Search results for: communist era

Authors: Dagikhudo Dagiev

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This paper is a thorough contribution to the analysis of Russian, Soviet and post-Soviet scholarship on the study of Ismailism in Central Asia. It focuses on the lengthy development of Russian studies on Ismailism from the Russian colonial domination to the entire period of Soviet rule, down to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the last two decades of post-Soviet history. These studies, conducted along the lines of various disciplines in the span of more than one hundred years, have resulted in a large amount of scholarly contributions. This paper aims at probing the virtues and shortcoming of such scholarship. Particularly, our investigation of the specialised fields in the Russian-Soviet Studies has required laborious researches in Russian and Central Asian libraries, which have enabled us to provide a guide through this literature, assessing its ideological leanings and qualities, institutions and level of scholarship. Despite some shortcomings, due to Marxism and the authoritarian rule of the Communist Party over the socio-religious life of the people and religious communities, Soviet studies have produced many positive insights on Ismailis studies. These captured almost every aspects of the life of the Ismaili community from anthropology to archaeology, ethnography, history, philosophy, ritual practice and, most importantly, collection and preservation of Ismaiili manuscripts, which will be examined and assessed in this study.

Keywords: Central Asian Studies, Ismailism, Russian Studies, Soviet Studies

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Authors: Haymanot Gebre-Amlak, Selamawit Gebre-Amlak

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Since its original declaration in the 18th century, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels's Communist Manifesto has become one of the most influential political tracts. Socialism is a political path that leads towards communism by fostering a cooperative economy through the creation of cooperative enterprises, common ownership, state ownership, or shared equity. The ultimate objective of communism is to bring everyone working toward the same collective goal of a healthy, happy, and free society. The European establishment of 19-century colonial rule over the continent of Africa reinforced inflows of European investment and forced a profound change in the operation of labor and land markets. The colonial era and forced labor schemes in Africa lasted for several decades. When exiting from colonialism, these African countries were attracted to socialism’s ideology to bridge the social gap and freedom to their society. In this paper, we compare a pre and post socialist ideology and the impact in various African countries. We analyse the different aspects, which led to inconsistent outcomes. Our finding indicates that while they have some facets in common, each African country had a unique interpretation and influence from the socialist ideology.

Keywords: African politics, socialism in Africa, African history, Africa

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Authors: Tatiana Rizova

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The migrant crisis, which peaked in 2015-2016, posed an unprecedented challenge to the European Union’s (EU) newest member states, including Bulgaria and Hungary. Their governments had to formulate sound migration policies with expediency and sensitivity to the needs of millions of people fleeing violent conflicts in the Middle East and failed states in North Africa. Political leaders in post-communist countries had to carefully coordinate with other EU member states on joint policies and solutions while minimizing the risk of alienating their increasingly anti-migrant domestic constituents. Post-communist member states’ governments chose distinct policy responses to the crisis, which were dictated by factors such as their governments’ partisan stances on migration, their views of the European Union, and the decision to frame the crisis as a security or a humanitarian issue. This paper explores how two Bulgarian governments (Boyko Borisov’s second and third government formed during the 43rd and 44th Bulgarian National Assembly, respectively) navigated the processes of EU migration policy making and managing the expectations of their electorates. Based on a comparative analysis of refugee policies in Bulgaria and Hungary during the height of the crisis (2015-2016) and a temporal analysis of refugee policies in Bulgaria (2015-2018), the paper advances the following conclusions. Drawing on insights of the Copenhagen school of security studies, the paper argues that cultural concerns dominated domestic debates in both Bulgaria and Hungary; both governments framed the issue predominantly as a matter of security rather than humanitarian disaster. Regardless of the similarities in issue framing, however, the two governments sought different paths of tackling the crisis. While the Bulgarian government demonstrated its willingness to comply with EU decisions (such as the proposal for mandatory quotas for refugee relocation), the Hungarian government defied EU directives and became a leading voice of dissent inside the EU. The current Bulgarian government (April 2017 - present) appears to be committed to complying with EU decisions and accepts the strategy of EU burden-sharing, while the Hungarian government has continually snubbed the EU’s appeals for cooperation despite the risk of hefty financial penalties. Hungary’s refugee policies have been influenced by the parliamentary representation of the far right-wing party Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik), which has encouraged the majority party (FIDESZ) to adopt harsher anti-migrant rhetoric and more hostile policies toward refugees. Bulgaria’s current government is a coalition of the center-right Citizens for a European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) and its far right-wing junior partners – the United Patriots (comprised of three nationalist political parties). The parliamentary presence of Jobbik in Hungary’s parliament has magnified the anti-migrant stance, rhetoric, and policies of Mr. Orbán’s Civic Alliance; we have yet to observe a substantial increase in the anti-migrant rhetoric and policies in Bulgaria’s case. Analyzing responses to the migrant/refugee crisis is a critical opportunity to understand how issues of cultural identity and belonging, inclusion and exclusion, regional integration and disintegration are debated and molded into policy in Europe’s youngest member states in the broader EU context.

Keywords: Copenhagen School, migrant crisis, refugees, security

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Authors: Irfan Mehmood

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The goal of this study is to examine The Bluest Eye (1979) by Toni Morrison from a Marxist perspective, a literary theory developed by Louis Althusser, which emphasizes capitalism and class conflict in the modern world. Marxist literary philosophy holds that the absence of opportunities for lower-class people to own and earn properties and resources of production is the main cause of their repression. In The Communist Manifesto (1848), Karl Marx divided society into two main classes, the proletariat (the lowest class) and the bourgeois (the ruling class). Marx contends that the proletarian class has been brutally exploited by the bourgeois class in all facets of existence. The exploitation of the lower class by means of hegemony and capitalism is covered by Toni Morrison in her first novel, The Bluest Eye (1979). The goal of this study is to determine how Morrison's chosen work highlights the struggle of oppressed African Americans against entrenched systems of hegemony, interpellation, and state apparatuses. This study will look more closely at the claim that all of the miseries experienced by Afro-Americans are mostly the result of the capitalist class structure and that they can also enjoy the blessings of life through unity, hard work, and economic stability.

Keywords: class conflict; African American culture; hegemony; interpellation; state apparatuses

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Authors: L. Totladze

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The role of financial sector in supporting economic growth and development is well acknowledged. The term spread (the difference between the yields on long-term and short-term Treasury securities) has been found useful for predicting economic variables as output growth, inflation, industrial production, consumption. The temp spread is one of the leading economic indicators according to NBER methodology. Leading economic indicators are widely used in forecasting of economic activity. Many empirical studies find that the term spread predicts future economic activity. The article shortly explains how the term spread might predict future economic activity. This paper analyses the dynamics of the spread between short and long-term interest rates in countries with transition economies. The research paper analyses term spread dynamics in Georgia and compare it with post-communist countries and transition economies spread dynamics. In Georgia, the banking sector plays an important and dominant role in the financial sector, especially with respect to the mobilization of savings and provision of credit and may impact on economic activity. For this purpose, we study the impact of the term spread on economic growth in Georgia.

Keywords: forecasting, leading economic indicators, term spread, transition economies

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Authors: Mary Ostaszewski

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For many years China was riddled by poverty among many other issues and was far from a world power. However, today China has one of the largest GDPs of any country in the world and is a global powerhouse. Since China has accomplished so much, many would presume that this means China is moving away from being a “developing country” alongside countries such as India, Brazil, Israel, etc. into the category “developed country” with countries such as the U.S. Yet, this is not the case as, despite their economic strides, China still has ways to come, especially when it comes to human rights. China faces extreme criticism regarding how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) handles human rights. China has an Orwellian-based society where technology is highly monitored, critics are quickly silenced, and freedoms are heavily restricted. One of their most recent human rights violations is attempting to repress Uyghur populations by placing them into “re-education camps,” where an already vulnerable population is being deprived of their freedoms through severe oppression. These violations create concerns as other developing countries with authoritarian governments follow the example of China. This is mainly because China has seen great success economically while simultaneously being able to maintain its authoritarian regime, thus, inspiring other countries to continue their human rights violations in hopes of gaining success similar to China’s. This idolization of China by other authoritarian regimes creates a concern especially regarding their “re-education” camps. This paper will argue that Chinese “re-education” camps are not only dangerous because they severely oppress and harm the Uyghur population. Yet they are also dangerous because other countries already impressed by China’s success may adopt similar camps in their countries to ensure their oppressive governments retain their tight grasp on power.

Keywords: China, re-education camps, developing countries, Africa, West

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Authors: Lingfei Sun

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Based on the significant value of ecology, the strategic planning for ecological civilization construction was mentioned in the 17th and 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. How to generate economic value based on the environmental capacity is not only an economic decision but also a political decision to make. Boshan took the full use of “Ecology” and transformed it as an inexhaustible green resource to benefit people, reflecting the sustainable value of new agriculture development mode. The Strawberry Harvest Festival and Blueberry Harvest Festival hosted approximately 96,000 and 54,000 leisure tourists respectively in 2014. For the Kiwi Harvest Festival in August 2014, in average, it attracted about 4600 tourists per day, which generated daily kiwi sales of 50,000 lbs and 3 million RMB (About 476,000 USD) of daily revenue. The purpose of this study is to elaborate the modes of agritourism development, by analyzing the cases in rural area of Boshan, China. Interviews with the local government officers were applied to discover operation mode of agritourism operation. The financial data was used to demonstrate the strength of government policy and improvement of the income of rural people. The result indicated that there are mainly three types of modes: the Intensive Mode, the Model Mode and the Mixed Mode, supported by case study respectively. With the boom of tourism, the development of agritourism in Boshan relies on the agriculture encouraging policy of China and the effort of local government; meanwhile, large scale of cultivation and the product differentiation are the crucial elements for the success of rural agritourism projects.

Keywords: agriculture, agritourism, economy, rural area development

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Authors: Guanghua Yu

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This article has examined the rise of the UK, US, and China at different historical times to explain the argument that it is open access in the economic sphere, as well as institutional building related to the protection of property rights, contract enforcement, financial market, the rule of law, and human resource accumulation that determine economic and human development. Both the UK, after the Glorious Revolution in the seventeenth century, and China, after its adoption of the open door policy at the end of the 1970s, follow such a path of development. The difference between the UK and China in moving toward that path is the different coordination of elites. While the coordination of elites in the UK through parliament played important roles in forcing the government to consider the wider encompassing interest in society after the Glorious Revolution, the coordination of elites in China has mainly been achieved by the Communist Party of China such that the Chinese Government has started to pay greater deal of attention to the wider encompassing interest in the country from 1978. The article has also examined the rise of the US following colonial settlement to independence and institutional building thereafter. The US case is similarly consistent with the argument that open access in the economic sphere and institutional building matter the most to economic development. More decentralized methods of the coordination of elites in the US among colonies (states), the federal governments, and other political groups similarly shaped the path towards open access in the economic sphere and institutional building. As such, open access in the political sphere plays an indirect role in development at best. If that is correct, there are possibilities that different political systems are able to achieve coordination of elites so that governments will turn their attention to development.

Keywords: open access, interconnected institutions, democracy, development

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Authors: S. Zev Kalifon

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The question of polygamy for Moslem minorities in Western nations has often been raised in the political and social discourse. Can polygamy be tolerated as a religious or human right in the West. For example, before the 2015 election in Israel, changes were made in the electoral system, which encouraged three small Arab parties to merge into one list. This “Unity List” included the socially liberal Communist list and a socially conservative Islamist list. Two members of the Islamist list were polygamists. Some rival politicians called for the election board to disqualify these men (and even the whole list) from the election process. This request was denied by the courts, and the men were elected to the parliament. Their subsequent seating in the parliament was questioned by many on both the liberal and conservative sides of the political spectrum. Some political commentators went so far as to describe polygamy as a “mark of disgrace” (a term usually reserved for people convicted on corruption charges). There are also problems in other areas of society; these include the rights of these families for welfare and social services (public policy issues) and residence in Israel. Using qualitative methods (primarily historical and archival data), this paper will analyze at the historic and cultural processes which created the intense opposition to polygamy in Judaism (for Israel) and Christianity (for the Western world). It will look at the debate over the "religious right" of polygamy for Moslem citizens in Israel and other Western cultures. Finally, it will examine the political, cultural, and demographic pressures which encourage polygamy in these minorities. This paper will demonstrate that the debate over polygamy is more than a question of religious freedom or human rights or multi-culturalism. It is a central symbol of modernity and the Western worldview.

Keywords: human rights, Judaism, multi-culturalism, polygamy, western values

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Authors: Chong Zhang

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There is widespread debate about the nationalistic top-down approach to citizenship education. Employing the notion of cultural citizenship as a useful theoretical lens, citizenship education research tends to focus on the process of subjectivity construction among students’ citizenship learning process. As the Communist Party of China (CPC) plays a dominant role in cultivating citizens through ideological and political education (IaPE) in Chinese universities, the research problem herein focuses on the dynamics and complexity of how Chinese university students construct their subjectivities regarding citizenship learning through IaPE, mediated by the interaction between the state and university teachers. Drawing on questionnaire data from 212 students and interview data from 25 students in one university in China, this paper examines the ways in which students understand and respond to dominant discourses. Its findings reveal there is a deficit of citizenship learning in IaPE, and that students feel ideologically pressurized. From its analysis of social contexts’ influence, the article suggests Chinese higher education students act as either mild changemakers or active self-motivators to enact complex subjectivities, in that they must involve themselves in IaPE for personal academic and career development, yet adopt covert strategies to realise their self-conscious citizenship learning expectations. These strategies take the form of passive and active freedoms, ranging from obediently completing basic curriculum requirements and distancing themselves by studying abroad, to actively searching for learning opportunities from other courses and social media. This paper contributes to the research on citizenship education by recognizing the complexities of how subjectivities are formed in formal university settings.

Keywords: university students, citizenship learning, cultural citizenship, subjectivity, Chinese higher education

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Authors: Gordon James Knowles

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Historically the Chinatown district in Sandwich Islands has been plagued with the traditional vice crimes of illegal drugs, gambling, and prostitution since the early 1800s. However, a new form of psychologically addictive arcade style table gambling machines has become the dominant form of illegal revenue made in Honolulu, Hawaii. This study attempts to document the drive, desire, or will to play and wager with arcade style video gaming and understand the role of illegal game rooms in facilitating pathological gambling addiction. Indicators of police corruption by Chinese organized crime syndicates related to protection rackets, bribery, and pay-offs were revealed. Information fusion from a police science and sociological intelligence perspective indicates insurgent warfare is being waged on the streets of Honolulu by the People’s Republic of China. This state-sponsored communist terrorism in the Hawaiian Islands used “contactless” irregular warfare entailing: (1) the deployment of psychologically addictive gambling machines, (2) the distribution of the physically addictive fentanyl drug as a lethal chemical weapon, and (3) psychological warfare by circulating pro-China anti-American propaganda newspapers targeted at the small island populace.

Keywords: Chinese and Polynesian organized crime, china daily newspaper, electronic arcade style table games, gaming technology addiction, illegal compulsive gambling, and police intelligence

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Authors: Xia Luo, Cheng Zeng

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Under the promotion of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council in 2017, Xiong'an New Area is the third crucial new area in China established after Shenzhen and Shanghai. Its constructions' significance lies in mitigating Beijing's non-capital functions and exploring a new mode of optimizing development in densely populated and economically intensive areas. For this purpose, developing underground logistics can assume the role of goods distribution in the capital, relieve the road transport pressure in Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei Urban Agglomeration, adjust and optimize the urban layout and spatial structure of it. Firstly, the construction planning of Xiong'an New Area and underground logistics development are summarized, especially the development status abroad, the development trend, and bottlenecks of underground logistics in China. This paper explores the technicality, feasibility, and necessity of four modes of transportation. There are pneumatic capsule pipeline (PCP) technology, the CargoCap technology, cable hauled mule, and automatic guided vehicle (AGV). The above technical parameters and characteristics are introduced to relevant experts or scholars. Through establishing an indicator system, carrying out a questionnaire survey with the Delphi method, the final suggestion is obtained: China should develop logistics vehicles similar to CargoCap, adopting rail mode and driverless mode. Based on China's temporal and spatial logistics demand and the geographical pattern of Xiong'an New Area, the construction scale, technical parameters, node location, and other vital parameters of underground logistics are planned. In this way, we hope to speed up the new area's construction and the logistics industry's innovation.

Keywords: the Xiong'an new area, underground logistics, contrastive analysis, CargoCap, logistics planning

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Authors: Dylan Yanano Mangani, Theodore Nkadimeng Mahosi

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Soon after independence on 18th April 1980, Zimbabwe’s foreign policy was shaped by the realities on the ground, which saw the country managing a sound relationship with both the Capitalist West and the Communist Eastern blocs. The post-independence foreign policy was therefore premised on security concerns illuminated by the Cold War era. This was one the reasons President Robert Mugabe adopted a policy of reconciliation and this earned his government recognition on the international platform. However, in Southern Africa apartheid South Africa was still the vanguard of capitalism and oppression such that she posed a serious threat to the newly born Zimbabwean nation which necessitated that Zimbabwe position herself both in the region and the continent to counter potential internal stability from within. Irrespective of how the international community viewed the country’s foreign policy Zimbabwe has continued to influence regional, continental and world geo-politics, especially on behalf of the developing nations. This raises a question why as a result of its foreign policy the country is now regarded a pariah state, especially some Western countries which used to applaud its political economic policies immediately after independence. Therefore, this study argues that the political economy of Zimbabwe had a far-reaching bearing on its foreign policy. For this reason, the problem necessitates the investigation of Zimbabwe’s foreign policy perspectives in Southern Africa since the turn of the 1990s. Two main theories which are Realism, Afro-centrism inform the study as an attempt to understand Zimbabwe’s foreign policy paradigm shift and perhaps provide answers to the objectives raised. The research therefore employs a qualitative approach where the conceptual nature of the study into the foreign policy of Zimbabwe is largely desktop research. However, the nature of the study will also require that oral interviews are conducted to substantiate some of the arguments advanced.

Keywords: cold war set up, foreign policy, look east policy, pan-africanism, post 2000 period, Southern Africa, Zimbabwe

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Authors: Ketevan Epadze

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The paper aims to examine conflicting historical narratives proposed by the Georgian and Abkhazian scholars on the territorial affiliation of Abkhazia in the 1950s, explain how these narratives were connected to the Soviet nationalities policy after WW II and demonstrate the dynamic of the narratives’ battle in the last years of the Soviet system, which was followed by military conflict in the post-Soviet era. Abkhazia –a breakaway region of Georgia- self-declared its independence in 1992. Historical dispute on the territorial rights of Abkhazia emerged long before the military conflict began and was connected to the theory of Abkhazian ethnogenesis written by the Georgian literary scholar Pavle Ingorokva. He argued that medieval Abkhazians were Georgians, while modern Abkhazians are newcomers in Abkhazia. After the de-Stalinization, Abkhazian historians developed historical narrative opposed to Ingorokva’s theory. In the 1980s, Georgian dissidents who strove for Georgia’s independence used Ingorokva’s thesis to oppose Abkhazians desire for self-determination and sovereignty. Abkhazian political actors in their turn employed opposite historical arguments to legitimate their rights over autonomy. Ingorokva’s theory is one of the principal issues, discussed during the Georgian-Abkhazian dialogue; it often confuses Georgians and gives the reasons to Abkhazians for complaining about the Georgian discrimination in the Soviet past. The study is based on the different kind of sources: archival materials of the 1950s (Communist Party Archive of Georgia, Soviet Journal ‘Mnatobi’), the book by Pavle Ingorokva ‘Giorgi Merchule’ (1947-1954) and Zurab Anchabadze’s responsive work to Ingorokva’s book – ‘From the medieval history of Abkhazia’ (1956-1959), political speeches of the Georgian and Abkhazian political actors in the 1980s, secondary sources on the Soviet nationalities policy from the 1950s to the 1990s.

Keywords: Soviet, history, ethnicity, nationalism, politics, post-Soviet, conflict

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Authors: Pablo Ampuero, Claudia Labarca

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The current research paper assesses how the narrative of Chilean businesspeople about China shapes a new Orientalism Analyses on the role of non-state actors in foreign policy that have hitherto theorized about Orientalism as a narrative of hegemonic power. Hence, it has been instrumental to the efforts of imperialist powers to justify their mission civilisatrice. However, such conceptualization can seldom explain new complexities of international interactions at the height of globalization. Hence, we assessed the case of Chile, a small Latin American country, and its relationship with China, its largest trading partner. Through a discourse analysis of interviews with Chilean businesspeople engaged in the Chinese market, we could determine that Chile is building an Orientalist image of China. This new business Orientalism reinforces a relation of alterity based on commercial opportunities, traditional values, and natural dispositions. Hence, the perception of the Chinese Other amongst Chilean business people frames a new set of representations as part of the essentially commercial nature of current bilateral relations. It differs from previous frames, such as the racial bias frame of the early 20^th century, or the anti-communist frame in reaction to Mao’s leadership. As in every narrative of alterity, there is not only a construction of the Other but also a definition of the Self. Consequently, this analysis constitutes a relevant case of the role of non-state actors in asymmetrical bilateral relations, where the non-state actors of the minor power build and act upon an Orientalist frame, which is not representative of its national status in the relation. This study emerges as a contribution on the relation amongst non-state actors in asymmetrical relations, where the smaller power’s business class acts on a negative prejudice of its interactions with its counterpart. The research builds upon the constructivist approach to international relations, linking the idea of Nation Branding with Orientalism in the case of Chile-China relations.

Keywords: new business Orientalism, small power, framing, Chile-China relations

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Authors: Nizika Sorokhaibam

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, that marked the end of the prolonged struggle of ideologies between capitalism of the United States of America and communism of the Soviet Union, the world entered a new era of free markets, trade and economic liberalization. Through analysis of various literatures on North Korea, this study focuses on the impact of Globalization on North Korea- its people, economy and the regime. The study also takes a glance at the Juche ideology, which was crafted by the Supreme Leader Kim Il Sung, for the people of DPRK and its role and influence in shaping the North Korean economy. The new buzz word being Globalization, as businesses started to expand on international scale, demanding the need for co-operation, connectivity and interdependence of countries around the world. States tilted their focus towards industrialization, production of raw materials, production of goods to meet the growing demands and grabbing markets for the manufactured products. This became the norm as many newly independent countries adopted democracy and aligned their views with globalization processes. Socialist and communist regimes either fell one after the other to join the globalization trend or reformed their economic system to meet the globalization trends. However, even after staying isolated for more than six decades, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the Hermit Kingdom, refuses to open up its economy to the globalised world. North Korean regime still controls all the sectors of the country and no trade and investment freedom is given to the people. North Korea vigorously makes efforts to emphasize on its Juche ideology of self-sustenance and self-reliance to keep away from actively engaging in global trade and process of globalization, which they refer to as “Americanization” of the world. Nevertheless, the reality is that North Korea’s economy is not self sustained and is collapsing from within, which led them to solicit foreign aid from the United States of America, South Korea (Republic of Korea) and People’s Republic of China. The regime needs to implement reforms and make adjustments for the economy to survive in the competing world.

Keywords: economic globalization, economic isolation, Juche, North Korea

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Authors: Xiaoxin Zhao

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Because of the long-time dual structure development in urban and rural areas, the rapid urbanization in China devours the rural resources and causes the unbalanced development of cities and the countryside. On one side, the urban sprawl is swallowing the villages in the peripheral area of cities and forms the ‘urban village’. On the other side, people from traditional and vernacular villages immigrate to the metropolis that their homeland becomes the ‘hollowed village’. In 2005, the national state council noticed the significance of rural development and promoted the ‘beautiful countryside’ project when Minsu was rising. In the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (2017), president Xi Jinping announces the importance of ‘rural revitalization’ and states that the relationship between urban and rural areas should be an integrated development model. However, most Minsu projects in China was invested and managed by individual or group investors and focused on the profits but not the vernacular culture and rural development, and enhanced the urban-rural distinction. This paper introduces two Minsu projects in China designed by star-architects and advertised by social network media as case studies through photos and public comments collections. Architects as the servant to the investors, designed fancy houses, brings the urban life mode but expelled the real vernacular lifestyle as a cultural experience in rural areas. Moreover, to advertise the Minsu hotel, the social media propagates a distorted value that ‘luxury is good taste’ and motivates the vanity of people. Lastly, to maximize the profits, the investors set a high price that caused another unbalanced development in rural area since the price for one night in the Minsu hotel may exceed the monthly income of a local inhabitant. With these material, the author discusses the problems in Chinese Minsu industry and argues that the media, architects and investors play the negative role in the separation between Minsu cultural tourism and rural population. As a result, the author points out the significance of rural population participation that sharing the profits with them if we take Minsu industry as a method for rural revitalization in China.

Keywords: Minsu, vernacular, rural development, rural population participation

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Authors: Merle Talvik, Taimi Tulva, Kristi Puusepp, Ülle Ernits

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Background data. In 1940–1941 and 1945–1991 Estonia was occupied by Soviet Union. Paternalism was a common principle in Soviet social policy, including health care. The Soviet government, not the individuals themselves, decided on achieving a person’s quality of life. With the help of Soviet ideology, the work culture of nurses was constructed and the education system was also reshaped according to the ideology. The “new period of awakening” was initiated under Gorbachev’s perestroika and glasnost (1985–1991), leading to democratization. Aim. The qualitative study aimed to analyze nursing education in Soviet Estonia in the conditions of paternalistic orientation and ideological pressure. Method. The research was conducted in 2021 and 2023. Senior nurses (aged 69–87) who had worked for at least 20 years during the Soviet era were surveyed. Thematic interviews were conducted in written form and orally (13 interviewees), followed by a focus group interview (8 interviewees). A thematic content analysis was performed. Results. Nursing is part of society’s culture and in this sense, in - terviews with nurses provide us with critical information about the functioning of society and cultural identity at a given time. During the Soviet era the training of nurses occured within vocational training institutions. The curricula underwent a shift towards a Soviet-oriented approach. A significant portion of lessons were dedicated to imparting knowledge on the principles and tenets of Communist-Marxist ideology. Therefore, practical subjects and nursing theory were frequently allocated limited space. A paternalistic orientation prevailed in health care: just as the state regulated how to cure, spread hygiene, and healthy lifestyles propaganda, training was also determined by the management of the institution, thereby limiting the person´s autonomy to decide what kind of training was needed. The research is of significant value in the context of the history of nursing, as it helps to understand the difficulties and complexity of the development of nursing on the timeline. The Soviet era still affects Estonian society today and will continue to do so in the future. The same type of developments occurred in other post-Soviet countries.

Keywords: Estonian SSR, nursing education, paternalism, senior nurse, Soviet ideology

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Authors: Hugh Battye

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In recent years, Muslim identity in China has strengthened against the backdrop of a worldwide Islamic revival. One discussion arising from this has been focused around the Hui, an ethnicity created by the Communist government in the 1950s covering the Chinese speaking 'Sino-Muslims' as opposed to those with their own language. While the term Hui in Chinese has traditionally meant 'Muslim', the strengthening of Hui identity in recent decades has led to a debate among scholars as to whether this identity is primarily ethnically or religiously driven. This article looks at the case of a mixed ethnic community in rural Gansu Province, Central Northwest China, which not only contains the official Hui ethnicity but also members of the smaller Muslim Salar and Bonan minority groups. In analyzing the close interaction between these groups, the paper will argue that, despite government attempts to promote the Hui as an ethnicity within its modern ethnic paradigm, in rural Gansu and the general region, Hui is still essentially seen as a religious identity. Having provided an overview of the historical evolution of the Hui ethnonym in China and presented the views of some of the important scholars involved in the discussion, the paper will then offer its findings based on participant observation and survey work in Gansu. The results will show that, firstly, for the local Muslims, religious identity clearly dominates ethnic identity. On the ground, the term Hui continues to be used as a catch-all term for Muslims, whether they belong to the official 'Hui' nationality or not, and against this backdrop, the ethnic importance of being 'Hui', 'Bonan' or 'Salar' within the Muslim community itself is by contrast minimal. Secondly, however, this local Muslim solidarity is not at present pointing towards some kind of national pan-ethnic Islamic movement that could potentially set itself up in opposition to the Chinese government; rather it is better seen as part of an ongoing negotiation by local Muslims with the state in the context of its ascribed ethnic categories. The findings of this study in a region where many of the Muslims are more conservative in their beliefs is not necessarily replicated in other contexts, such as in urban areas and in eastern and southern China, and hence reification of the term Hui as one idea extending all across China should be avoided, whether in terms of a united religious 'ummah' or of a real or imagined 'ethnic group.' Rather, this localized case study seeks to demonstrate ways in which Muslims of rural Central Northwest China are 'being Hui,' as a contribution to the broader discussion on what it means to be Muslim and Chinese in the reform era.

Keywords: China, ethnicity, Hui, identity, Muslims

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Authors: Dawa Wangmo

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The anti-religious campaigns of the Soviet Union in the 1930s eradicated Kalmyk Buddhism from the public sphere. Following Perestroika, the Kalmyks retained a sense of being essentially Buddhist people. Nevertheless, since the collapse of the Soviet Communist regime, Kalmykia has been going through vigorous ethnic and cultural revitalization. The new Kalmyk government is reviving the religion with the building of Buddhist temples and the attempted training of Kalymk monks. Kalmykia, officially an autonomous republic within the Federation of Russia, is situated in the European part of Russia in the steppe region bordering the Caspian Sea in its southeast. According to the 2010 census, the Kalmyks, a people of Mongolian origin, constitute over 57 percent of the Republic’s population of less than 290000. Russians living in Kalmykia comprise around 30 percent, the remainder being various Slavic and Asian groups. Since the Kalmyks historically adhere to Buddhism, Kalmykia is often described in tourist brochures and proudly by the Kalmyks themselves as one of the three “traditional Buddhist republics” of Russia and “the only Buddhist region” in Europe. According to traditional Kalmyk Gelug Buddhism, monasticism is the central aspect; hence monastic Tibetans from India have been invited to the Republic to help revive Buddhism and their Buddhist identity in Russia as a whole. However, for the young post-soviets, the monastic way of life is proving too alien, and the subsequent labeling by these monks of ‘surviving’ Kalmyk Buddhist practices as superstitious, mistaken, or corrupt is an initial step in the purification of alternate views, leading to religious reform. This sentiment is also felt by younger Kalmyks who do not find sense in surviving Buddhism but believe more in the philosophical approach of Buddhism taught by the visiting Buddhist teachers at Dharma centers. By discussing this post-soviet shift in local notions of religious efficacy, an attempt will be made to shed light on how the social movements of both reform and revival arise as a collusion between contemporary Tibetan and Kalmyk views on the nature of true Buddhism. This work explores aspects of religious innovation that have developed since the early 1990s in the process of reconstitution of ethnic and religious identity in Kalmykia, a Republic in the southwest of Russia. Any attempts to study the history of Buddhism in Kalmykia would surely mean studying the “History of the most northern Dharma community in the World.”

Keywords: Kalmykia, Tibetan Buddhism, reform, revival, identity

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Authors: Jovana Vukcevic, Sanja Pekovic, Djurdjica Perovic, Tatjana Stanovcic

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This paper presents a critical inquiry into the role of uncomfortable heritage in nation branding with the particular focus on the specificities of the politics of memory, forgetting and revisionism in the post-communist post-Yugoslavia. It addresses legacies of unwanted, ambivalent or unacknowledged past and different strategies employed by the former-Yugoslav states and private actors in “rebranding” their heritage, ensuring its preservation, but re-contextualizing the narrative of the past through contemporary tourism practices. It questions the interplay between nostalgia, heritage and market, and the role of heritage in polishing the history of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the Balkans. It argues that in post-socialist Yugoslavia, the necessity to limit correlations with former ideology and the use of the commercial brush in shaping a marketable version of the past instigated the emergence of the profit-oriented heritage practices. Building on that argument, the paper addresses these issues as “commodification” and “disneyfication” of Balkans’ ambivalent heritage, contributing to the analysis of changing forms of memorialisation and heritagization practices in Europe. It questions the process of ‘coming to terms with the past’ through marketable forms of heritage tourism, fetching the boundary between market-driven nostalgia and state-imposed heritage policies. In order to analyse plurality of ways of dealing with controversial, ambivalent and unwanted heritage of dictatorships in the Balkans, the paper considers two prominent examples of heritage commodification in Serbia and Montenegro, and the re-appropriations of those narratives for the nation branding purposes. The first one is the story of the Tito’s Blue Train, the landmark of the socialist past and the symbol of Yugoslavia which has nowadays being used for birthday parties and marriage celebrations, while the second emphasises the unusual business arrangement turning the fortress Mamula, former concentration camp through the Second World War, into a luxurious Mediterranean resort. Questioning how the ‘uneasy’ past was acknowledged and embedded into the official heritage institutions and tourism practices, study examines the changing relation towards the legacies of dictatorships, inviting us to rethink the economic models of the things past. Analysis of these processes should contribute to better understanding of the new mnemonics strategies and (converging?) ways of ‘doing’ past in Europe.

Keywords: commodification, heritage tourism, totalitarianism, Serbia, Montenegro

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Authors: Wayne Tarrant, Ethan Petersen

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The concept of a flat tax goes back to at least the Biblical tithe. A progressive income tax was first vociferously espoused in a small, but famous, pamphlet in 1848 (although England had an emergency progressive tax for war costs prior to this). Within a few years many countries had adopted the progressive structure. The flat tax was only reinstated in some small countries and British protectorates until Mart Laar was elected Prime Minister of Estonia in 1992. Since Estonia’s adoption of the flat tax in 1993, many other formerly Communist countries have likewise abandoned progressive income taxes. Economists had expectations of what would happen when a flat tax was enacted, but very little work has been done on actually measuring the effect. With a testbed of 21 countries in this region that currently have a flat tax, much comparison is possible. Several countries have retained progressive taxes, giving an opportunity for contrast. There are also the cases of Czech Republic and Slovakia, which have adopted and later abandoned the flat tax. Further, with over 20 years’ worth of economic history in some flat tax countries, we can begin to do some serious longitudinal study. In this paper we consider many economic variables to determine if there are statistically significant differences from before to after the adoption of a flat tax. We consider unemployment rates, tax receipts, GDP growth, Gini coefficients, and market data where the data are available. Comparisons are made through the use of event studies and time series methods. The results are mixed, but we draw statistically significant conclusions about some effects. We also look at the different implementations of the flat tax. In some countries there are equal income and corporate tax rates. In others the income tax has a lower rate, while in others the reverse is true. Each of these sends a clear message to individuals and corporations. The policy makers surely have a desired effect in mind. We group countries with similar policies, try to determine if the intended effect actually occurred, and then report the results. This is a work in progress, and we welcome the suggestion of variables to consider. Further, some of the data from before the fall of the Iron Curtain are suspect. Since there are new ruling regimes in these countries, the methods of computing different statistical measures has changed. Although we first look at the raw data as reported, we also attempt to account for these changes. We show which data seem to be fictional and suggest ways to infer the needed statistics from other data. These results are reported beside those on the reported data. Since there is debate about taxation structure, this paper can help inform policymakers of change the flat tax has caused in other countries. The work shows some strengths and weaknesses of a flat tax structure. Moreover, it provides beginnings of a scientific analysis of the flat tax in practice rather than having discussion based solely upon theory and conjecture.

Keywords: flat tax, financial markets, GDP, unemployment rate, Gini coefficient

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Authors: Mandy Tao Benec

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Propaganda, understood as a ‘deliberate attempt to persuade people to think and behave in a desired way’, contributes to the fabric of mass media discourse as an important component, albeit often under various alternative expressions except ‘propaganda’. When the word ‘propaganda’ does appear in the mainstream media of the West, it is often selectively applied upon undesiring parties such as China, the North Korea, Russia’s Putin, or terrorists, etc.. This attitude reveals an ‘us verse them’ mentality; and a presupposition that propaganda is something only ‘they’ do whilst ‘we’ do not. This phenomenon not only runs in danger of generating political naivety, but also calls for the necessity of re-examining propaganda which will benefit from analysing it in contrasting social and political environments. Therefore, this paper aims to compare how propaganda has been understood and put in practice both in the Anglo-American context and by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). By revealing the convergence and divergence of the propaganda discourses between China and the West, it will help clarify the misconception and misunderstanding of the term. Historical narrative analysis and critical discourse analysis are the main methodologies. By carefully examining data from academic research on propaganda in both English and Chinese, the landscape of how propaganda is defined throughout different eras is mapped, with special attention paid to analysing the parallelism and/or correspondence between China and the West when applicable. Meanwhile, critically analysing the official documents such as speeches and guidelines for propaganda administration given by top-rank CCP leaders will help reveal that in contrast to the West’s ‘us-them’ mentality, China sees oneself in no difference with the Western democracies when propaganda is concerned. Major findings of this study will identify a series of convergence and divergence between Chinese and Western propaganda discourses, and the relationship between propaganda the ‘signified’ (its essence) and propaganda the ‘signifier’ (the term itself), including (yet not limited to): 1) convergence in China catching up with the West, acknowledging the perceived pejorative connotation of the term 2) divergence in propaganda activities disassociated from the term in the West; and convergence in adopting such practice when China following suit in its external propaganda towards the West 3) convergence in utilising alternative notions to replace ‘propaganda’, first by the West, then imported and incorporated enthusiastically by China into its propaganda discourse 4) divergence between China’s internal and external propaganda and the subsequent differentiation between in which contexts the CCP sees fit to utilise the concept 5) convergence between China and the West in their English language propaganda discourses, whilst simultaneous divergence in their presuppositions: ‘usthem’ by the West and ‘we are the same’ by China. To conclude, this paper will contribute to the study of propaganda and its discourse by analysing how propaganda is understood and utilised in both worlds, and hence to uncover the discourse power struggle between the two, which contributes to the propaganda discourse itself. Hence, to untie the misconception of propaganda.

Keywords: China, discourse, power, propaganda

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Authors: Drazen Simlesa, Jelena Pudjak, Anita Tonkovic Busljeta

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Regarding social economy (SE), Croatia is, on general level, considered as ex-communist country with good tradition, bad performance in second part of 20th Century because of political control in the business sector, which has in transition period (1990-1999) became a problem of ignorance in public administration (policy level). Today, social economy in Croatia is trying to catch up with other EU states on all important levels of SE sector: legislative and institutional framework, financial infrastructure, education and capacity building, and visibility. All four are integral parts of Strategy for the Development of Social Entrepreneurship in the Republic of Croatia for the period of 2015 – 2020. Within iPRESENT project, funded by Croatian Science Foundation, we have mapped social economy actors and after many years there is a clear and up to date social economy base. At the ICSE 2016 we will present main outcomes and results of this process. In the second year of the project we conducted a field research across Croatia carried out 19 focus groups with most influential, innovative and inspirational social economy actors. We divided interview questions in four themes: laws on social economy and public policies, definition/ideology of social economy and cooperation on SE scene, the level of democracy and working conditions, motivation and existence of intrinsic values. The data that are gathered through focus group interviews has been analysed via qualitative data analysis software (Atlas ti.). Major finding that will be presented in ICSA 2016 are: Social economy actors are mostly unsatisfied with legislative and institutional framework in Croatia and consider it as unsupportive and confusing. Social economy actors consider SE to be in the line with WISE model and as a tool for community development. The SE actors that are more active express satisfaction with cooperation amongst SE actors and other partners and stakeholders, but the ones that are in more isolated conditions (spatially) express need for more cooperation and networking. Social economy actors expressed their praise for democratic atmosphere in their organisations and fair working conditions. And finally, they expressed high motivation to continue to work in the social economy and are dedicated to the concept, including even those that were at the beginning interested just in getting a quick job. It means that we can detect intrinsic values for employees in social economy organisations. This research enabled us to describe for the first time in Croatia the view from the inside, attitudes and opinion of employees of social economy organisations.

Keywords: employees, focus groups, mapping, social economy

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Authors: Shan Jiang

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China is a country with a distinct cultural system. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the central factor for everything, which naturally includes culture. There are quite a lot of cultural policies in China. The same goes for TV dramas. This paper traces the evolution of Chinese TV drama policy since 1986, examines the realistic situation behind the changes, and explores the structure and role of the government in shaping the process. Using historical documents and media reports, it first analyzes four key time nodes: 1986, 2003, 2012, and 2022. It shows how the policy shifts from restricting private production to opening up to public participation, from imposing one censorship to another, and from promoting some content to restricting some other area. It finds that the policy process is not simply rectilinear but rather wandering between deregulation and strengthening control. Secondly, it divides the policies into "basic" policies that establish the overall layout and more refined "strategic" policies that respond to more refined needs. It argues that the "basic" policy process is caused by China's political, economic, and cultural system reform, and then the "strategic" policy process is affected by more environmental factors, such as the government's follow-up development strategy, industrial development, technological innovation, and specific situations. Thirdly, it analysis the main body of the 104 policies from 2000 to 2021 and puts these subjects into China's power structure and cultural system, revealing that the policy issuers are all under the highest leadership of the Chinese Central Committee. Further, the paper challenges the typical description of Chinese cultural policy, which focuses on state control exclusively, identifies the forces within and outside the system that participate in or affect the policy-making process, and reveals the inter-subjective mechanism of policy change. In conclusion, the paper reveals that China's TV drama policy is under the unified leadership of the Party and the government, which greatly guarantees the consistency of the overall direction of cultural policy, that is, the right to speak firmly in the hands. The forces within the system can sometimes promote policy changes due to common development needs. However, folk discourse is only the object of control: when it breeds a certain amount of industrial space, the government will strengthen control over this space, suppress its potential "adverse effects", and instead provide protection and create conditions for the cultivation and growth of its mainstream discourse. However, the policy combination of basic policy and strategic policy, while having a strong effect and emergency capacity, also inhibits the innovation and diversification of the TV drama market. However, the state's substantial regulation will continue to exist in the future.

Keywords: TV Policy, China, policy process, cultural policy, culture management

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Authors: Cagri Baris Kasap

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In this study, how interface designers can be viewed as producers of culture in the current era will be interrogated from a critical theory perspective. Walter Benjamin was a German Jewish literary critical theorist who, during 1930s, was engaged in opposing and criticizing the Nazi use of art and media. ‘The Author as Producer’ is an essay that Benjamin has read at the Communist Institute for the Study of Fascism in Paris. In this article, Benjamin relates directly to the dialectics between base and superstructure and argues that authors, normally placed within the superstructure should consider how writing and publishing is production and directly related to the base. Through it, he discusses what it could mean to see author as producer of his own text, as a producer of writing, understood as an ideological construct that rests on the apparatus of production and distribution. So Benjamin concludes that the author must write in ways that relate to the conditions of production, he must do so in order to prepare his readers to become writers and even make this possible for them by engineering an ‘improved apparatus’ and must work toward turning consumers to producers and collaborators. In today’s world, it has become a leading business model within Web 2.0 services of multinational Internet technologies and culture industries like Amazon, Apple and Google, to transform readers, spectators, consumers or users into collaborators and co-producers through platforms such as Facebook, YouTube and Amazon’s CreateSpace Kindle Direct Publishing print-on-demand, e-book and publishing platforms. However, the way this transformation happens is tightly controlled and monitored by combinations of software and hardware. In these global-market monopolies, it has become increasingly difficult to get insight into how one’s writing and collaboration is used, captured, and capitalized as a user of Facebook or Google. In the lens of this study, it could be argued that this criticism could very well be considered by digital producers or even by the mass of collaborators in contemporary social networking software. How do software and design incorporate users and their collaboration? Are they truly empowered, are they put in a position where they are able to understand the apparatus and how their collaboration is part of it? Or has the apparatus become a means against the producers? Thus, when using corporate systems like Google and Facebook, iPhone and Kindle without any control over the means of production, which is closed off by opaque interfaces and licenses that limit our rights of use and ownership, we are already the collaborators that Benjamin calls for. For example, the iPhone and the Kindle combine a specific use of technology to distribute the relations between the ‘authors’ and the ‘prodUsers’ in ways that secure their monopolistic business models by limiting the potential of the technology.

Keywords: interface designer, cultural producer, Walter Benjamin, materialist aesthetics, dialectical thinking

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Authors: Robert Birkholc

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One of the basic issues related to the creation of characters in media, such as literature and film, is the representation of the characters' thoughts, emotions, and perceptions. This paper is devoted to the social perspective (or the focalization) expressed in film narration. The aim of the paper is to show how social point of view of the hero –conditioned by his origin and the environment from which he comes– can be created by using non-verbal, purely audiovisual means of expression. The issue will be considered on the example of the little-known polish movie The Dancing Hawk (1977) by Grzegorz Królikiewicz, based on the novel by Julian Kawalec. The thesis of the paper is that the polish director uses a narrative figure, which is somewhat analogous to literary form of free indirect discourse. In literature, free indirect discourse is formally ‘spoken’ by the external narrator, but the narration is clearly filtered through the language and thoughts of the character. According to some scholars (such as Roy Pascal), the narrator in this form of speech does not cite the character's words, but uses his way of thinking and imitates his perspective – sometimes with a deep irony. Free indirect discourse is frequently used in Julian Kawalec’s novel. Through the linguistic stylization, the author tries to convey the socially determined perspective of a peasant who migrates to the big city after the Second World War. Grzegorz Królikiewicz expresses the same social experience by pure cinematic form in the adaptation of the book. Both Kawalec and Królikiewicz show the consequences of so-called ‘social advancement’ in Poland after 1945, when the communist party took over political power. On the example of the fate of the main character, Michał Toporny, the director presents the experience of peasants who left their villages and had to adapt to new, urban space. However, the paper is not focused on the historical topic itself, but on the audiovisual form of the movie. Although Królikiewicz doesn’t use frequently POV shots, the narration of The Dancing Hawk is filtered through the sensations of the main character, who feels uprooted and alienated in the new social space. The director captures the hero's feelings through very complex audiovisual procedures – high or low points of view (representing the ‘social position’), grotesque soundtrack, expressionist scenery, and associative editing. In this way, he manages to create the world from the perspective of a socially maladjusted and internally split subject. The Dancing Hawk is a successful attempt to adapt the subjective narration of the book to the ‘language’ of the cinema. Mieke Bal’s notion of focalization helps to describe ‘free indirect discourse’ as a transmedial figure of representing of the characters’ perceptions. However, the polysemiotic medium of the film also significantly transforms this figure of representation. The paper shows both the similarities and differences between literary and cinematic ‘free indirect discourse.’

Keywords: film and literature, free indirect discourse, social experience, subjective narration

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev, Durdana Jafarli

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s and the 9/11 attacks resulted in the global changes created a totally new geopolitical situation for the Muslim populated republics of the former Soviet Union. Located between great powers such as China and Russia, as well as theocratic states like Iran and Afghanistan, the newly independent Central Asian states were facing a dilemma to choose a new politico-ideological course for development. Policies dubbed Perestroyka and Glasnost leading to the collapse of the world’s once superpower brought about a considerable rise in the national and religious self-consciousness of the Muslim population of the USSR where the religion was prohibited under the strict communist rule. Moreover, the religious movements prohibited during the Soviet era acted as a part of national straggle to gain their freedom from Moscow. The policies adopted by the Central Asian countries to manage the religious revival and extremism in their countries vary dramatically from each other. As Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are located between Russia and China and hosting a considerable number of the Russian population, these countries treated Islamic revival more tolerantly trying benefit from it in the nation-building process. The importance of the topic could be explained with the fact that it investigates an alternative way of management of religious activities and movements. The recent developments in the Middle East, Syria and Iraq in particular, and the fact that hundreds of fighters from the Central Asian republics joined the ISIL terrorist organization once again highlights the implications of the proper regulation of religious activities not only for domestic, but also for regional and global politics. The paper is based on multiple research methods. The process trace method was exploited to better understand the Russification and anti-religious policies to which the Central Asian countries were subject during the Soviet era. The comparative analyse method was also used to better understand the common and distinct features of the politics of religion of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan and the rest of the Central Asian countries. Various legislation acts, as well as secondary sources were investigated to this end. Mostly constructivist approach and a theory suggesting that religion supports national identity when there is a third cohesion that threatens both and when elements of national identity are weak. Preliminary findings suggest that in line with policies aimed at gradual reduction of Russian influence, as well as in the face of ever-increasing migration from China, the mentioned countries incorporated some Islamic elements into domestic policies as a part and parcel of national culture. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan did not suppress religious activities, which was case in neighboring states, but allowed in a controlled way Islamic movements to have a relatively freedom of action which in turn led to the less violent religious extremism further boosting national identity.

Keywords: identity, Islam, nationalism, terrorism

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Authors: Georgios Samaras

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New media such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter introduced the world to a new era of instant communication. An era where online interactions could replace a lot of offline actions. Technology can create a mediated environment in which participants can communicate (one-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-many) both synchronously and asynchronously and participate in reciprocal message exchanges. Currently, social networks are attracting similar academic attention to that of the internet after its mainstream implementation into public life. Websites and platforms are seen as the forefront of a new political change. There is a significant backdrop of previous methodologies employed to research the effects of social networks. New approaches are being developed to be able to adapt to the growth of social networks and the invention of new platforms. Golden Dawn was the first openly neo-Nazi party post World War II to win seats in the parliament of a European country. Its racist rhetoric and violent tactics on social networks were rewarded by their supporters, who in the face of Golden Dawn’s leaders saw a ‘new dawn’ in Greek politics. Mainstream media banned its leaders and members of the party indefinitely after Ilias Kasidiaris attacked Liana Kanelli, a member of the Greek Communist Party, on live television. This media ban was seen as a treasonous move by a significant percentage of voters, who believed that the system was desperately trying to censor Golden Dawn to favor mainstream parties. The shocking attack on live television received international coverage and while European countries were condemning this newly emerged neo-Nazi rhetoric, almost 7 percent of the Greek population rewarded Golden Dawn with 18 seats in the Greek parliament. Many seem to think that Golden Dawn mobilised its voters online and this approach played a significant role in spreading their message and appealing to wider audiences. No strict online censorship existed back in 2012 and although Golden Dawn was openly used neo-Nazi symbolism, it was allowed to use social networks without serious restrictions until 2017. This paper used qualitative methods to investigate Golden Dawn’s rise in social networks from 2012 to 2019. The focus of the content analysis was set on three social networking platforms: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, while the existence of Golden Dawn’s website, which was used as a news sharing hub, was also taken into account. The content analysis included text and visual analyses that sampled content from their social networking pages to translate their political messaging through an ideological lens focused on extreme-right populism. The absence of hate speech regulations on social network platforms in 2012 allowed the free expression of those heavily ultranationalist and populist views, as they were employed by Golden Dawn in the Greek political scene. On YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, the influence of their rhetoric was particularly strong. Official channels and MPs profiles were investigated to explore the messaging in-depth and understand its ideological elements.

Keywords: populism, far-right, social media, Greece, golden dawn

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Authors: Gu Sihao

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The coordinated development of "ecology-production-life" in cities has been highly concerned by the country, and the transformation development and sustainable development of resource-based cities have become a hot research topic at present. As an important part of China's resource-based cities, coal resource-based cities have the characteristics of large number and wide distribution. However, due to the adjustment of national energy structure and the gradual exhaustion of urban coal resources, the development vitality of coal resource-based cities is gradually reduced. In many studies, the deterioration of ecological environment in coal resource-based cities has become the main problem restricting their urban transformation and sustainable development due to the "emphasis on economy and neglect of ecology". Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Central Government has been deepening territorial space planning and development. On the premise of optimizing territorial space development pattern, it has completed the demarcation of ecological protection red lines, carried out ecological zoning and ecosystem evaluation, which have become an important basis and scientific guarantee for ecological modernization and ecological civilization construction. Grasp the regional multiple ecosystem services is the precondition of the ecosystem management, and the relationship between the multiple ecosystem services study, ecosystem services cluster can identify the interactions between multiple ecosystem services, and on the basis of the characteristics of the clusters on regional ecological function zoning, to better Social-Ecological system management. Based on this cognition, this study optimizes the spatial function zoning of Gujiao, a coal resource-based city, in order to provide a new theoretical basis for its sustainable development. This study is based on the detailed analysis of characteristics and utilization of Gujiao city land space, using SOFM neural networks to identify local ecosystem service clusters, according to the cluster scope and function of ecological function zoning of space partition balance and coordination between different ecosystem services strength, establish a relationship between clusters and land use, and adjust the functions of territorial space within each zone. Then, according to the characteristics of coal resources city and national spatial function zoning characteristics, as the driving factors of land change, by cellular automata simulation program, such as simulation under different restoration strategy situation of urban future development trend, and provides relevant theories and technical methods for the "third-line" demarcations of Gujiao's territorial space planning, optimizes territorial space functions, and puts forward targeted strategies for the promotion of regional ecosystem services, providing theoretical support for the improvement of human well-being and sustainable development of resource-based cities.

Keywords: coal resource-based city, territorial spatial planning, ecosystem service cluster, gmop model, geosos-FLUS model, functional zoning optimization and upgrading

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