jie Zhang, Qianyu Guo, Tieyi Zhang, Zhiyong Feng, Xiaohong Li

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With the widespread popularity of mobile devices and the development of artificial intelligence (AI), deep learning (DL) has been extensively applied in Android apps. Compared with traditional Android apps (traditional apps), deep learning based Android apps (DL-based apps) need to use more third-party application programming interfaces (APIs) to complete complex DL inference tasks. However, existing methods (e.g., FlowDroid) for detecting sensitive information leakage in Android apps cannot be directly used to detect DL-based apps as they are difficult to detect third-party APIs. To solve this problem, we design DLtrace; a new static information flow analysis tool that can effectively recognize third-party APIs. With our proposed trace and detection algorithms, DLtrace can also efficiently detect privacy leaks caused by sensitive APIs in DL-based apps. Moreover, using DLtrace, we summarize the non-sequential characteristics of DL inference tasks in DL-based apps and the specific functionalities provided by DL models for such apps. We propose two formal definitions to deal with the common polymorphism and anonymous inner-class problems in the Android static analyzer. We conducted an empirical assessment with DLtrace on 208 popular DL-based apps in the wild and found that 26.0% of the apps suffered from sensitive information leakage. Furthermore, DLtrace has a more robust performance than FlowDroid in detecting and identifying third-party APIs. The experimental results demonstrate that DLtrace expands FlowDroid in understanding DL-based apps and detecting security issues therein.

Keywords: mobile computing, deep learning apps, sensitive information, static analysis

Procedia PDF Downloads 128

Authors: Mojtaba Eshraghi Arani

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According to the international conventions for the carriage of goods by sea, the consignee is the person who is entitled to take delivery of the cargo from the carrier. Such a person is usually named in the relevant box of the bill of lading unless the latter is issued “To Order” or “To Bearer”. However, there are some cases in which the apparent consignee, as above, was not intended to take delivery of cargo, like the L/C issuing bank or the freight forwarder who are named as consignee only for the purpose of security or acceleration of transit process. In such cases as well as the BL which is issued “To Order”, the so-called “real consignee” can be found out in the “Notify Party” box. The dispute revolves around the choice between apparent consignee and real consignee for being entitled not only to take delivery of the cargo but also to sue the carrier for any damages or loss. While it is a generally accepted rule that only the apparent consignee shall be vested with such rights, some courts like France’s Cour de Cassation have declared that the “Notify Party”, as the real consignee, was entitled to sue the carrier and in some cases, the same court went far beyond and permitted the real consignee to take suit even where he was not mentioned on the BL as a “Notify Party”. The main argument behind such reasoning is that the real consignee is the person who suffered the loss and thus had a legitimate interest in bringing action; of course, the real consignee must prove that he incurred a loss. It is undeniable that the above-mentioned approach is contrary to the position of the international conventions on the express definition of consignee. However, international practice has permitted the use of BL in a different way to meet the business requirements of banks, freight forwarders, etc. Thus, the issue is one of striking a balance between the international conventions on the one hand and existing practices on the other hand. While the latest convention applicable for sea transportation, i.e., the Rotterdam Rules, dealt with the comparable issue of “shipper” and “documentary shipper”, it failed to cope with the matter being discussed. So a new study is required to propose the best solution for amending the current conventions for carriage of goods by sea. A qualitative method with the concept of interpretation of data collection has been used in this article. The source of the data is the analysis of domestic and international regulations and cases. It is argued in this manuscript that the judge is not allowed to recognize any one as real consignee, other than the person who is mentioned in the “Consingee” box unless the BL is issued “To Order” or “To Bearer”. Moreover, the contract of carriage is independent of the sale contract and thus, the consignee must be determined solely based on the facts of the BL itself, like “Notify Party” and not any other contract or document.

Keywords: real consignee, cargo, delivery, to order, notify the party

Procedia PDF Downloads 46

Authors: Saurav Dhawan, Sanchit Bansal

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Background T-MACS is a computer-based decision aid that ‘rules in’ and ‘rules out’ ACS using a combination of the presence or absence of six clinical features with only one biomarker measured on arrival: hs-cTnT. T-MACS had 99.3% negative predictive value and 98.7% sensitivity for ACS, ‘ruling out’ ACS in 40% of patients while ‘ruling in’ 5% at the highest risk. We aim at benchmarking the use of T-MACS which could help to conserve healthcare resources, facilitate early discharges, and ensure safe practice. Methodology Randomized retrospective data collection (n=300) was done from ED electronic records across 3 hospital sites within MFT over a period of 2 months. Data was analysed and compared by percentage for the usage of T-MACS, number of admissions/discharges, and in days for length of stay in hospital. Results MRI A&E had the maximum compliance with the use of T-MACS in the trust at 66%, with minimum admissions (44%) and an average length of stay of 1.825 days. NMG A&E had an extremely low compliance rate (8 %), with 75% admission and 3.387 days as the average length of stay. WYT A&E had no TMACS recorded, with a maximum of 79% admissions and the longest average length of stay at 5.07 days. Conclusion All three hospital sites had a RAG rating of ‘RED’ as per the compliance levels. The assurance level was calculated as ‘Very Limited’ across all sites. There was a positive correlation observed between compliance with TMACS and direct discharges from ED, thereby reducing the average length of stay for patients in the hospital.

Keywords: ACS, discharges, ED, T-MACS

Procedia PDF Downloads 32

Authors: Hatice Idil Gorgen

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Turkey has been investing in its national defence industrial base since the 1980s. State’s role in defence industry showed differences in Turkey. Parallel with this, ruling group’s attitude toward companies in defence sector varied. These changes in policies and behaviors of the state have occurred throughout such milestones as political and economic turmoil in domestic and international level. Hence, it is argued that state’s role, relations with private companies in defense sector and its policies towards the defense industry has shown differences due to the international system, political institutions, ideas and political coalitions in Turkey since the 1980s. Therefore, in order to see changes in the role of the state in defence sector, this paper aims to indicate first, history of state’s role in production and defence industry in the post-1980s era. Secondly, to comprehend the changes in the state’s role in defence industry, Stephan Haggard’s sources of policy change will be provided in the theoretical ground. Thirdly, state cooperated, and joint venture defence firms, state’s actions toward them will be observed. The remaining part will explore the underlying reasons for the changes in the role of the state in defence industry, and it implicitly or explicitly impacts on state business relations. Major findings illustrate that targeted idea of self-sufficient or autarky Turkey to attract domestic audience and to raise the prestige through defence system; ruling elites can regard defence industry and involved business groups as a mean for their ends. State dominant value, sensitive perception which has been ever since Ottoman Empire, prioritizes business groups in defence industry compared to others and push the ruling elites to pursue hard power in defence sectors. Through the globally structural transformation in defence industry, integration of Turkey to liberal bloc deepened and widened interdependence among states. Although it is a qualitative study, it involves the numerated data and descriptive statistics. Data will be collected by searching secondary sources from the literature, examining official documents of ministry of defence, and other appropriate ministries.

Keywords: defense industry, state and business relations, public private relations, arm industry

Procedia PDF Downloads 286

Authors: P. Senthilraja, C. Rukumani Khandhan, M. Palaniappan, S. L. Rama, P. Sai Sushimitha, R. Madhan, J. Vinumathi, N. Vijayarangan

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Nowadays, the logistics achieve a vast improvement in efficient delivery of goods. The technology improvement also helps to improve its development, but still the owners of transport vehicles face problems, i.e., fuel theft in vehicles by the drivers or by an unknown person. There is no proper solution to overcome the problems. This scheme is to determine the amount of fuel that has been stolen and also to determine the position of the vehicle at a particular time using the technologies like GPS, GSM, ultrasonic fuel level sensor and numeric lock system. The ultrasonic sensor uses the ultrasonic waves to calculate the height of the tank up to which the fuel is available. Based on height it is possible to calculate the amount of fuel. The Global Positioning System (GPS) is a satellite-based navigation system. The scientific community uses GPS for its precision timing capability and position information. The GSM provides the periodic information about the fuel level. A numeric lock system has been provided for fuel tank opening lever. A password is provided to access the fuel tank lever and this is authenticated only by the driver and the owner. Once the fuel tank is opened an alert is sent to owner through a SMS including the timing details. Third party monitoring software is a user interface that updates the information automatically into the database which helps to retrieve the data as and when required. Third party monitoring software provides vehicle’s information to the owner and also shows the status of the vehicle. The techniques that are to be proposed will provide an efficient output. This project helps to overcome the theft and hence to put forth fuel economy.

Keywords: fuel theft, third party monitoring software, bioinformatics, biomedicine

Procedia PDF Downloads 368

Authors: Hubert Pun

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When a manufacturer outsources the production of a product, it distributes its intellectual property (IP) into a supply chain that it may not be able to fully control. An IP agreement between a manufacturer and its suppliers is a popular solution to address the challenge of supplier-copycatting. The goal of this paper is to examine the impact of copycatting, from both the supplier and third-party firms, and the effectiveness of an IP agreement. Specifically, we use a game-theoretic approach to examine a system where a manufacturer outsources to a supplier. The supplier and a third-party firm decide whether or not to enter the market with copycat products while the manufacturer selects the level of marketing investment. The manufacturer can reduce the threat of supplier-copycatting by signing an IP agreement. We find that the manufacturer can be worse off from signing an IP agreement with its supplier, even if the IP agreement is costless and perfectly enforceable. We show that a manufacturer can deter copycat products through vertical integration and IP agreements and we outline the instances where each method is preferred. Furthermore, we find that the manufacturer may choose not to invest in quality improvements as a copycat deterrence strategy. We show that the supplier can benefit from the manufacturer’s decision to sign an IP agreement and that the supplier and the consumers can benefit from government regulations against copycat products. Our paper demonstrates the strengths and limitations of various copycat deterrence strategies when a supplier and third-party may produce copycat products.

Keywords: coopetitive supply chain, copycat, government regulation, intellectual property

Procedia PDF Downloads 155

Authors: Syeda Salina Aziz, Tanvir Ahmed Mozumder

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Citizenship is an important concept of democracy which broadly defines the relationship between the state and its citizens; at the same time, it analyzes the rights and duties of a citizen. The universal citizenship principle demands that citizens should be aware of the political system, possess democratic attitudes, and join the political activity. Bangladesh presents an interesting case for democracy; the democratic practices in the country have been long introduced, have been interrupted several times, and the democratic values and practices have yet to be established in the country. These transitions have influenced citizens’ ideologies and participation in decision-making and also shaped their expectations differently. In this backdrop, this paper aims to understand and explain the citizenship behavior of Bangladeshi nationals. Based on nationally representative household survey data of 4000 respondents, this paper creates a composite citizenship index which is a combination of three separate indices, including participation index, knowledge and awareness index, and ideology index. The paper then tries to explain the factors that affect the citizenship index. Using fixed effect regression analysis, the paper intends to explore the association between citizenship and socio-demographic variables, including education, location, gender, and exposure to the media of respondents. Additionally, using national election polls, the paper creates a variable to measure long-term support towards the current ruling party and tests whether and how this affects the citizenship variables.

Keywords: citizenship, political participation, Bangladesh, stronghold

Procedia PDF Downloads 59

Authors: Ayesha Ashfaq, Muhammad Ajmal Ashfaq

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It has been assumed that metaphorical and symbolic contests are waged with metaphors, captions, and signs in political cartoons that play a significant role in image construction of political actors, situations or events in the political arena. This paper is an effort to explore the metaphorical devices in political cartoons related to the political confrontation in Pakistan between the ruling party Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PMLN) and opposition parties especially after Panama leaks. For this purpose, political cartoons sketched by five renowned political cartoonists on the basis of their belongings to the most highly circulated mainstream English newspapers of Pakistan and their professional experiences in their genre, were selected. The cartoons were analyzed through the Barthes’s model of Semiotics under the umbrella of the first level of agenda setting theory ‘framing’. It was observed that metaphorical devices in political cartoons are one of the key weapons of cartoonists’ armory. These devices are used to attack the candidates and contribute to the image and character building. It was found that all the selected political cartoonists used different forms of metaphors including situational metaphors and embodying metaphors. Not only the physical stature but also the debates and their activities were depicted metaphorically in the cartoons that create the scenario of comparison between the cartoons and their real political confrontation. It was examined that both forms of metaphors shed light on cartoonist’s perception and newspaper’s policy about political candidates, political parties and particular events. In addition, it was found that zoomorphic metaphors and metaphors of diminishments were also predominantly used to depict the conflict between two said political actors.

Keywords: metaphor, Panama leaks, political cartoons, political communication

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Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Abolfazl Alishahi Ghalehjoughi, Bi Bi Zeinab Hoseni

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Islam is a comprehensive religion, and has rules for any thing. Islam attaches respect and importance to properties as well, and outlaws some types of transaction. A type of transaction that is strictly forbidden by the Islam is riba (usury), for which special punishments is considered in the Qur’an and hadiths. Usury is divided into (riba qarzi) loan usury and riba muamili (transaction usury); sometimes, in transaction and interest free loan contracts, ziyadah aini (interest in kind and of the same kind as that of the object of transaction) is not stipulated, but performance of work, provision of an advantage or a service, or a respite is stipulated, in which case although no ziyadah aini is in place, the transaction still constitutes usury and is outlaw. For instance, if a bank stipulates in an interest free loan contract that it pays a person the interest free loan only if he/she deposits a sum in the bank, this is an instance of riba hukmi. Or, for muamilah sarfi (transaction is which object of transaction and consideration is gold or silver) to be legitimate, it necessary that both the object of transaction and the consideration be handed over between the parties, because if a party takes delivery of the considered or object of transaction while the other party does not, the party who has taken delivery will accrue a benefit, as he/she wins time until he/she makes delivery to the other party, and this tantamount to usury in muamilah sarfi. Or, if a person lends a sum to another person, while the lender is indebted to the borrower, if the lender stipulates that he/she lends such amount only if the borrower postpones the maturity date of the lender’s debt to borrower, which is in one month, for a particular period of time, such loan will constitute usury. This research first provides views on riba hukmi, and then proceeds to analysis of views, trying to study fundamentals and proof regarding prohibition of riba hukmi, and to analyze instances of riba hukmi according to religious and hadith books.

Keywords: Islam, riba, prohibition, riba hukmi

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Authors: Eugene Y. C. Wong

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The increased market competition, customer expectation, and warehouse operating cost in third-party logistics have motivated the continuous exploration in improving operation efficiency in warehouse logistics. Cargo tracing in ordering picking process consumes excessive time for warehouse operators when handling enormous quantities of goods flowing through the warehouse each day. Internet of Things (IoT) with mobile cargo tracing apps and database management systems are developed this research to facilitate and reduce the cargo tracing time in order picking process of a third-party logistics firm. An operation review is carried out in the firm with opportunities for improvement being identified, including inaccurate inventory record in warehouse management system, excessive tracing time on stored products, and product misdelivery. The facility layout has been improved by modifying the designated locations of various types of products. The relationship among the pick and pack processing time, cargo tracing time, delivery accuracy, inventory turnover, and inventory count operation time in the warehouse are evaluated. The correlation of the factors affecting the overall cycle time is analysed. A mobile app is developed with the use of MIT App Inventor and the Access management database to facilitate cargo tracking anytime anywhere. The information flow framework from warehouse database system to cloud computing document-sharing, and further to the mobile app device is developed. The improved performance on cargo tracing in the order processing cycle time of warehouse operators have been collected and evaluated. The developed mobile voice picking and tracking systems brings significant benefit to the third-party logistics firm, including eliminating unnecessary cargo tracing time in order picking process and reducing warehouse operators overtime cost. The mobile tracking device is further planned to enhance the picking time and cycle count of warehouse operators with voice picking system in the developed mobile apps as future development.

Keywords: warehouse, order picking process, cargo tracing, mobile app, third-party logistics

Procedia PDF Downloads 351

Authors: Magdalena Zabrocka

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The terror of women throughout the governance of the current populist ruling party in Poland, PiS, has been a subject of a heated debate alongside the issues of minorities’ rights, the rule of law, and democracy in the country. The challenges that women and other vulnerable groups are currently facing, however, come down to more than just a lack of comprehensive equality laws, severely limited reproductive rights, hateful slogans, and messages propagated by the central authority and its sympathisers, or a common disregard for women’s fundamental rights. Many sources and media reports are available only in Polish, while international rapporteurs fail to acknowledge the whole picture of the tragedy happening in the country and the variety of factors affecting it. Starting with the authorities’ and Polish catholic church’s propaganda concerning CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence by spreading strategic disinformation that it codifies ‘gender ideology’ and ‘anti-Christian values’ in order to convince the electorate that the legal instruments should be ‘abandoned’. Alongside severely restricted abortion rights, bullying medical professionals helping women exercise their reproductive rights, violating women’s privacy by introducing a mandatory registry of pregnancies (so that one’s pregnancy or its ‘loss’ can be tracked and traced), restricting access to the ‘day after pill’ and real sex education at schools (most schools have a subject of ‘knowledge of living in a family’), introducing prison punishment for teachers accused of spreading ‘sex education’, and many other, the current tyrant government, has now decided to target the youngest with its misinformation and indoctrination, via strategically designed textbooks and curriculum. Biology books have seen a big restriction on the size of the chapters devoted to evolution, reproductive system, and sexual health. Approved religion books (which are taught 2-3 times a week as compared to 1 a week sciences) now cover false information about Darwin’s theory and arguments ‘against it’. Most recently, however, the public spoke up against the absurd messages contained in the politically rewritten history books, where the material about some figures not liked by the governing party has already been manipulated. In the recently approved changes to the history textbook, one can find a variety of strongly biased and politically-charged views representative of the conservatives in the states, most notably, equating the ‘gender ideology’ and feminism with Nazism. Thus, this work, by employing a human rights approach, would focus on the right to education and development as well as the considerate obstacles to access to scientific information by the youth.

Keywords: Poland, right to education, right to development, authoritarianism, access to information

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Authors: Didem Aslantaş

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In this study, the reforms carried out by the Justice and Development Party, which came to power in 2002, and how the foreign policy understanding it transformed reflected on the relations with Syria will be analyzed from the social constructivist theory. Contrary to the increasing security concerns of the states after the September 11 attacks, the main problem of the research is how the relations between Syria and Turkey developed and how they progressed in non-security dimensions. In order to find an answer to this question, the basic assumptions of the constructivist theory will be used. Since there is a limited number of studies in the literature, a comparative analysis of the Adana Consensus and the Cooperation Agreement between the Republic of Turkey and the Syrian Arab Republic, and the Joint Cooperation Agreement Against Terrorism and Terrorist Organizations will be included. In order to answer the main problem of the research and to support the arguments, document and archive scanning methods from qualitative research methods will be used. In the first part of the study, what the social constructivist theory is and its basic assumptions are explained, while in the second part, Turkey-Syria relations between 2002-2011 are included. In the third and last part, the relations between the two countries will be tried to be read through social constructivism by referring to the foreign policy features of the Ak Party period.

Keywords: Social Constructivist Theory, foreign policy analysis, Justice and Development Party, Syria

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Authors: Paiboon Chuwatthanakij

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Each of the countries around the world has different ways of management and many of them depend on people to administrate their country. Thailand, for example, empowers the sovereignty of Thai people under constitution; however, our Thai voting system is not able to flow fast enough under the current Political management system. The sovereignty of Thai people is addressing this problem through representatives during current elections, in order to set a new policy for the countries ideology to change in the House and the Cabinet. This is particularly important in a democracy to be developed under our current political institution. The Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 is the establishment we have today that is causing confrontations within the establishment. There are many political parties that will soon be abolished. Many political parties have already been subsidized. This research study is to analyze the legal problems with the political party establishment under the Organic Act on Political Parties 2007. This will focus on the freedom of each political establishment compared to an effective political operation. Textbooks and academic papers will be referenced from studies home and abroad. The study revealed that Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 has strict provisions on the political structure over the number of members and the number of branches involved within political parties system. Such operations shall be completed within one year; but under the existing laws the small parties are not able to participate with the bigger parties. The cities are capable of fulfilling small political party requirements but fail to become coalesced because the current laws won't allow them to be united as one. It is important to allow all independent political parties to join our current political structure. Board members can’t help the smaller parties to become a large organization under the existing Thai laws. Creating a new establishment that functions efficiently throughout all branches would be one solution to these legal problems between all political parties. With this new operation, individual political parties can participate with the bigger parties during elections. Until current political institutions change their system to accommodate public opinion, these current Thai laws will continue to be a problem with all political parties in Thailand.

Keywords: coalesced, political party, sovereignty, elections

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Authors: Emmanuel Ayobami Adesiyan

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Political theorists have identified ethnicity as an obstacle to democratic stability in deeply divided societies. Nigeria belongs to the categories of problematic states labeled divided or deeply divided societies, as such post-independence politics is characterized by ethnicity with its ruinous effect on democratic governance and development. Institutional Engineering, the purposive manipulation of the electoral rule relating to party organization and the electoral formula has been established in comparative political studies as a policy measure for managing ethnicity in order to stabilize politics in divided societies. This paper examines the use of electoral engineering tools in managing ethnic politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The study is guided by rational institutional theory. Secondary data on electoral rules and disaggregated results of presidential elections were collected from archival documents. Data were subjected to content analysis. Institutional changes in electoral rules have promoted the development of inter-ethnic bargaining and compromises within the party system. Presidential Electoral Formula aided the emergence of national rather parochial parties. Electoral engineering tools moved Nigerian Politics from ethnic parochialism to inclusion and accommodation. These innovations should be strengthened to enhance democratic stability.

Keywords: Nigeria, presidential-elections, ethnic politics, institutional engineering

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Authors: Nia Kurniati, Efa Laela Fakhriah

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The regulation in Indonesia provides space for the land dispute to be settled outside the court by the government through National Land. In this case, the bureaucrat of Badan Pertanahan Nasional (BPN) acts as mediator to reach a fair agreement between the disputing parties. Land dispute is from a party who denies the ownership of the other party of a land and denies legal-technical facts written on land certificate published by BPN. Appointing the bureaucrat of BPN as mediator in dispute settlements may possibly create conflict of interest since the object. It has become a concern since bureaucrat of BPN acts as mediator, he will be bias and partial in assisting the dispute settlement, thus the spirit and purposes of mediation will be hampered. This issue triggers to be thoroughly examined further in a relation with the role and function of BPN as land dispute mediator. The methodology used in this research is a normative-legal one with qualitative-legal analytical method. The object of this research is in the form of random sampling of land dispute cases being occurred in some areas. Several principles in mediation have to be made as the base of the consideration to appoint bureaucrat of BPN as mediator since the mediator is an impartial third party, working with both disputing parties and assisting them to reach a fair resolution written in agreement as a foundation of land dispute settlement. The existence of BPN as mediator in land dispute settlement encounters conflict of interest which uphold legal uncertainty to act objectively.

Keywords: Indonesia, land dispute, mediator, national land authority

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Authors: Sara Dalma Galgoczi, Judith Gabriella Kengyel

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Sex scandals are quite an engaging topic to work with, especially with their judgment in society. Most people are interested in other people's lives, specifically in public figures' such as celebrities or politicians, because ordinary people feel like they have the right to know more things about the famous and notorious ones than they would probably willing to share. Intimacy and sexual acts aren't exceptions; moreover, sexuality is one of the central interests of humans ever since. Besides, knowing and having an opinion about any kind of scandal can change even whole social groups or classes estimation of anyone. This study aims to research the social judgment of some Hungarian politicians' sex scandals and asks important questions like diverse public opinions in the light of gender or delegates’ abuse of power. Considering that this study is about collecting and evaluating opinions from the public, and no one before researched and published this exact topic and cases, an online survey was created. In the survey were different sections. We collected data about party-preference, conservativism-liberalism scale; then we used the following questionnaires: from Zero-sum perspective with regard to gender equality (Ruthig, Kehn, Gamblin, Vanderzanden & Jones, 2017), Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI; Glick & Fiske, 1996), Ambivalence Toward Men Inventory (AMI; Glick & Fiske, 1999). Finally, 5 short summaries were presented about five Hungarian politicians' sex scandal cases (3 males, 2 females) from the recent past. These stories were followed by questions about their opinion of the party and attitudes towards the parties' reactions to the cases. We came to the conclusion that people are more permissive with the scandals of men, and benevolent sexism and ambivalence towards men mediate this relation. Men tend to see these cases as part of politicians' private lives more than women. Party preference had a significant effect - people tend to pass a sentence the delegates of the opposing parties, and they rather release the delegates of their preferred party.

Keywords: sex scandal, sexism, social judgement, politician

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Authors: Ryan Brading

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The results of Taiwan’s presidential election, which took place on 11 January 2020, were alarming for the Kuomintang (KMT). A party that was once the pillar of Taiwan’s institutional apparatus is now losing its direction. Since 2016, the inability of KMT to construct a winning presidential election campaign strategy has made its Chinese ancestry an obstacle in Taiwan’s vibrant and transparent democracy. The appearance of the little-known legislator Han Kuo-yu as the leadership alternative opened the possibility of reigniting the party. Han’s victory in the Kaohsiung mayoral election in November 2018 provided hope that Han could also win the presidency. Wrongly described as a populist, Han, however, was defeated in the January 2020 presidential race. This article analyses why Han is not a populist, his triumph in Kaohsiung, humiliation in running for the presidency and suffering a complete ‘loss of face’ when Kaohsiungers democratically ousted him from the mayoral post on 6 June 2020.

Keywords: populism, 1992 consensus, youth vote, Taiwan, recall

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Authors: Shaleni Bajpai, Nancy Stephan

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Various designs of women’s kurtis with different styles, motifs and prints were available in market but none of the kurtis was found in army print. Mostly army prints are used for men’s wear like jackets, trousers, caps, bags. The main colours available in military prints were beige, parrot green, red, dark blue, light blue, orange, bottle green, pink and the original military green colour. As the original camouflage is banned in civil wears so the different variety and colours were used in this study to popularize army prints in women’s wear. The aim of this project was to construct different styles of women kurti’s with various colours of different military prints. Mood board, inspiration and colour board was prepared to design the kurtis. The fabric used for construction was army printed poplin and crepe. The designing and construction of kurti’s were divided into two categories such as - casual and party wear. Casual wear had simple silhouette like a-line, high-low and waist coat style whereas party wear included princess line, panelled and bandhani style. Structured questionnaire was prepared to assess the acceptance of newly designed kurtis with respect to colour combination, overall appearance and cost. Purposively sampling method was adopted for selection of respondents. Opinion was taken from 100 women of various age groups. The result and analysis was presented through graph and percentage. Kurtis in army print of both the categories were appreciated by the respondents.

Keywords: army, kurti, casual wear, party wear

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Authors: Andrei Nastas, Sergiu Cernomopret

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This research addresses trafficking in human beings, in terms of the active subject and the victim of this crime, through the prism of national and international regulations in material and procedural criminal matters. For the correlative approach of both mentioned aspects, the active subject and the victim of trafficking in human beings, the research addresses both its constituent elements and the way to prevent and combat this phenomenon through criminal proceedings. As follows, trafficking in human beings, from a material criminal point of view, involves two subjects of this crime (active subject - offender and passive subject - victim), while their procedural status differs depending on the case (victim or injured party). The result of the research highlights some clarifications, which find a theoretical-practical basis in the legal provisions, the specialized doctrine, and the judicial practice.

Keywords: victim, active subject, abuse, injured party, crime

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Authors: Nancy Bartekian, Christine Reyna

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Republicans and Democrats are often polarized when it comes to important topics, but the portrayal of polarization of key issues might be distorted and exaggerated. We examined Republicans' and Democrats’ attitudes about police reform policy during the 2020 racial justice protests and calls to ‘defund the police’. We hypothesized that a) Republicans and Democrats will be polarized on the “defund police'' question; however, b) they will have similar overall attitudes towards specific police reform policies (will be on the same side of the scale--disagree vs. agree), but c) will differ in their extent of agreement or disagreement (main effect of political party ID, but located on the same side of the scale). Using one-way, Multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) controlling for race, education, and income, we found an overall effect of political party ID. Six out of the nine policies studied were, in fact, not polarizing; both groups were in consensus on whether they disagreed or agreed with the policy, including “defund police''. Results suggest that polarization might be exaggerated.

Keywords: political psychology, social, ideology, polarization

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Authors: J. Tochukwu Omenma

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Buzzword in Nigeria is that democracy has “come to stay”. Politicians in their usual euphoria consider democracy as already consolidated in the country. Politicians linked this assumption to three fundamental indicators – (a) multiparty system; (b) regular elections and (c) absence of military coup after 15 years of democracy in Nigeria. Beyond this assumption, we intend to empirically verify these claims and assumptions, by relying on Huntington’s conceptualization of democratic consolidation. Though, Huntington asserts that multipartism, regular elections and absence of any major obstacle leading to reversal of democracy are significant indicators of democratic consolidation, but the presence of those indicators must result to alternation of executive power for democratic consolidation to occur. In other words, regular conduct of election and existence of multiple political parties are not enough for democratic consolidation, rather free and fair elections. Past elections were characterized of massive fraud and irregularities casting doubts on integrity of electoral management body (EMB) to conduct free and fair elections in Nigeria. There are three existing perspectives that have offered responses to the emasculation of independence of EMB. One is a more popular position indicating that the incumbent party, more than the opposition party, influence the EMB activities with the aim of rigging elections; the other is a more radical perspective that suggests that weakening of EMB power is more associated with the weakest party than with the incumbent; and the last, is that godfather(s) are in direct control of EMB members thereby controlling the process of electoral process to the advantage of the godfather(s). With empirical evidence sourced from the reports of independent election monitors, (European Union, Election Observation Mission in Nigeria) this paper shows at different electoral periods that, in terms of influencing election outcomes, the incumbent and godfather have been more associated with influencing election results than the opposition. The existing nature of executive power in Nigeria provides a plausible explanation for the incumbent’s overbearing influence thereby limiting opportunity for free and fair elections and by extension undermining the process of democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

Keywords: political party, democracy, democratic consolidation, election, godfatherism

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