Search results for: peace diplomacy

Authors: Anisah Ari

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Effects of organized crime permeate all facets of life, including public health, socio-economic endeavors, and human security. If any element of this is affected, it impacts large-scale national and global interest. Seeking to address terrorist networks through technical thinking is like trying to kill a weed by just cutting off its branches. It will re-develop and expand in proportions beyond one’s imagination, even in horrific ways that threaten human security. The continent of Africa has been bedeviled by this menace, with little or no solution to the problem. Nigeria is dealing with a protracted insurgency that is perpetrated by a sect against any form of westernization. Reimagining approaches to dealing with pressing issues like terrorism may require engaging the right set of people in the conversation for any sustainable change. These are people who have lived through the daily effects of the violence that ensues from the activities of terrorist activities. Effective leadership is required for an inclusive process, where spaces are created for diverse voices to be heard, and multiple perspectives are listened to, and not just heard, that supports a determination of the realistic outcome. Addressing insurgency in Nigeria has experienced a lot of disinformation and uncertainty. This may be in part due to poor leadership or an iteration of technical solutions to adaptive challenge peacemaking efforts in Nigeria has focused on behaviors, attitudes and practices that contribute to violence. However, it is important to consider the underlying issues that build-up, ignite and fan the flames of violence—looking at conflict as a complex system, issues like climate change, low employment rates, corruption and the impunity of discrimination due to ethnicity and religion. This article will be looking at an option of the more relational way of addressing insurgency through adaptive approaches that embody engagement and solutions with the people rather than for the people. The construction of a local turn in peacebuilding is informed by the need to create a locally driven and sustained peace process that embodies the culture and practices of the people in enacting an everyday peace beyond just a perennial and universalist outlook. A critical analysis that explores the socially identified individuals and situations will be made, considering the more adaptive approach to a complex existential challenge rather than a universalist frame. Case Study and Ethnographic research approach to understand what other scholars have documented on the matter and also a first-hand understanding of the experiences and viewpoints of the participants.

Keywords: terrorism, adaptive, peace, culture

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Authors: Tek Nath Subedi

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Violent activities used previously to erupt in specific societies owing to unequal, oppressive and unjust social practices have crossed out of their usual place of occurrence and entered the peace-zones such as schools and universities. The recent history of Universities in Nepal is marked with violent activities of students targeting to professors and other university officials. A student in a university is supposed to involve in scholarly activities and cooperate the teacher so as to achieve the academic degree and to enhance knowledge. Besides, the relationship between a teacher and a student is supposed to be the most sacred, which, in other words, is explained as the relationship between deity and devotee in a spiritual ground, carer and the kid in a moral ground, and mutually dependent in a functionalist view. Above all, the interdependence between teacher and student is illustrated as the two sides of the same coin. But the targeted attack on teachers and the degrading relationship between university and students raises serious questions on what makes a student violent and why the academia is terrorized. Therefore, this research aims to find the nexus of deviant activities of students to other social, political, economic and cultural areas of their life. To find possible answer of a few analytical questions, this paper takes an in-depth interview into consideration based on a snowball sampling and inquires some professors and officials how and why they are terrorized. It also reaches to some students who have witnessed or been part of any terror, following the same research method and ask them why violence has become recurring in the university and how university can be converted into a peace-zone. This research has simply hypothesized that the terror-inspired activities carried out by students in the university are the extended version of their deviant activities out of the university premises. But, it was found that the deviant activities of students were connected in particular to their culture and political identity.

Keywords: deviance, relationship, student, teacher, terror, university

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Authors: Baguma Charles Abwooli

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Whereas they profess to be comrades in the fight to save souls, Born Again Churches in Uganda are shooting each other in the foot over yet to be understood reasons. For a long time, churches have sustained a bitter divide among themselves. The country has witnessed pastoral scandals, including church leaders dragging each other to court, setting each other’s churches ablaze, and even plotting assassination against each her. The most dreadful was when one pastor called a chest-thumping press conference at the demise of another. There is even an emergence of church-owned radio stations purposed to fuel this conflict. Worse still, the division among pastors has been transferred to their congregations to extent that at the first meeting, congregants ask each other where they pray from perhaps to know how to deal with each other. This has caused the born-again to maintain factions among themselves and keeping ready to fight in case there is a battle. This is quite a risk to peace and stability in the country. This kind of belligerence not only defeats the very existence of churches but is a threat to national peace and security, especially as the churches mushroom across the country. It is feared that the vice could spread to the rest of Eastern Africa and beyond, given the connectivity. There is already evidence to this. One Pastor was heard to call the late Ghanaian Pastor T. B. Joshua, a witch who has been training witches in Uganda. He said this at his demise while referring to pastors that subscribe to T. B. Joshua’s approach to preaching the Gospel. This is an abomination, especially in Africa! There is, therefore, an urgent need to understand the roots of this conflict and design measures to decisively manageit. The present study employs tools based on conflict resolution theory to conduct a deep qualitative analysis of the origin and progression of the Born-Againconflict in Uganda with intend to make recommendations of appropriate measures to resolve it.

Keywords: uganda, shooting, pulpit, born again churches

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Authors: Clara Voyvodic

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Transitions from conflict to peace are by no means smooth nor linear, particularly from the perspective of those living through them. Over the last few decades, the changing focus in peacebuilding studies has come to appreciate the everyday experience of communities and how that provides a lens through which the relative success or efficacy of these transitions can be understood. In particular, the demobilization of a significant conflict actor is not without consequences, not just for the macro-view of state stabilization and peace, but for the communities who find themselves without a clear authority of territorial control. In Colombia, the demobilization and disarmament of the FARC guerilla group provided a brief respite to the conflict and a major political win for President Manuel Santos. However, this victory has proven short-lived. Drawing from extensive field research in Colombia within the last year, including interviews with local communities and actors operating in these regions, field observations, and other primary resources, this paper examines the post-accord transitions in Colombia and the everyday security experiences of local communities in regions formerly controlled by the FARC. In order to do so, the research focused on a semi-ethnographic approach in the northern region of the department of Antioquia and the coastal area of the border department of Nariño that documented how individuals within these marginalized communities have come to understand and negotiate their security in the years following the accord and the demobilization of the FARC. This presentation will argue that the removal of the FARC as an informal governance actor opened a space for multiple actors to attempt to control the same territory, including the state. This shift has had a clear impact on the everyday security experiences of the local communities. With an exploration of the dynamics of local governance and its impact on lived security experiences, this research seeks to demonstrate how distinct patterns of armed group behavior are emerging not only from a vacuum of control left by the FARC but from an increase in state presence that nonetheless remains inconsistent and unpersuasive as a monopoly of force in the region. The increased multiplicity of actors, particularly the state, has meant that the normal (informal) rules for communities to navigate these territories are no longer in play as the identities, actions, and intentions of different competing groups have become frustratingly opaque. This research provides a prescient analysis on how the shifting dynamics of territorial control in a post-peace accord landscape produce uncertain realities that affect the daily lives of the local communities and endanger the long-term prospect of human-centered security.

Keywords: armed actors, conflict transitions, informal governance, post-accord, security experiences

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Authors: Mukhtar Sarkin-Kebbi

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Insurgency, religious extremism and other related religious crises become hydra-headed in Nigeria, which caused destruction of human lives and properties worth of billions naira. As result, millions people were displaced and million children were out of school most of whom from Muslims community. The wrong teaching and misinterpretation of Islam by some Muslim community fuel the spread of extremist ideology hatred among Muslim sects, non-Muslims and emergency of extremist groups, like Boko Haram. A multi-religious country like Nigeria to realise its development in all human aspects, there must be unity and religious tolerance. Many agreed that changing the ideologies of insurgents and religious extremism will require intellectual role with vigorous campaign. Muslim scholars can play a vital role in promoting social reform and peaceful coexistence. This paper discusses the importance of unity among Muslim community and religious tolerance in light of the Qur’an and the Hadith. The paper also reviews the relationship between Muslims and non Muslims during the life time the Prophet (S.A.W.) in order to serve as exemplary model. Contemporary issues such as religious extremism, sectarians, intolerance and their consequences were examined. To minify religious intolerance and extremism,the paper identifies the roles to be played by Muslim scholars with references from Qur’an and Sunnah. The paper concludes that to realise overall human development and eternal salvation, Muslim should shun away from any religious crises and embrace unity and religious tolerance. Finally the paper recommends among others that only pious and learned scholars should be allowed to preach in any religious gathering, Muslim should exercise patience, tolerance in dealing with Muslims and non Muslims. Muslims should leave by example from the teaching of Qur’an and Sunnah of the Prophet (S.A.W.).

Keywords: Muslim scholars, peace building, religious extremism, religious tolerance

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Authors: Andre C Jordaan

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The end of the Cold War and rivalry between super powers has changed the nature of military build-up in many countries. A call from international institutions like the United Nations, International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to reduce the levels of military expenditure was the order of the day. However, this bid to cut military expenditure has not been forthright. Recently, active armed conflicts occurred in at least 46 states in 2021 with 8 in the Americas, 9 in Asia and Oceania, 3 in Europe, 8 in the Middle East and North Africa and 18 in sub-Saharan Africa. Global military expenditure in 2022 was estimated to be US$2,2 trillion, representing 2.2 per cent of global gross domestic product. Particularly sharp rises in military spending have followed in African countries and the Middle East. Global military expenditure currently follows two divergent trends, either a declining trend in the West caused mainly by austerity, efforts to control budget deficits and the wrapping up of prolonged wars. However, some parts of the world shows an increasing trend on the back of security concerns, geopolitical ambitions and some internal political factors. Conflict related fatalities in sub-Saharan Africa alone increased by 19 per cent between 2020 and 2021. The interaction between military expenditure (read conflict) and international trade is generally the cause of much debate. Some argue that countries’ fear of losing trade opportunities causes political decision makers to refrain from engaging in conflict when important trading partners are involved. However, three main arguments are always present when discussing the relationship between military expenditure or conflicts and international trade: Free trade could promote peaceful cooperation, it could trigger tension between trading blocs and partners, and trade could have no effect because conflict is based on issues that are more important. Military expenditure remains an important element of the overall government expenditure in many African countries. On the other hand, numerous researchers perceive increased international trade to be one of the main factors promoting economic growth in these countries. The purpose of this paper is therefore to determine what effect, if any, exist between the level of military expenditure and international trade within a selection of 19 African countries. Applying an augmented gravity model to explore the relationship between military expenditure and international trade, evidence is found to confirm the existence of an inverse relationship between these two variables. It seems that the results are in line with the Liberal school of thought where trade is seen as an instrument of conflict prevention. Trade is therefore perceived as a symptom of peace and not a cause thereof. In general, conflict or rumors of conflict tend to reduce trade. If conflict did not impede trade, economic agents would be indifferent to risk. Many claim that trade brings peace, however, it seems that it is rather peace that brings trade. From the results, it appears that trade reduces the risk of conflict and that conflict reduces trade.

Keywords: African countries, conflict, international trade, military expenditure

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Authors: Kunihiro Kamataki

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In this study, active learning based on simple science experiments was developed in a university class of the freshman, in order to improve their scientific literacy. Through the active learning based on simple experiments of generation of cloud in a plastic bottle, students increased the interest in the global atmospheric problem and were able to discuss and find solutions about this problem positively from various viewpoints of the science technology, the politics, the economy, the diplomacy and the relations among nations. The results of their questionnaires and free descriptions of this class indicate that they improve the scientific literacy and motivations of other classroom lectures to acquire knowledge. It is thus suggested that the science experiment is strong tool to improve their intellectual curiosity rapidly and the connections that link the impression of science experiment and their interest of the social problem is very important to enhance their learning effect in this education.

Keywords: active learning, scientific literacy, simple scientific experiment, university education

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Authors: Ishtiaq Ahmad Gondal, Mubasher Hussain

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Although the world always has spent a lot to counter the terror, thousands of millions of dollars have been spent in this regard after 9/11 that result to thwart some dangerous plots of terrorists. It is also un-ignorable that the terrorists, keeping the counterterrorist actions in their mind, always planned new ways for their operations, yet there is one thing still common in most terrorists' attacks: to use the label of religion, regardless any specific religion, in any form. The terrorism, in past few years, has also hit state's security, its consistency and coherence for achieving their cultural, political and military objectives. So, if they are not treated harshly for making the people's minds and their society dirty they will continue spreading chaos, anarchy and destruction among the ignorant and innocent people. Australia is doing its best to eliminate terrorism by using different tools such as by educating people and reducing poverty. There is still need to improve the tool of education as it can be used as one of the most effective tools to counter the terrorism. It is, as this paper will highlight, the need of contemporary time for establishing some high level educational centers that can educate people and keep them safe from any kind of terror incident. This study also concluded that common man, to keep himself saved from such activities and incidents, can be educated through public awareness movements and campaigns on media and at social gatherings. There is, according to the study, a need to reorganize the curriculum taught in different educational institutions especially in Islamic Schools (Madāris) that are assumed by some western writers as place of extremists, for the better understanding of moral and social obligations, fundamental rights, religious beliefs as well as cultural and social values to promote social justice and equality. This paper is an attempt to show the role of the Sheikh Zayed Islamic Centre in this regard.

Keywords: social justice, counterterrorism, educational policy, religion, peace, terrorism

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Authors: Rocio Murad, Juan Carlos Rivillas, Nury Alejandra Rodriguez, Daniela Roldán

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In Colombia, around 5 million women have suffered forced displacement and all forms of gender-based violence, mostly adolescents and young women, single mothers, or widows with children affected by the war. After the signing of the peace agreements, the department of Antioquia has been one of the most affected by the armed conflict, from a territorial and gender perspective in the period. The objective of the research was to analyze the situation of sexual and reproductive rights in the department of Antioquia from a territorial and gender perspective in the period after the signing of the Peace Agreement. A mixed methodology was developed. The quantitative component conducted a cross-sectional descriptive study of barriers to access to contraceptive methods, safe abortion and gender-based violence based on microdata from the 2015 National Demographic and Health Survey. In the qualitative component, a case study was developed in Dabeiba, a municipality of Antioquia prioritized in order to deepen the experiences before, during and after the armed conflict in sexual and reproductive rights; using three research techniques: Focused observation, Semi-structured interviews, and Documentary review. The results showed that there is a gradient of greater vulnerability to greater effects of the conflict and that the subregion of Urabá Antioqueño, to which Dabeiba belongs, has the highest levels of vulnerability in relation to departmental data. In this subregion, the percentage of women with an unmet need for contraceptive methods (9%), women with unintended pregnancies (31%), of women between 15 and 19 years of age who are already mothers or are pregnant with their first child (32%) and the percentage of women victims of physical violence (42%) and sexual violence (13%) by their partners are significantly higher. Women, particularly rural and indigenous women, were doubly affected due to the existence of violence that is specifically directed at them or that has a greater impact on their life projects. There was evidence of insufficient, fragmented and disjointed social and institutional action in relation to women's rights and the existence of androcentric and patriarchal social imaginaries through which women and the feminine are undervalued. These results provide evidence of violations of sexual and reproductive rights in contexts of armed conflict and make it possible to identify mechanisms to guarantee the re-establishment of the rights of the victims, particularly women and girls. Among the mechanisms evidenced are: working for the elimination of gender stereotypes; supporting the formation and strengthening of women's social organizations; working for the concerted definition and articulated implementation of actions necessary to respond to sexual and reproductive health needs; and working for the recognition of reproductive violence as specific and different from sexual violence in the context of armed conflict. Also, it was evidenced that it is necessary to implement prevention, attention and reparation actions.

Keywords: sexual and reproductive rights, Colombia, armed conflict, violence against women

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Authors: Puthsodary Tat

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Democracy has been categorially accepted and used as foreign and domestic policy agendas for the hope of peace, economic growth and prosperity for more than 25 years in Cambodia. However, the country is now in the grip of dictatorship, human rights violations, and prospective economic sanctions. This paper examines different perceptions and experiences of democratic assistance. In this study, the author employs discourse theory, idealism and realism as a theory-based methodology for debating and assessing the implications of democratization. Discourse theory is used to establish a platform for understanding discursive formations, body of knowledge and the games of truth of democracy. Idealist approaches give rational arguments for adopting key tenets that work well on the ground. In contrast, realism allows for some sweeping critiques of utopian ideal and offers particular views on why Western hegemonic missions do not work well. From idealist views, the research finds that Cambodian people still believe that democracy is a prima facie universality for peace, growth and prosperity. From realism, democratization is on the brink of death in three reasons. Firstly, there are tensions between Western and local discourses about democratic values and norms. Secondly, democratic tenets have been undermined by the ruling party-controlled courts, corruption, structural oppression and political patronage-based institutions. The third pitfall is partly associated with foreign aid dependency and geopolitical power struggles in the region. Finally, the study offers a precise mosaic of democratic principles that may be used to avoid a future geopolitical and economic crisis.

Keywords: corruption, democracy, democratic principles, discourse theory, discursive formations, foreign aid dependency, games of truth, geopolitical and economic crisis, geopolitical power struggle, hegemonic mission, idealism, realism, utopian ideal

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Authors: Seember Susan Aondoakura

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This paper examines the international legal framework established to address the challenges women and girls experience in situations of violent conflict. The United Nations (UN) women, peace, and security agenda (hereafter WPS agenda, the Agenda) aspire to make wars safer for women. It recognizes women's agency in armed conflict and their victimization and formulates measures for their protection. The Agenda also acknowledges women's participation in conflict transformation and post-conflict reconstruction. It also calls for the involvement of women in conflict transformation, encourages the protection of women from sex and gender-based violence (SGBV), and provides relief and recovery from conflict-related SGBV. Using Third World Critical Feminist Theory, this paper argues that the WPS agenda overly focus on the protection of women from SGBV occurring in the less developed and conflict-ridden states in the global south, obscures the complicity of western states and economies to the problem, and silences the privileges that such states derive from war economies that continue to fuel conflict. This protectionist approach of the UN also obliterates other equally pressing problems in need of attention, like the high rates of economic degradation in conflict-ravaged societies of the global south. Prioritising protection also 'others' the problem, obliterating any sense of interconnections across geographical locations and situating women in the less developed economies of the global south as the victims and their men as the perpetrators. Prioritising protection ultimately situates western societies as saviours of Third World women with no recourse to their role in engendering and sustaining war. The paper demonstrates that this saviour mentality obliterates chances of any meaningful coalition between the local and the international in framing and addressing the issue, as solutions are formulated from a specific lens—the white hegemonic lens.

Keywords: conflict, protection, security, SGBV

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Authors: V. Charaia

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This article presents SWOT analysis for Georgian - South Ossetian conflict. The research analyzes socio-economic aspects and considers future prospects for all sides including neighbor countries and regions. Also it includes the possibilities of positive intervention of neighbor countries to solve the conflict or to mitigate its negative results. The main question of the article is: What will it take to award Georgians and South Ossetians with a peace dividend?

Keywords: conflict economics, investments, trade, remittances

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Authors: E Tambo, O. O. Olalubi, E. C. Ugwu, J. Y. Ngogang

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Despite the World Health Organization (WHO) declaration of international health emergency concern, the status quo of responses and efforts to stem the worst-recorded Ebola epidemic Ebola outbreak is still precariously inadequate in most of the affected in West. Mining natural resources have been shown to play a key role in both motivating and fuelling ethnic, civil and armed conflicts that have plagued a number of African countries over the last decade. Revenues from the exploitation of natural resources are not only used in sustaining the national economy but also armies, personal enrichment and building political support. Little is documented on the mining and ecological impact on the emergence and geographical distribution of Ebola in Africa over time and space. We aimed to provide a better understanding of the interconnectedness among issues of mining natural, resource management, mining conflict and post-conflict on Ebola outbreak and how wealth generated from abundant natural resources could be better managed in promoting research and development towards strengthening environmental, socioeconomic and health systems sustainability on Ebola outbreak and other emerging diseases surveillance and responses systems prevention and control, early warning alert, durable peace and sustainable development rather than to fuel conflicts, resurgence and emerging diseases epidemics in the perspective of community and national/regional approach. Our results showed the first assessment of systematic impact of all major minerals conflict events diffusion over space and time and mining activities on nine Ebola genesis and geo-distribution in affected countries across Africa. We demonstrate how, where and when mining activities in Africa increase ecological degradation, conflicts at the local level and then spreads violence across territory and time by enhancing the financial capacities of fighting groups/ethnics and diseases onset. In addition, led process of developing minimum standards for natural resource governance; improving governmental and civil society capacity for natural resource management, including the strengthening of monitoring and enforcement mechanisms; understanding the post-mining and conflicts community or national reconstruction and rehabilitation programmes in strengthening or developing community health systems and regulatory mechanisms. In addition the quest for the control over these resources and illegal mining across the landscape forest incursion provided increase environmental and ecological instability and displacement and disequilibrium, therefore affecting the intensity and duration of mining and conflict/wars and episode of Ebola outbreaks over time and space. We highlight the key findings and lessons learnt in promoting country or community-led process in transforming natural resource wealth from a peace liability to a peace asset. The imperative necessity for advocacy and through facilitating intergovernmental deliberations on critical issues and challenges affecting Africa community transforming exploitation of natural resources from a peace liability to outbreak prevention and control. The vital role of mining in increasing government revenues and expenditures, equitable distribution of wealth and health to all stakeholders, in particular local communities requires coordination, cooperative leadership and partnership in fostering sustainable developmental initiatives from mining context to outbreak and other infectious diseases surveillance responses systems in prevention and control, and judicious resource management.

Keywords: mining, mining conflicts, mines, ecological, Ebola, outbreak, mining companies, miners, impact

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Authors: Israel Ekanade, Richard Molapo, Patrick Dzimiri, Isaac Ndlovu

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This study aims to unravel the myth behind animosity towards foreign nationals in South Africa. Systemic violence against foreign African nationals since 2008 to date necessitates critical research with regards to migration issues connected to social upheavals. Extensive research ubiquitously tagged black-on-black violence as xenophobia or Afrophobia. In all, escalation of violence indicates a connotation of belonging. With unemployment rates approaching a crescendo, other vices have also soared in the same regard. As a result, this present generation seems cynical as the South African state has not fulfilled her obligations towards the indigent population; a situation pitching locals against foreigners. Locals have repeatedly blamed African foreign nationals for the economic downturn, using service delivery strikes to express their grievances. These strikes have continued unabatedly over the years but February 2017 marked a turning point in ‘insider-outsider’ relations as the strike was now turned to an anti-immigrant march resulting into widespread violence as the police failed to restore normalcy at some point. Over time, migration has been a harbinger of violence against the foreign black population in South Africa. Our paper encourages the state and civil society to invent new peace-building mechanisms to reduce xenophobic orchestrated violence. Our paper also contends that since the political class has hijacked the situation by using the youths for political propaganda during crises periods, a re-education of the political class and a culture of tolerance is inevitable for peace and harmony between locals and foreigners in post-apartheid South Africa.

Keywords: anti-immigrant march, politics of belonging, service delivery strikes, South Africa

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Authors: Karimova Sitora Yuldashevna

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The August 2021 resurgence of Taliban as a ruling force in Afghanistan once again challenged the global community into dealing with an unprecedentedly unlike-minded government. To express their disapproval of the new regime, Western governments and intergovernmental institutions have suspended their infrastructural projects and other forms of support. Moreover, the Afghan offshore reserves were frozen, and Afghanistan was disconnected from the international financial system, which impeded even independent aid agencies’ work. The already poor provision of aid was then further complicated with political conditionality. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the efficacy of conditional aid policy in the Afghan peacebuilding under Taliban rule and provide recommendations to international donors on further course of action. Arguing that conditionality of aid is a counterproductive factor in the peacebuilding process, this paper employs scholarly literature on peacebuilding alongside reports from International non-governmental organizations INGOs who operate directly in Afghanistan. The existing debate on peacebuilding in Afghanistan revolves around aid as a means of building democratic foundation for achieving peace on communal and national levels and why the previous attempts to do so were unsuccessful. This paper focuses on how to recalibrate the approach to aid provision and peacebuilding in the new reality. In the early 2000s, amid the weak Post-Cold War international will for a profound engagement in the conflict, humanitarian and development aid became the new means of achieving peace. Aid agencies provided resources directly to communities, minimizing the risk of local disputes. Through subsidizing education, governance reforms, and infrastructural projects, international aid accelerated school enrollment, introduced peace education, funded provincial council and parliamentary elections, and helped rebuild a conflict-torn country.When the Taliban seized power, the international community called on them to build an inclusive government based on respect for human rights, particularly girls’ and women’s schooling and work, as a condition to retain the aid flow. As the Taliban clearly failed to meet the demands, development aid was withdrawn. Some key United Nation agencies also refrained from collaborating with the de-facto authorities. However, contrary to the intended change in Talibs’ behavior, such a move has only led to further deprivation of those whom the donors strived to protect. This is because concern for civilians has always been the second priority for the warring parties. This paper consists of four parts. First, it describes the scope of the humanitarian crisis that began in Afghanistan in 2001. Second, it examines the previous peacebuilding attempts undertaken by the international community and the contribution that the international aid had in the peacebuilding process. Third, the paper describes the current regime and its relationships with the international donors. Finally, the paper concludes with recommendations for donors who would have to be more realistic and reconsider their priorities. While it is certainly not suggested that the Taliban regime is legitimized internationally, the crisis calls upon donors to be more flexible in collaborating with the de-facto authorities for the sake of the civilians.

Keywords: Afghanistan, international aid, donors, peacebuilding

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Authors: Alireza Jalilifar, Nadia Mayahi

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The dissertation defense as a complicated conflict-prone context entails the adoption of elegant interactional strategies, one of which is self-denigration. This study aimed to develop and validate a self-denigration model that fits the context of doctoral defense sessions in applied linguistics. Two focus group discussions provided the basis for developing this conceptual model, which assumed 10 functions for self-denigration, namely good manners, modesty, affability, altruism, assertiveness, diffidence, coercive self-deprecation, evasion, diplomacy, and flamboyance. These functions were used to design a 40-item questionnaire on the attitudes of applied linguists concerning self-denigration in defense sessions. The confirmatory factor analysis of the questionnaire indicated the predictive ability of the measurement model. The findings of this study suggest that self-denigration in doctoral defense sessions is the social representation of the participants’ values, ideas and practices adopted as a negotiation strategy and a conflict management policy for the purpose of establishing harmony and maintaining resilience. This study has implications for doctoral students and academics and illuminates further research on self-denigration in other contexts.

Keywords: academic discourse, politeness, self-denigration, grounded theory, dissertation defense

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Authors: Keunsu Han

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Sports has been used as a valuable tool for countries to enhance brand image and to pursue higher political interests. Olympic games are one of the best examples as a mega sport event to achieve such nations’ purposes. The term, “soft power,” coined by Nye, refers to country’s ability to persuade and attract foreign audiences through non-coercive ways such as cultural, diplomatic, and economic means. This concept of soft power provides significant answers about why countries are willing to host a mega sport event such as Olympics. This paper reviews the concept of soft power by Nye as a theoretical framework of this study to understand critical motivation for countries to host Olympics and examines the effects of 2016 Rio Olympics as the state’s soft power strategy. Thorough data analysis including media, government and private-sector documents, this research analyzes both negative and positive aspects of the nation’s image created during Rio Olympics and discusses the effects of Rio Olympics as Brazil’s chance to showcase its soft power by highlighting the best the state has to present.

Keywords: country brand, olympics, soft power, sport diplomacy, mega sport event

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Authors: Victor Jeifets, Liliia Khadorich

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The paper describes the OAS role in dispute resolution. The authors make an attempt to identify a general pattern of the OAS activities within the peaceful settlement of interstate conflicts, in the beginning of 21st century, as well as to analyze some features of Honduras–Belize, Nicaragua–Honduras, Honduras–El Salvador, Costa-Rica–Nicaragua, Colombia–Ecuador cases.

Keywords: OAS, peace maintenance, border dispute, dispute resolution, peaceful settlement

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Authors: Miguel Manero De Lemos

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The ‘innovative and creative’ seminal decision of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) was not welcomed by academic opinion. The court recognized that terrorism is a crime under international law in times of peace. Scholars widely – and sometimes aggressively – criticize this conclusion. This article asserts that, while some aspects of the decision of the STL might be defective, the basic premise, that it is indeed such a crime, is sound. This article delves into the method that the court used to attain such an outcome and explains why the conclusion of the court is correct, albeit the use of a different method is to be preferred. It also argues that subsequent developments leave little room to keep arguing that there is no international crime of terrorism.

Keywords: terrorism, STL, crime, international criminal law

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Authors: Ryunhye Kim

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Despite its relatively short history as an independent state, Qatar has emerged as a highly regarded Gulf state and global power. Since its independence in September 1971, the state has employed deliberate policy initiatives designed to put Qatar on the map and distinguish it from other Gulf states. Because Qatar and its neighbors are resource-poor apart from energy, whoever is first to introduce a unique aspect of branding not only takes the lead but assumes what is often an insurmountable advantage. This study examines three specific modes of branding undertaken by Qatar: (1) energy policies to utilize its natural gas to become a dominant supplier; (2) the deliberate construction of a distinct cultural brand utilizing sports, architecture, museums, and media; and (3) ‘niche diplomacy’ to serve as a mediator in regional and intra-national conflicts, especially as interlocutor between the United States and Arab regimes and Muslim groups. Gleaning data from a range of sources, this study analyzes the effectiveness and significance of Qatar’s place branding on the global stage, as well as potential disadvantages and limits in this branding, including problems encountered before and after the ‘Qatar crisis.’

Keywords: national branding, national-identity, Qatar, soft-power

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Authors: Chijindu D. Mgbemere

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Mass killing also known as genocide is the systematic killing of people from national, ethnic, or religious group, or an attempt to do so. The act has been there before 1948, when it was officially recognized for what it is. From then, the world has continued to witness genocide in diverse forms- negating different measures by the United Nations and its agencies to curb it. So far, all the studies and documentations on this subject are biased in favor of radio and the print. This paper therefore extended the interrogation of genocide, drumming its devastating effects, using the film medium; and in doing so devised innovative and pragmatic approach to genocide scholarship. It further centered attention on the factors and impacts of genocide, with a view to determine how effective film can be in such a study. The study is anchored on Bateson’s Framing Theory. Four films- Hotel Rwanda, Half of a Yellow Sun, Attack on Darfur, and sarafina, were analyzed, based on background, factors/causes, impacts, and development of genocide, via Content Analysis. The study discovered that: as other continents strive towards peace, acts of genocide are on the increase in African. Bloodletting stereotypes give Africa negative image in the global society. Difficult political frameworks, the trauma of postcolonial state, aggravated by ethnic and religious intolerance, and limited access to resources are responsible for high cases of genocide in Africa. The media, international communities, and peace agencies often abet other than prevent genocide or mass killings in Africa. High human casualty and displacement, children soldering, looting, hunger, rape, sex-slavery and abuse, mental and psychosomatic stress disorders are some of the impacts of genocide. Genocidaires are either condemned or killed. Grievances can be vented using civil resistance, negotiation, adjudication, arbitration, and mediation. The cinema is an effective means of studying and documenting genocide. Africans must factor the image laundering of their continent into consideration. Punishment of genocidaires without an attempt to de-radicalize them is counterproductive.

Keywords: African film, genocide, framing theory, mass murder

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Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

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The international community has gone through indescribable atrocities resulting from acts of war. These atrocities turned Europe and Africa into a wilderness of bloodshed and crime. In the period 1960- 1970s Africa witnessed unprecedented and well-documented assaults on life and property. This necessitated the adoption, signing and ratification of the International Criminal Court, establishment of the International Court of Justice which is a great achievement for the protection and fulfilling of human rights in the context of international political instability. The ICC came as an important opportunity to advance justice for serious crimes committed in violation of international law. Thus the Rome statute has become a formidable contribution to peace and security. There are concerns that the ICC is targeting African states. However, the ICC cannot preside over cases that are not parties to the Rome statute unless the UN Security council refers the situation or the relevant state asks the court to become involved. The instable international political situation thus deals with criminal prosecutions where amnesty is not permissible or is strongly repudiated. The court has become important justice instruments for states that are unable or unwilling to fulfill their obligation to address legacies of massive human rights violations. The ICJ as a court has a twofold role; to settle legal disputes submitted to it by states, and to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and specialized agencies. All members of the UN are ipso facto parties to the statute of the ICJ. The court gives advisory opinion on any legal question. These courts are the most appropriate fora to pronounce on international crimes and are in a better position to know and apply international law. Cases that have been brought to the courts include Rwanda’s genocide, Liberia’s Charles Taylor etc. The receptiveness and cooperation of the local populations are important to the courts and if the ICC and ICJ can provide appropriate protections for the physical and economic safety of victims then peace and human rights observance can be attained. This paper will look into the effectiveness and impediments of these courts in handling criminal and injustices in international politics as while as what needs to be done to strengthen the capacity of these courts.

Keywords: ICC, international politics, justice, UN security council, violence, protection, fulfilling

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Authors: Wanda Luen-Wun Siu, Xiaowen Zhang

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This paper adopted a retrospective review of China’s assistance to Latin America from the1950s to 2020. Findings suggested that China’s assistance to Latin America can be roughly divided into five stages: The 1950s to 1960s was the initial stage of China’s assistance to Latin America, mainly focusing on the establishment of diplomatic relations with Cuba and other Latin American countries. The strategy has a strong ideological basis. The 1980s was the stage of development of China's aid to Latin America, which was characterized by consolidating and expanding diplomatic space, emphasizing the spirit of cooperation of equality, mutual benefit, and common development. 90-20 marked the further development of diplomatic relations with Latin American countries, plus domestic market-oriented reforms, emphasizing the importance of economic considerations and less ideological orientation, and this period also witnessed more Chinese state-owned enterprises going out to invest in Latin America. 2010-2019 marked the further development of Latin American relations. This paper contributes to the literature of diplomacy and health assistance to Latin America and highlights the importance of foreign aid and health assistance in sealing bilateral diplomatic relations.

Keywords: aid, china, latin america, bilateral relations

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Authors: Aneri Mehta, Krunal Mehta

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A doctrine, any doctrine, incorporates a set of beliefs or principles held by a body of persons. A national nuclear doctrine represents, therefore, the collective set of beliefs or principles held by the nation in regard to the utility of its nuclear weapons. India’s foreign policy has been profoundly affected by the nuclear explosions conducted in May 1998. The departure from the professed peaceful nuclear policies has had several implications for India’s defense and foreign policies. The explosions in Pokhran have aggravated tensions in south Asia by disrupting diplomatic initiatives with Pak and China. Diplomacy has been reduced to damage control. The object of India’s nuclear deterrence is to persuade an adversary that the costs to him of seeking a military solution to his political problems with India will far outweigh the benefits. The paper focuses on India’s guidelines governing nuclear policy, development of nuclear materials for effective deterrence as well as civil development purpose. The paper finds that security concerns and technological capabilities are important determinants of whether India develops a nuclear weapons programs, while security concerns, economic capabilities, and domestic politics help to explain the possession of nuclear weapons.

Keywords: foreign policy, nuclear deterrence, nuclear policy, development

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Authors: Fethia Braik

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This paper summarizes the history of the US Supreme Court. It did not enjoy today’s status. It did neither control legislation nor the executive power. It was until 1803, during Marshall’s term, that it gained the pride of ruling over the constitutionality of acts be they federal or local, congressional or presidential. The Chief Justice, whether intended or not, vested such power in the supreme judicial institution via the case of Marbury v. Madison. Such power, nevertheless, had not been exercised for many years, till the Dred Scott case.

Keywords: Judiciary Acts 1789, 1801, chief justice, associate justice, justice of peace, review of constitutionality of acts, Jay court, Ellsworth court, Marshall court

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Authors: Rungrot Trongsakul

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This paper was aimed to study the strategic cooperation development of Thailand in accordance with the door open policy of Myanmar, by use of DIMES Model: Diplomacy, Information, Military and Economics, Socio-Culture. This research employed qualitative method, aiming to study, analyze and synthesize the content of laws, policies, relevant research papers and documents, and relevant theories, and to study external environment and national power based on DIMES Model. The five steps of strategic development utilized in this study included (1) conceptual framework and definition; (2) environmental scanning; (3) assessing; (4) determining; and (5) drafting strategic plan. The suggested strategies were based on the concept of 'Soft Power'. Therefore, the determination of measures, action plans or projects as strategic means of public and private organizations should be based on sincere participation among people and communities living on the borders shared by both countries. Adoption of education, learning and sharing process is a key to building sustainability of the countries’ strategic cooperation, while an application of 'Soft Power' in all dimensions of the cooperation between the two countries was suggested.

Keywords: education, strategic cooperation, Thailand-Myanmar borders, sustainability

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Authors: Arshad Ali

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The Taliban insurgency in Swat which started apparently as a social movement in 2004 transformed into an anti-Pakistan Islamist insurgency by joining hands with the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) upon its formation in 2007. It quickly spread beyond Swat by 2009 making Swat the second stronghold of TTP after FATA. It prompted the Pakistan military to launch a full-scale counterinsurgency military operation code named Rah-i-Rast to regain the control of Swat. Operation Rah-i-Rast was successful not only in restoring the writ of the State but more importantly in creating a consensus against the spread of Taliban insurgency in Pakistan at political, social and military levels. This operation became a test case for civilian government and military to seek for a sustainable solution combating the TTP insurgency in the north-west of Pakistan. This study analyzes why the counterinsurgency operation Rah-i-Rast was successful and why the previous ones came into failure. The study also explores factors which created consensus against the Taliban insurgency at political and social level as well as reasons which hindered such a consensual approach in the past. The study argues that the previous initiatives failed due to various factors including Pakistan army’s lack of comprehensive counterinsurgency model, weak political will and public support, and states negligence. Also, the initial counterinsurgency policies were ad-hoc in nature fluctuating between military operations and peace deals. After continuous failure, the military revisited its approach to counterinsurgency in the operation Rah-i-Rast. The security forces learnt from their past experiences and developed a pragmatic counterinsurgency model: ‘clear, hold, build, and transfer.’ The military also adopted the population-centric approach to provide security to the local people. This case Study of Swat evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the Pakistan's counterinsurgency operations as well as peace agreements. It will analyze operation Rah-i-Rast in the light of David Galula’s model of counterinsurgency. Unlike existing literature, the study underscores the bottom up approach adopted by the Pakistan’s military and government by engaging the local population to sustain the post-operation stability in Swat. More specifically, the study emphasizes on the hybrid counterinsurgency model “clear, hold, and build and Transfer” in Swat.

Keywords: Insurgency, Counterinsurgency, clear, hold, build, transfer

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Authors: David E. Wilkins

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While colonialism in its many guises remains the dominant theoretical framework within which to analyze Indigenous relations with state powers, this paper takes a deep look at the treaty, policy, and statutory efforts initiated by both Indigenous peoples and colonial, and later federal representatives within what is now the United States that were intended to create a Native constituent state of the union. While these plans ultimately failed, they are indicative of the reality that, throughout much of the shared Indigenous and American history, there were both Native and non-Native political elites who were keen on the idea of incorporating Indigenous peoples into the burgeoning body politic. This paper explores why these plans arose, who the architects were that devised them, which Native peoples were involved in, and why they ultimately failed to be enacted. Although governmental relations within the US remain fraught and unpredictable, Native nations continue to wield a form of sovereignty that, while truncated, has maintained their distinctive political statuses. There is much to be learned from the exploration of these mixed successes and failures. There are other examples across the globe whereby Indigenous peoples like the Saami and the Māori have secured greater clarity of their retained autonomy through structural political arrangements with the states that have laid claim to their territories while the Ainu struggle to regain their status.

Keywords: indigenous, sovereignty, diplomacy, intergovernmental

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Authors: George Hikah Benson

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The promotion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and Intersex (LGBTQIs) rights within the continent of Africa in general and Ghana, in particular, has for some time now, met the fiercest of resistance; premised mainly on socio-cultural-religious factors. This phenomenon contrasts with notions of countries of the Global North where persons within the context of their fundamental freedoms and rights have the right to sexual choices and preferences. A Private Member’s Bill was introduced to the Ghanaian Parliament in 2021, seeking to criminalize the promotion and advocacy of LGBTQIs related activities. This paper in assessing public views on the matter also seeks to ascertain the security implications regarding the passage of the law at the community level. The study also evaluates LGBTQIs rights vis-a-vis the provisions of Chapter 5 of the 1992 Ghana Constitution and global legal jurisprudence on fundamental human rights. To that end, the study adopted a mixed design approach (quantitative and qualitative) to gather data from 1,550 respondents from all ‘walks of life, across all sixteen regions of Ghana. The main findings are that first, over 85% of Ghanaians abhor the practices of LGBTQIs in keeping with the societal, cultural and religious beliefs of Ghanaians, and will go any length to prevent its survival in the country. Further, the time is not ripe for the acceptance of LGBTQ rights in Ghana as the activities will disrupt family values and poison the existing peace that Ghanaians are currently enjoying. However, it is generally believed that when the bill is passed into law, Ghana’s international image will be dented, and 60% of participants and respondents will be unmoved. Against this hostile, intolerant backdrop regarding LGBTQIs rights in the country and in many other African countries, the study foremost recommends that such a law, when passed, should come with a ‘human face’ that will not just seek to be punitive of LGBTQIs persons but corrective. Additionally, the law should be one that offers them support in line with their rights as Ghanaian and African citizens. Moreover, religious and traditional bodies should endeavor to engage LGBTQIs persons in a friendlier, corrective and loving manner rather than in the current hostile environment that society exposes them to.

Keywords: Ghanaian parliament, LGBTQIs rights, perceptions, socio-culture-religious

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Authors: Talip Turkmen

Abstract:

From the moment the first beats, the first step into the world mankind finds him in a struggle to survive. Most important case to win this fight is power. Power is one of the most common concepts which we encounter in our life. Mainly power is ability to reach desired results on someone else or ability to penetrate into the behavior of others. Throughout history merging technology and changing political trade-offs caused the change of concept of power. Receiving a state of multipolar new world order in the 21st century and increasing impacts of media have narrowed the limits of military power. With increasing globalization and peaceful diplomacy this gap, left by military power, has filled by soft power which has ability to persuade and attract. As concepts of power soft power also has not compromised yet. For that reason it is important to specify, sources of soft power, soft power strategies and limits of soft power. The purpose of this study was to analyze concept of soft power and importance of soft power in foreign relations. This project focuses on power, hard power and soft power relations, sources of soft power and strategies to gain soft power. Datas in this project was acquired from other studies on soft power and foreign relations. This paper was prepared in terms of concept and research techniques. As a result of data gained in this study the one of important topics in international relations is balance between soft power.

Keywords: soft power, foreign policy, national power, hard power

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