Search results for: queer politics

Authors: Ana Maria G. Sperandio, Murilo U. Malek-Zadeh, João Luiz de S. Areas, Jussara C. Guarnieri

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Intersectoral governance is a requirement for developing healthy cities. However, this achievement is difficult to be succeeded, especially in regions at low resources condition. Therefore, it was developed a cheap investigative procedure to diagnose sectoral wishes related to urban planning and health promotion. This procedure is composed of two phases, which can be applied to different groups in order to compare the results. The first phase is a conversation guided by a list of questions. Some of those questions aim to gather information about how individuals understand concepts such as healthy city or a health promotion and what they believe that constitutes the relation between urban planning and urban health. Other questions investigate local issues, and how citizens would like to promote dialogue between sectors. At second phase individuals stand around the investigated city (or city region) map and are asked to represent their wishes on it. They can represent it by writing text notations or inserting icons on it, with the latter representing a city element, for example, some trees, a square, a playground, a hospital, a cycle track. After groups had represented their wishes, the map can be photographed, and then the results from distinct groups can be compared. This procedure was conducted at a small city in Brazil (Holambra), in 2017 which is the first out of four years of the mayor’s term. The prefecture asked for this tool in order to make Holambra become a city of Potential Healthy Municipalities Network in Brazil. Two sectors were investigated: the government and the urban population. By the end of our investigation, the intersection from the group (i.e., population and government) maps was accounted for creating a map of common wishes. Therefore, the material produced can be used as a guide for promoting dialogue between sectors and as a tool of monitoring politics progress. The report of this procedure was directed to public managers, so they could see the common wishes between themselves and local populations, and use this tool as a guide for creating urban politics which intends to enhance health promotion and to develop a healthy city, even at low resources condition.

Keywords: governance, health promotion, intersectorality, urban planning

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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This paper deals with the comparison of women’s political participation in Korea and China. Korean women are participated more in higher education. As the economic development and the women's social participation can enhance the possibility of women's political participation in advanced democratic countries, in Asian countries such as Korea and China in which Confucianism prohibited women to participate in public life and the process of nation building is different from western countries, the political power takes an initiative to implement policies for women's participation in politics and for women's consciousness.

Keywords: korea, china, women, political participation

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Hsiao-Yung Wang

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This essay aims to examine how the discursive formation of the 'transing-nationalism' (which is extended and slightly modified from 'homonationalism') had been constructed in the Taiwanese news media before the legalization of 'sex reassignment surgery (SRS)' in 1988. Samples for rhetorical analysis were selected from two mainstream newspapers, including China Times, and United Daily. The time frame for sample selection is from August 1953 (when the first transgender case was reported) to 1988, while the SRS was legalized in Taiwan. To enhance understanding of media representation as contextualized-based, the author refers to the representative of spatial rhetoric Mikhail Bakhtin for his late study on 'emergence' and 'visualization of time' in Bildungsroman; thereby categorizing the media discourse of transgender into two critical period: (1) transgender as 'misrecognized' and 'included' into the rhetoric of modern medical space; (2) transgender as 'institutionalized' into discourse of protection and salvation by the reified sympathy of nation-state. These two periods and relevant spatial rhetoric were of no immediate concern on the vital interest of transgender individuals; therefore constructed the imagery of transgender for the service of nationalism rather than gender consciousness or human right rhetoric. Based on the research findings, this essay concludes that 'queer multiplicity' should be regarded as not only the guideline for the amendment of the gendered policies and laws but the rhetorical resources for the mobilization of transgender movement in Taiwan from now on.

Keywords: Bakhtin, legalization, rhetoric, sex reassignment surgery, transgender, transing-nationalism

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Authors: Farzane Yusef Ghanbari

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A sociological analysis on the ancient poetry of Vis and Ramin reveals important points about the political, cultural, and social conditions of the Iranian ancient history. The reciprocal relationship between the effect and structure of society helps the understanding and interpretation of the work. Therefore, informed by the Goldman genetic structuralism and through a glance at social epistemology, this study attempts to explain the role of spell in shaping the social knowledge of ancient people. The results suggest that due to the lack of a central government, and secularism in politics and freedom of speech and opinion, such romantic stories as Vis and Ramin, with a focal female character, has emerged.

Keywords: persian literature, Vis and Ramin, sociology, developmental structuralism

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Authors: Shierwin Agagen Cabunilas

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The unitary form of Philippine government has built a tradition of bureaucracy that strengthened oligarch and clientele politics. Consequently, the Philippines is lagged behind development. There is so much poverty, unemployment, and inadequate social services. In addition, it seems that the rights of national ethnic minority groups like the Igorots to develop their political and economic interests, linguistic and cultural heritage are neglected. Given these circumstances, a paradigm shift is inevitable. The author advocates a transition from a unitary to a federal system of government. Contrary to the notion that a unitary system facilitates better governance, it actually stifles it. As a unitary government, the Philippines seems (a) to exhibit incompetence in delivering efficient, necessary services to the people and (b) to exclude the minority from political participation and policy making. This shows that Philippine unitary system is highly centralized and operates from a top-bottom scheme. However, a federal system encourages decentralization, plurality and political participation. In my view, federalism is beneficial to the Philippine society and congenial to the Igorot indigenous peoples insofar as participative decision-making and development goals are concerned. This research employs critical and constructive analyses. The former interprets some complex practices of Philippine politics while the latter investigates how theories of federalism can be appropriated to deal with political deficits, ethnic diversity, and indigenous peoples’ rights to self-determination. The topic is developed accordingly: First, the author briefly examines the unitary structure of the Philippines and its impact on inter-governmental affairs and processes, asserting that bureaucracy and corruption, for example, are counterproductive to a participative political life, to economic development and to the recognition of national ethnic minorities. Second, he scrutinizes why federalism might transform this. Here, he assesses various opposing philosophical contentions on federal system in managing ethnically diverse society, like the Philippines, and argue that decentralization of political power, economic and cultural developments are reasons to exit from unitary government. Third, he suggests that federalism can be instrumental to Igorots self-determination. Self-determination is neither opposed to national development nor to the ideals of democracy – liberty, justice, solidarity. For example, as others have already noted, a politics in the vernacular facilitates greater participation among the people. Hence, there is a greater chance to arrive at policies that serve the interest of the people. Some may wary that decentralization disintegrates a nation. According to the author, however, the recognition of minority rights which includes self-determination may promote filial devotion to the state. If Igorot indigenous peoples have access to suitable institutions to determine their political life, economic goals, social needs, i.e., education, culture, language, chances are it moves the country forward to development fostering national unity. Remarkably, federal system thus best responds to the Philippines’s democratic and development deficits. Federalism can also significantly rectify the practices that oppress and dislocate national ethnic minorities as it ensures the creation of localized institutions for optimum political, economic, cultural determination and maximizes representation in the public sphere.

Keywords: federalism, Igorot, indigenous peoples, self-determination

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Authors: Tracey Jean Boisseau

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In the United States and around the world, we see liberal democracies attacked, from within and without, on a number of grounds. One of the primary assaults on the liberal ideology of feminism has been to ban or severely curtail the teaching of and scholarship on gender as constructed rather than as a biological and binarist component of human identity. On every continent, women’s and gender studies at the university level have become targets of rightwing movements aligning with authoritarian regimes to suppress queer and trans people as well as feminist scholars and academics who define gender as fluid, contingent on culture, and as reflective of a political commitment rather than timeless, sacred, natural, biological, or god-given. Rightwing movements calling for an end to gender studies have put already-marginalized academic and scholarly projects under new scrutiny, in some cases resulting in the dismantlement of long-standing women’s and gender studies programs. This paper evaluates the cross-cultural effects such movements have had on our discipline worldwide and documents the strategic responses engaged in by gender studies scholars and leaders to resist the erasure of our field. Evidence is drawn from surveys of thousands of programs and dozens of interviews conducted in the past year with gender studies scholars, administrators, and practitioners. This paper’s main objective is to highlight the international linkages between movements aiming to suppress or erase gender studies as a field of research and teaching and to identify collaborative responses and promising solutions that can protect our discipline from these assaults.

Keywords: anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQ, authoritarianism, movements, gender studies, globalization

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Authors: Debora Caetano Dahas

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In ‘Ethics’ and in ‘A Political Treatise’ Spinoza presents his very influential take on natural law and the principles that guide his philosophical work and observations. Spinoza’s ideas about rationalization, God, and ethical behavior are undeniably relevant to many debates in the field of legal theory. In addition, it is important to note that Spinoza's takes on body, mind, and imagination played an important role in building a certain way of understanding the female figure in western societies and of their differences in regards to the male figure. It is important to emphasize that the constant and insistent presentation of women as inferior and irrational beings corroborates the institutionalization of discriminatory public policies and practices legitimized by the legal system that cooperates with the aggravation of gender inequalities. Therefore, his arguments in relation to women and their nature have been highly criticized, especially by feminist theorists during the second half of the 21st century. The questioning of this traditional philosophy –often phallocentric– and its way of describing women as irrational and less capable than men, as well as the attempt to reformulate postulates and concepts, takes place in such a way as to create a deconstruction of classical concepts. Some of the arguments developed by Spinoza, however, can serve as a basis for elucidating in what way and to what extent the social and political construction of the feminine identity served as a basis for gender inequality. Thus, based on to the observations elaborated by Moira Gantes, the present research addresses the relationship between Spinoza and the feminist demands in the juridical and political spheres, elaborating arguments that corroborate the convergence between his philosophy and feminist critical theory. Finally, this research aims to discuss how the feminists' critics of Spinoza’s writings have deconstructed and rehabilitated his principles and, in doing so, can further help to illustrate the importance of his philosophy –and, consequently, of his notes on Natural Law– in understanding gender equality as a vital part of the effective implementation of democratic debate and inclusive political participation and representation. In doing so, philosophical and legal arguments based on the feminist re-reading of Spinoza’s principles are presented and then used to explain the controversial political reform in Brazil, especially in regards to the applicability of the legislative act known as Law n. 9.504/1997 which establishes that at least 30% of legislative seats must be occupied by women.

Keywords: natural law, feminism, politics, gender equality

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Authors: Mohammad Hadi Khorashadi Zadeh ‎

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An entrepreneur is a manager or the owner of the commercial company that creates resources and money by risking and initiative. The Netpreneur is the capability to run an online business. It needs only the Connectivity. An Entrepreneur, as long as he has a service which the market demands can set up a feasible and viable trade with his Intellectual Capital as the principle input and the Connectivity Infrastructure as the only physical input. The internet is possibly the most significant revolution in science and technology that our generation could fantasize or imagine. It has introduced in various benefits to the society, culture, economics and politics. The entrepreneur is a premium member in the community. She/he provides services to the society and community including employment.

Keywords: entrepreneur, Netpreneur, intellectual capital, infrastructure

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Authors: Selifontova Darya Yurievna

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The study of the process of the emergence and evolution of socio-cultural ideas about the "Asian states" in the context of the development of US cinema in 1941-1945 will contribute both to the approbation of a new approach to the classical subject and will allow using the methodological tools of history, political science, philology, sociology for understanding modern military-political, historical, ideological, socio-cultural processes on a concrete example. This is especially important for understanding the process of constructing the image of the Japanese Empire in the USA. Assessments and images of China and Japan in World War II, created in American cinema, had an immediate impact on the media, public sentiment, and opinions. During the war, the US cinema created new myths and actively exploited old ones, combining them with traditional Hollywood cliches - all this served as a basis for creating the image of China and the Japanese Empire on the screen, which were necessary to solve many foreign policy and domestic political tasks related to the construction of two completely different, but at the same time, similar images of Asia (China and the Japanese Empire). In modern studies devoted to the history of wars, the study of the specifics of the information confrontation of the parties is in demand. A special role in this confrontation is played by propaganda through cinema, which uses images, historical symbols, and stable metaphors, the appeal to which can form a certain public reaction. Soviet documentaries of the war years are proof of this. The relevance of the topic is due to the fact that cinema as a means of propaganda was very popular and in demand during the Second World War. This period was the time of creation of real masterpieces in the field of propaganda films, in the documentary space of the cinema of 1941 – 1945. The traditions of depicting the Second World War were laid down. The study of the peculiarities of visualization and mythologization of the Second World War in Soviet cinema is the most important stage for studying the development of the specifics of propaganda methods since the methods and techniques of depicting the war formed in 1941-1945 are also significant at the present stage of the study of society.

Keywords: asian countries, politics, sociology, domestic politics, USA, cinema

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Authors: Teresa Wanjiru Mbatia

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On 7th June 2011, the government Minister of Roads in Kenya announced the proposed construction of a major highway known as a southern bypass to run on the northern border of the Nairobi National Park. The following day on 8th June 2011, the chairperson of the Friends of Nairobi National Park (FONNAP) posted a protest statement on their website, with the heading, ‘Nairobi Park is Not a cake’ alerting its members and conservation groups, with the aim of getting support to the campaign against the government’s intention to hive off a section of the park for road construction. This was the first and earliest statement that led to a series of other events that culminated in conservationists and some other members of the public campaign against the government’s plan to hive off sections of the park to build road and railway infrastructure in or around the park. Together with other non-state actors, mostly non-governmental organisations in conservation/environment and tourism businesses, FoNNAP issued a series of other statements on social, print and electronic media to battle against road and railway construction. This paper examined the strategies, outcomes and interests of actors involved in opposing/proposing the development of transport infrastructure in and around the Nairobi National Park. Specifically, the objectives were to analyse the: (1) Arguments put forward by the eco-warriors to protest infrastructure development; (2) Background and interests of the eco-warriors; (3) Needs/interests and opinions of ordinary common citizens on transport infrastructural development, particularly in and around the urban nature reserve and (4) Final outcomes of the eco-politics surrounding infrastructure development in and around Nairobi National Park. The methodological approach used was environmental history and the social construction of nature. The study collected combined qualitative data using four main approaches, the grounded theory approach, narratives, case studies and a phenomenological approach. The information collected was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The major findings of the study were that under the guise of “public participation,” influential non-state actors have the capacity to perpetuate social-spatial inequalities in the form of curtailing the majority from accessing common public goods. A case in point in this study is how the efforts of powerful conservationists, environmentalists, and tourism businesspersons managed to stall the construction of much-needed road and railway infrastructure severally through litigations in lengthy environmental court processes involving injunctions and stop orders to the government bodies in charge. Moreover, powerful non-state actors were found to have formed informal and sometimes formal coalitions with politicians with selfish interests, which serves to deepen the exclusionary practices and the common good. The study concludes that mostly composed of certain types of elites (NGOs, business communities, politicians and privileged social-cultural groups), non-state actors have used participatory policies to advance their own interests at the expense of the majority whom they claim to represent. These practices are traced to the historically unjust social, political, and economic forces involved in the production of space in Nairobi.

Keywords: eco-politics, exclusion, infrastructure, Nairobi national park, non-state actors, protests

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Authors: Sideri Katerina, Chanania Eleni

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The reasons why people remain unvaccinated, especially health workers, are complex. In Greece, 2 percent of health workers (around 7,000) remain unvaccinated, despite the fact that for this group of people vaccination against COVID-19 is mandatory. In April 2022, the Greek health minister repeated that unvaccinated health care workers will remain suspended from their jobs ‘for as long as the pandemic lasts,’ explaining that the suspension of the workers in question was ‘entirely their choice’ and that health professionals who do not believe in vaccines ‘do not believe in their own science.’ Although policy circles around the world often link vaccine hesitancy to ignorance of science or misinformation, various recently published qualitative studies show that vaccine hesitancy is the result of a combination of factors, which include distrust towards elites and the system of innovation and distrust towards government. In a similar spirit, some commentators warn that labeling hesitancy as “anti-science” is bad politics. In this paper, we worked within the tradition of STS taking the view that people draw upon personal associations to enact and express civic concern with an issue, the enactment of public concern involves the articulation of threats to actors’ way of life, personal values, relationships, lived experiences, broader societal values and institutional structures. To this effect, we have conducted 27 in depth interviews with unvaccinated Greek health workers and we are in the process of conducting 20 more interviews. We have so far found that rather than a question of believing in ‘facts’ vaccine hesitancy reflects deep distrust towards those charged with the making of decisions and pharmaceutical companies and that emotions (rather than rational thinking) play a crucial role in the formation of attitudes and the making of decisions. We need to dig deeper so as to understand the causes of distrust towards technical government and the ways in which public(s) conceive of and want to be part in the politics of innovation. We particularly address the question of the effectiveness of mandatory vaccination of health workers and whether such top-down regulatory measures further polarize society, to finally discuss alternative regulatory approaches and governance structures.

Keywords: vaccine hesitancy, innovation, trust in vaccines, sociology of vaccines, attitude drivers towards scientific information, governance

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Authors: A. Beril Tugrul

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Demand on production and thereby the global need of energy is growing continuously. Each country has different trends on energy demand and supply according to their geopolitical and geographical locations, underground reserves, weather conditions and level of industrialization. Conventional energy resources such as oil, gas and coal –in other words fossil resources- remain dominant on primary energy supply in spite of causing of environmental problems. Energy supply and demand securities are essential within the energy importing and exporting countries. This concept affected all sectors, but especially impressed on political aspects of the countries and also global economic views.

Keywords: energy policy, energy economics, energy strategy, global trends, petro-dollar recycling

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Authors: Nasser Y. Athamneh

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Muzaffar al-Nawwab (1934--) is a modern Iraqi poet, critic, and painter, well-known to Arab youth of the second half of the 20th century for his revolutionary spirit and political activism. For the greater part of his relatively long life, al-Nawwab was wanted 'dead or alive,' so to speak, by most of the Arab regimes and authorities due to his scathing, and at times unsparingly obscene attacks on them. Hence it is that the Arab masses found in his poetry the rebellious expression of their own anger and frustration, stifled by fear for their physical safety. Thus, al-Nawwab’s contemporary Arab audience loved and embraced him both as an Arab exile and as a poet. They memorized and celebrated his poems and transmitted them secretly by word of mouth and on compact cassette tapes. He himself recited his own poetry and had it recorded on compact cassette tapes for fans to smuggle from one Arab country to the other. The themes of al-Nawwab’s poems are varied, but the most predominant among them is political opposition. In most of his poems, al-Nawwab takes up politics as the major theme. Yet, he often represents it coupled with the leitmotifs of women and wine. Indeed he oscillates almost systematically between political commitment to the revolutionary cause of the masses of his nation and homeland on the one hand and love for women and wine on the other. For the persona in al-Nawwab’s poetry, love-longing for the woman and devotion to the cause of revolution and Pan-Arabism are interrelated; each of them readily evokes the other. In this paper, an attempt is made at investigating the treatment and representation of the theme of revolution and political opposition in some of al-Nawwab’s poems. This investigation will be conducted through close reading and textual analysis of representative sections of the poetic texts under consideration in the paper. The primary texts for the study are selected passages from two representative poems, namely, 'The Night Song of the Bow Strings' (Watariyyaat Layliyyah) and 'In Wine and Sorrow My Heart [Is Immersed]' (bil-khamri wa bil-huzni fu’aady). Other poems and extracts from al-Nawwab’s poetic works will be drawn upon as secondary texts to clarify the arguments in the paper and support its thesis. The discussions and textual analysis of the texts under consideration are meant to show that revolution and undaunted political opposition is a predominant theme in al-Nawwab’s poetry, often represented through the use of the leitmotifs of women and wine.

Keywords: Arabic poetry, Muzaffar al-Nawwab, politics, revolution

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Authors: Karin Schoenpflug, Christine M. Klapeer

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In a large study for the Vienna City Council’s Antidiscrimination unit (WASt) an interdisciplinary team (in the fields of economics, sociology and political science) working with urban economics, critical citizenship studies, the sociology of work & inequality and urban political/human geography conducted an online survey asking LGBTIs (lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgender and intersex people) in Vienna detailed questions on their quality-of-life, happiness and well-being. 3.161 persons responded and provided us with a rich data set concerning: 1) Labor market structures, discrimination, working conditions and employment practices (economic citizenship); 2) access to health care, welfare, education and safety in public spaces (social citizenship); 3) political participation as well as access to legal institutions (political citizenship). All those fields are important dimensions in regards to “full” citizenship and the well-being of the LGBTI population, but are also constitutive for the inclusion of sexual and gender minorities into the city population(s) of Vienna. Our data also allows us to map the sexual geography of Vienna as LGBTI communities are more likely to live in certain districts; some places are considered safe(r) and “friendlier”. In this way our work helps to fill a research gap connecting (urban) spaces and sexuality, and it produces new data and insights on the quality-of-life of this subpopulation. Our findings allow for urban (policy) planning and limiting violence and discrimination and improving the collective wellbeing and social cohesion.

Keywords: urban sexual geographies, LGBTI, socio-economic status, Vienna, sitizenship status

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Authors: Azhin Hamad Ameen

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This research paper explores the concept of secularism in Iraq, analyzing its historical development, contemporary manifestations, and potential future trajectories. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, including archival research, interviews with experts and practitioners, and surveys of public opinion, the study examines the complex and often contested relationship between religion, politics, and state power in Iraq. The research finds that secularism has played a significant role in shaping Iraq's political and social landscape over the past century, reflecting both the influence of Western modernity and the challenges of managing religious diversity in a multiethnic, multi-sectarian society. However, the study also reveals that secularism in Iraq is highly contested and fragmented, with competing visions and interpretations among different groups and factions. The research identifies several key factors that have contributed to this fragmentation, including the legacy of colonialism, sectarian conflicts, external interventions, and the rise of Islamist movements. Despite these challenges, the study suggests that secularism continues to hold important potential for promoting democratic governance, protecting human rights, and fostering social cohesion in Iraq. The research concludes by outlining several key policy recommendations for strengthening secularism in Iraq, including promoting interfaith dialogue and tolerance, enhancing public education and civic engagement, and supporting grassroots initiatives for social and political reform. Overall, this research contributes to our understanding of the complex dynamics of secularism in Iraq and highlights the urgent need for innovative and inclusive approaches to promoting democratic governance and social justice in the country.

Keywords: secularism, Iraq, religion, politics, state power, historical development, contemporary manifestations, multiethnic society, multi-sectarian society, western modernity, religious diversity, fragmentation, colonialism, sectarian conflicts, external interventions, Islamist movements, democratic governance, human rights, social cohesion, interfaith dialogue, tolerance, public education, civic engagement, grassroots initiatives, social and political reform

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Authors: Ema Vitória Fonseca Lavrador

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In this work, we intend to explore the impact that the film "Lightyear" (2022) had on the social context of its production, distribution, and reception. This film, produced by Walt Disney Animation Studios and Pixar Animation Studios, depicts the story of Buzz Lightyear, a Space Ranger from which the character of the same name in the "Toy Story" film franchise is based. This prequel was predicted to be the blockbuster of the year, but it was a financial fiasco and the subject of numerous controversies, which also caused it to be drowned out by the film "Minions: The Rise of Gru" (2022). The reason for its failure is not based on the film's narrative or quality but on its controversial context for being a commitment to LGBTQIA+ representation in an unexpected way, by featuring a same-sex couple and showing a kiss shared by them. This representation cost Disney distribution in countries against LGBTQIA+ representation in media and involved Disney in major disagreements with fans and politicians, especially for being a direct opposition to the Florida House Bill 1557, also called the “Don't Say Gay” bill. Many major companies have taken a stand against this law because it jeopardizes the safety of the LGBTQIA+ community, and, although Disney initially cut the kiss off the film, pressure from the staff and audience resulted in unprecedented progress. For featuring a brief homosexual kiss, its exhibition was banned in several countries and discouraged by the same public that was previously the focus of Disney's attention, as this is a conservative “family-friendly” branded company. We believe it is relevant to study the case of "Lightyear" because it is a work that raises awareness and promotes representation of communities affected during the dark times while less legislation is being approved to protect the rights and safety of queer people.

Keywords: Don’t Say Gay” bill, gender stereotypes, LGBTQIA+ representation, lightyear, Disney/Pixar

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Authors: Banu Baybars Hawks

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To date, academic attention in social sciences remains inadequate with regard to research and analysis of public opinion in Turkey. Most of the existing research has assessed the public opinion during political election periods. Therefore, it is of great interest to find out what the public thinks about current issues in Turkey, and how to interpret the results to be able to reveal whether they may have any reflections on social, political, and cultural structure of the country. Accordingly, the current study seeks to fill the gap in the social sciences literature in English regarding Turkey’s social and political stand which may be perceived to be very different by other nations. Without timely feedback from public surveys, various programs for improving different services and institutions functioning in the country might not achieve their expected goal, nor can decisions about which programs to implement be made rationally. Additionally, the information gathered may not only yield important insights into public’s opinion regarding current agenda in Turkey, but also into the correlates shaping public policies. Agenda-setting studies including agenda-building, agenda melding, reversed agenda-setting and information diffusion studies will be used to explain the roles of factors and actors in the formation of public opinion in Turkey. Knowing the importance of public agenda in the agenda setting and building process, this paper aims to reveal the social and political tendencies of the Turkish public. For that purpose, a survey will be carried out in December of 2014 to determine the social and political trends in Turkey for that same year. The subjects for the study, which utilize a questionairre in one-on-one interviews, will include 1,000 individuals aged 18 years and older from 26 cities representing general population. A stratified random sampling frame will be used. The topics covered by the survey include: The most important current problem in Turkey; the Economy; Terror; Approaches to the Kurdish Issue; Evaluations of the Government and Opposition Parties; Evaluations of Institutional Efficiency; Foreign Policy; the Judicial System/Constitution; Democracy and the Media; and, Social Relations/Life in Turkey. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Turkey has been undergoing a rapid transformation. The reflections of the changes can be seen in all areas from economics to politics. It is my hope that findings of this study may shed light on the important aspects of institutions, variables setting the agenda, and formation process of public opinion in Turkey.

Keywords: public opinion, media, agenda setting, information diffusion, government, freedom, Turkey

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Authors: Talal Alqahtani

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For all institutions, either public or private, communication is important now more than ever. This is because the importance of communication has grown over the years, and it has the ability to either break or make an organization. With globalization, the changing technology, and other emergent issues that affect organizations, the communication given out has had to be better, sharper, and both proactive and reactive. This is the reason why the importance of public relations has been on the increase. Institutions realize the importance of having a good image and having public relations experts who can effectively manage communication in an institution easily in times of crisis. Public relations itself is not, however, effective, and this has led to the adoption of rhetoric in communication. Rhetoric use has had a long transformation because, in the past, it was only used in politics. Rhetoric in communication has come to be appreciated and adopted by many diverse fields and sectors. This study looks at the job of rhetoric in public relations practice and how it can identify with the administration of an institution's notoriety.

Keywords: communication, notoriety, rhetoric, public relation

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Authors: Gohar Madoyan, Kristine Harutyunyan, Gevorg Barseghyan

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It is common knowledge that linguistic manipulation is and has always been a powerful instrument of political discourse. Politicians from different countries and through centuries have successfully used linguistic means to persuade the public. Yet, this persuasion should be linguistically unobtrusive. Small changes in wording may result in a huge difference in perception by the audience. Thus, manipulation is a strategy that is mostly used to convey a certain message to the manipulators, who should be aware of the vulnerabilities of their audience and who must use them to achieve control. Political manipulation, though commonly observed in the 21st century, can easily be traced back to ancient rhetoric, which warns us to choose words carefully while addressing the audience. On the other hand, modern manipulative techniques have become more sophisticated, making use of all scientific advances.

Keywords: manipulators, politics, persuasion, political discourse, linguo-stylistic analysis, rhetoric

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Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The Study of terrorism lends itself to the constructivist framework as constructivism focuses on the importance of ideas and norms in shaping interests and identities. Constructivism is pertinent to understand the phenomenon of a terrorist organization like the Islamic State (IS), which opportunistically utilizes radical ideas and norms to shape its ‘politics of identity’. This ‘identity’, which is at the helm of preferences and interests of actors, in turn, shapes actions. The paper argues that an effective counter-terrorism policy must recognize the importance of ideas in order to counter the threat arising from acts of radicalism and terrorism. Traditional theories of international relations, with an emphasis on state-centric security problematic, exhibit several limitations and problems in interpreting the phenomena of terrorism. With the changing global order, these theories have failed to adapt to the changing dimensions of terrorism, especially ‘newer’ actors like the Islamic State (IS). The paper observes that IS distinguishes itself from other terrorist organizations in the way that it recruits and spreads its propaganda. Not only are its methods different, but also its tools (like social media) are new. Traditionally, too, force alone has rarely been sufficient to counter terrorism, but it seems especially impossible to completely root out an organization like IS. Time is ripe to change the discourse around terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies. The counter-terrorism measures adopted by states, which primarily focus on mitigating threats to the national security of the state, are preoccupied with statist objectives of the continuance of state institutions and maintenance of order. This limitation prevents these theories from addressing the questions of justice and the ‘human’ aspects of ideas and identity. These counter-terrorism strategies adopt a problem-solving approach that attempts to treat the symptoms without diagnosing the disease. Hence, these restrictive strategies fail to look beyond calculated retaliation against violent actions in order to address the underlying causes of discontent pertaining to ‘why’ actors turn violent in the first place. What traditional theories also overlook is that overt acts of violence may have several causal factors behind them, some of which are rooted in the structural state system. Exploring these root causes through the constructivist framework helps to decipher the process of ‘construction of terror’ and to move beyond the ‘what’ in theorization in order to describe ‘why’, ‘how’ and ‘when’ terrorism occurs. Study of terrorism would much benefit from a constructivist analysis in order to explore non-military options while countering the ideology propagated by the IS.

Keywords: constructivism, counter terrorism, Islamic State, politics of identity

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Authors: Garima Sarkar

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The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate the development and progress achieved by women in the decision-making sphere and to access the level of their political-participation in Parliamentary Elections of Malaysia and their status in overall Malaysian political domain. The paper also focuses on the role and status of women in the major political parties of the state both the parties in power as well as the parties in opposition. The primary objective of the study is to focus on the major hindrances and social malpractices faced by women and also Muslim women’s access to justice in Malaysia. It also demonstrates the linkages between national policy initiatives and the advancement of women in various areas, such as economics, health, employment, politics, power-sharing, social development and law and most importantly evaluating their status in the dominant religion of the nation. In Malaysia, women’s political participation is being challenged from every nook and corner of the society. A high percentage of women are getting educated, forming a significant labor force in present day Malaysia, who can be employed in the manufacturing sector, retail trade, hotels and restaurant, agriculture etc. Women today consist of almost half of the population and exceed boys in the tertiary sector by a ratio of 80:20. Despite these achievements, however, women’s labor force engagement remains confined to ‘ traditional women’s occupations’, such as those of primary school teachers, data entry clerks and organizing polls during elections and motivating other less enlightened women to cast their votes. In the political arena, the past few General Elections of Malaysia clearly exhibited a slight change in the number of women Members of Parliament from 10.6% (20 out of 193 Parliamentary seats in 1999) to 10.5% (23 out of 219 Parliamentary seats in 2004). Amidst the political posturing for the recent General Election in 2013 of Malaysia, women’s political participation remains a prime concern in Malaysia. It is evident that while much of the attention of women revolves around charitable assistance, they are much less likely to be portrayed as active participants in electoral politics and governance. According to the electoral roll for the third quarter of 2012, 6,578,916 women are registered as voters. They represent 50.2% of the total number of the registered voters. However, this parity in terms of voter registration is not reflected in the number of elected representatives at the Parliamentary level. Only 10.4% of sitting Members of Parliament are women. The women’s participation in the legislature and executive branches are important since their presence brings the spotlight squarely on issues that have been historically neglected and overlooked. In the recent 2013 General Elections in Malaysia out of 35 full ministerial position only two, or 5.7% have been filled by women. In each of the 2009, 2010, and in the present 2013 Cabinet members, there have only been two women ministers, with this number reduced to one briefly when the Prime Minister appointed himself placeholder in the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. In the recent past, in its Election Manifesto, Barisan Nasional made a pledge of ‘increasing the number of women participating in national decision-making processes’. Even after such pledges, the Malaysian leadership has failed to mirror the strong presence of women in leadership positions of public life which primarily includes politics, the judiciary and in business. There has been a strong urge to political parties by various gender-sensitive groups to nominate more women as candidates for contesting elections at the Parliamentary as well as at the State level. The democratization process will never be truly democratic without a proper gender agenda and representation. Although Malaysia signed the Beijing Platform for Action document in 1995, the state has a long way to go in enhancing the participation of women in every segment of Malaysian political, economic and cultural. There has been a small percentage of women representation in decision-making bodies compared to the 30% targeted by the Beijing Platform for Action. Thus, democratization in terms of representation of women in leadership positions and decision-making positions or bodies is essential since it’s a move towards a qualitative transformation of women in shaping national decision-making processes. The democratization process has to ensure women’s full participation and their goals of development and their full participation has to be included in the process of formulating and shaping the developmental goals.

Keywords: women, gender equality, Islam, democratization, political representation, Parliament

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Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

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This exposition investigates the connection between two viewpoints on the nature of human rights. Agreeing with the “political” or “practical” point of view, human rights are claims that people have against certain regulation structures in specific present-day states, in the ethicalness of interface they have in settings that incorporate them. Agreeing with the more conventional “humanist” or “naturalistic” viewpoint, human rights are pre-institutional claims that people have against all other people in the ethicalness of interface characteristic of their common humankind. This paper contends that once we recognize the two viewpoints in their best light, we are able to see that they are complementary, and, in reality, we require both to form a great standardizing sense of the modern home of human rights. It clarifies how humanist and political contemplations can and ought to work in couple to account for the concept, substance, and legitimization of human rights.

Keywords: politics, human rights, humanities, mankind, law

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Authors: Hyein Ko

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In 2017, many signs of populism occurred around the world. This paper suggests that populism is not a sudden phenomenon, but a manifestation of common people’s will. By analyzing previous research, this paper proposes three factors related to populism: Inequality, experience of economic crisis, and rapid cultural change. With these three elements, four cases will be investigated in this article; two countries experienced populism, and the other two countries did not experience it. Comparing four cases by using three elements will give a fruitful foundation for further analysis regarding populism. In sum, aforementioned three elements are highly related to the occurrence of populism. However, there is one hidden factor: dissatisfaction with established politics. Thus, populism is not a temporal phenomenon. It is a red alert for democratic crisis.

Keywords: common people, democratic crisis, populism, Trump phenomenon

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Authors: Changdong Oh

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With the arrival of post-industrial society, social scientists have been giving attention to issues of which factors shape cleavage of political parties. Especially, there is a heated controversy over whether and how social and cultural values influence the identities of parties and voting behavior. Drawing from Moral Foundations Theory (MFT), which approached similar issues by considering the effect of five moral foundations on political decision-making of people, this study investigates the role of moral rhetoric in the evolution of Korean political parties. Researcher collected official announcements released by the major two parties (Democratic Party of Korea, Saenuri Party) from 2007 to 2016, and analyzed the data by using Word2Vec algorithm and Moral Foundations Dictionary. Five moral decision modules of MFT, composed of care, fairness (individualistic morality), loyalty, authority and sanctity (group-based, Durkheimian morality), can be represented in vector spaces consisted of party announcements data. By comparing the party vector and the five morality vectors, researcher can see how the political parties have actively used each of the five moral foundations to express themselves and the opposition. Results report that the conservative party tends to actively draw on collective morality such as loyalty, authority, purity to differentiate itself. Notably, such moral differentiation strategy is prevalent when they criticize an opposition party. In contrast, the liberal party tends to concern with individualistic morality such as fairness. This result indicates that moral cleavage does exist between parties in South Korea. Furthermore, individualistic moral gaps of the two political parties are eased over time, which seems to be due to the discussion of economic democratization of conservative party that emerged after 2012, but the community-related moral gaps widened. These results imply that past political cleavages related to economic interests are diminishing and replaced by cultural and social values associated with communitarian morality. However, since the conservative party’s differentiation strategy is largely related to negative campaigns, it is doubtful whether such moral differentiation among political parties can contribute to the long-term party identification of the voters, thus further research is needed to determine it is sustainable. Despite the limitations, this study makes it possible to track and identify the moral changes of party system through automated text analysis. More generally, this study could contribute to the analysis of various texts associated with the moral foundation and finding a distributed representation of moral, ethical values.

Keywords: moral foundations theory, moral politics, party system, Word2Vec

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Authors: Leslie Nobler

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African fabrics based specifically on the Dutch Wax Print, or Ankara, popularized during Africa's colonial era, have had an enormous impact on western fashion (especially in the US and UK), in the last half-decade. The trend has had an effect on the world of visual arts as well, which circuitously, also heavily impacts fashion design. In fashion, and notably in celebrity apparel choices, this is in part due to ‘identity’ and taking pride in one's African roots; in the visual arts, artists such as Yinka Shonibare and Njideka Akunyili Crosby are making statements about identity politics, colonialism up through post-colonialism, and racism. The ‘global village’ brought on by the internet has driven this proliferation, as have improvements in the printing technology with which the Ankara print is made, combining wax-resist with roller printing. The newest patterns can now be designed authentically in western African and easily sent electronically to Europe for printing. Examples of Ankara's new reach across the Atlantic abound. They have taken several paths, which the paper will detail. Briefly, the first is its greater utilization in the fashion world, from authentic textile shops in African American neighborhoods to copied (knocked-off) low-end reproductions in discount chains. Secondly, we are seeing far more uses of these textiles/patterns in important works of fine arts from major museums, in Philadelphia to Palm Beach to the Mass MOCA (in the US), all the way to the Israel Museum in Jerusalem, and everywhere in between. And lastly, but quite significantly, we see this trend throughout social media thanks to Instagram, Pinterest and celebrity photos –even at the recent royal wedding. What shall sustain this major new design direction is that Ankara changes with and adapts to the times. Some of it is now printed in West Africa, often in the Nigeria area. And some may be designed in Europe or even at knock-off apparel studios in NY or Asia. But it stays utterly relevant because the motifs are based on objects and scenes in everyday life. In my design studio and university design classes, this idea is first and foremost, from our big spiritual eye motifs to drawings of our art supplies to the ‘politically-loaded’ chain patterns. This first-hand creativity experience becomes part of the research of this paper, along with historic and contemporary sources of inquiry, both through a literature/image search and anecdotal experience into what is behind this exciting and surprising trend.

Keywords: African wax print, Ankara, identity (politics), textile design, surface design

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Authors: Gabriella Kengyel

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This study aims to describe the differences between the attitudes of the right-wing extremists with internal or external control towards migrants. They both have a significantly higher score on Rotter's Locus of Control Scale, and they are quite xenophobic (54%) according to Bogardus Social Distance Scale. Present research suggests their motives are different. Principle components analysis shows that extremists with internal control reject migrants because of welfare chauvinism and they think that there is some kind of political conspirationism behind the European Refugee Crisis. Contrarily extremist with external control believe in a common enemy and they are significantly more ethnocentric and less skeptical in politics. Results suggest that extremist with internal control shows hostility toward minorities and migrants mainly because of their own reference group.

Keywords: control, extremist, migrant, right-wing

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Authors: Felicia Iyabode Olasehinde, Michael Maiye Olumorin

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To achieve a liveable and sustainable city, decision makers must engage in holistic approach to the planning and development of infrastructure such as roads. From observation there is great disparity in the development of roads in the northern part of the city while the south is being starved with this infrastructure. This paper attempts to make a comparison between the natures of roads in the north as against the south. The methodology to be adopted is survey research using clusters in the four local government making Kaduna Metropolis. The analysis of the road will be based on existing planning standards for roads in urban areas. This will now provide useful information for critical stakeholders at all levels of governance responsible for achieving liveable and sustainable cities.

Keywords: infrastructure, liveable, sustainable, urbanroads

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Authors: Sydelle Barreto

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Sexual liberation has been thought of as a movement, an idea, and an antithesis of material oppression. Within feminism it has consistently resisted definition - different feminist schools of thought had entirely different constructions of what liberated feminine sexuality could look like and how we might get there. This paper will critique the current definition of sexual liberation as being limited and carceral in its perspectives of sexual assault and extremely reductive in its imaginings of sexual liberation. The ultimate goal of this assessment is to potentially outline what true sexual liberation might look like in a way that is inclusive but not ignorant of the realities of the patriarchy. The first critique of sexual liberation included in the paper centers around the limits of consent, carceral feminism and sexual subjectivity. The argument will build off the traditionally sex-negative critiques of consent as being limited in scope by explaining how a lack of nuance is even more dangerous to victims of sexual violations. The discussion will also expand an interrogant of consent to an interrogation of wantedness and desire. If we understand that critiquing the conditions of consent is important, we must also critique the way patriarchy and compulsory sexuality have affected desire. Using the aforementioned concept of compulsory sexuality, the paper will argue that while sexual liberation has begun to include queer and transgender individuals, it is still overwhelmingly allonormative. Sex positivity and its opponents both fail to include asexuality. This ultimately leads to a conflation of sexual liberation with genuine material liberation. Just as we cannot divorce our constructions of sexual liberation from the realities of the patriarchy and rape culture, we should consider compulsory sexuality as its own system of social regulation. The conclusion will begin to construct an alternative vision of sexual liberation, leveraging concepts of sexual subjectivity, including a rejection of carceral feminism as a response to sexual violence, and finally, leading to the beginnings of a deconstruction of compulsory sexuality. The paper concludes with a vision of sexual liberation that does not confuse itself with material liberation or mere sexual oppression, but rather a key way stops on the road to constructing our most authentic sexual selves.

Keywords: feminism, sexual assault, sexual liberation, consent

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Authors: Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

Abstract:

Organised crime in Mexico evolves faster that our capacity to understand and explain it. Organised gangs have become successful entrepreneurs in many ways ad they have somehow mimicked the working ways of the authorities and in many cases, they have successfully infiltrated the governmental spheres. This business model is only possible under a clear scheme of rampant impunity. Impunity, however, is not exclusive to the PRI. Nor the PRI, PAN, or PRD can claim the monopoly of corruption, but what is worse is that none can claim full honesty in their acts either. The current security crisis in Mexico shows a crisis in the Mexican political party system. Corruption today is not only a problem of dishonesty and the correct use of public resources. It is the principal threat to Mexican democracy, governance, and national security.

Keywords: security, war on drugs, drug trafficking, Mexico, Latin America, United States

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