Search results for: Marxist

Authors: Farhan Alam Farhan Alam, Fatah Nugroho, Setyawan Wahyu Pradana

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Tan Malaka was a great Indonesian Marxism thinker. His idea of Marxism give encouragement to the struggle for Indonesian independence. Furthermore, it refers to what Marx said as the flexibility of a Marxist. Tan Malaka developed the Marxist theory against what have already existed so that Marxism can be harmonized and compatible with the context of Indonesia. For example, Tan Malaka initiated the cooperation between the Marxist movement and Pan-Islamism. The collaboration of Islam with Marxism which is so contradictive at that time was seen by Tan Malaka as a necessity in order to against capitalism. By using study literature and historiography methods, this paper attempts to analyze the application of the Marxism theory in the Tan Malaka’s perspective in Indonesia today in order to counter capitalism currently. His perspective combines Marxism with Islam as a solid collaboration of ideology.

Keywords: Indonesia, Marxism, Islam, Marxist theory, Tan Malaka

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Authors: Irfan Mehmood

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This paper examines the Marxist ideology in Toni Morrison's novel, Beloved. Toni Morrison writes about the society she inhabits and doesn't knowingly or emotionally leave. Marxism emphasizes the working class' dire economic status as well as the bourgeoisie as the dominant capitalist class. Using the Marxist literary theory promoted by Louis Althusser in his well-known book On the Reproduction of Capitalism, the chosen Toni Morrison piece is evaluated (1976). This essay explores how Morrison uses Marxist theory in her literary work to highlight the oppression of the Afro-American society and how the upper class ruled the lower class through the use of interpellation. In spite of hegemony and interpellation, certain major characters in this essay battle with the discriminatory ruling order.

Keywords: Marxism, social class, Toni Morrison, African American literature.

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Authors: Nikolaos Mavropoulos

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Imperialism and colonialism had and still have a predominantly negative nuisance. In many ways the two terms are synonyms of racist behavior, exploitation, and oppression, imposed by the supposedly civilized West at Africa’s and Asia’s expense. Paradoxically enough, imperialism was not thoroughly negative for some Marxist scholars. For them, in reality, it served a historical necessity as the only mean to liberate the backward societies from their millennial stagnation and to introduce them to industrialization and progress. To Marx as immoral and cruel the imposition of imperial rule and the eradication of traditional structures may have been, the process is still a progressive step towards the formation of class consciousness, global revolution and socialism in a world scale. Overlooking the fact that imperialism could actually delay and put an end to capitalist development, some Marxists proponents considered it as a positive development for the colonized peoples.

Keywords: Colonialism, , Marxist theory, Modern history, , 19th century Imperialism,

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Authors: Irfan Mehmood

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The goal of this study is to examine The Bluest Eye (1979) by Toni Morrison from a Marxist perspective, a literary theory developed by Louis Althusser, which emphasizes capitalism and class conflict in the modern world. Marxist literary philosophy holds that the absence of opportunities for lower-class people to own and earn properties and resources of production is the main cause of their repression. In The Communist Manifesto (1848), Karl Marx divided society into two main classes, the proletariat (the lowest class) and the bourgeois (the ruling class). Marx contends that the proletarian class has been brutally exploited by the bourgeois class in all facets of existence. The exploitation of the lower class by means of hegemony and capitalism is covered by Toni Morrison in her first novel, The Bluest Eye (1979). The goal of this study is to determine how Morrison's chosen work highlights the struggle of oppressed African Americans against entrenched systems of hegemony, interpellation, and state apparatuses. This study will look more closely at the claim that all of the miseries experienced by Afro-Americans are mostly the result of the capitalist class structure and that they can also enjoy the blessings of life through unity, hard work, and economic stability.

Keywords: class conflict; African American culture; hegemony; interpellation; state apparatuses

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Authors: Atousa Mirzapour Kouhdasht

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The Great Gatsby is a 1925 novel set in the Jazz Age on Long Island by American writer F. Scott Fitzgerald. The novel depicts interactions between the first-person narrator, Nick Carraway, and his mysterious millionaire neighbor, Jay Gatsby, and his obsession to reunite with his former lover, Daisy Buchanan. During World War II, the Council on Books in Wartime sent free copies to American soldiers, so the novel experienced an unanticipated wave in popularity. This newfound popularity brought up critical literary re-examination. The work soon became a part of most American high school curricula and, as a result, a part of American popular culture. Multiple adaptations, on stage and screen, followed in the succeeding decades. The novel's treatment of social class, old money versus those who do not have familial wealth, gender, race, and its cynical attitude towards the American Dream is now a matter of discussion. The old money does not allow the new money to present itself due to its fear of changes. Although Gatsby is now a wealthy man who throws many parties, he is not considered equal to Thomas Buchanan, Daisy's husband, a millionaire who lives in East Egg. Even Gatsby feels shame when it comes to the history of his family, who was not actually from the bourgeoisie. Furthermore, the patriarchal system restrains women's behavior in society and puts them in the second position after men to follow what men ask them to do. The female characters are not able to make decisions for themselves. So the researcher uses The Great Gatsby, patriarchal theory, and Marxist feminist perspective to investigate the influence of gender and social status on women's position in a patriarchal society.

Keywords: Marxist, feminist, class status, gender, the American dream, The Great Gatsby, Fitzgerald

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Authors: Inka Maria Vilhelmiina Hiltunen

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The crisis of liberal democracy has been recognized from many sites of political literature; scholars of Marxist critical political economy and deliberative democracy, as well as critics of neoliberalism, have become concerned about how either the rise of populism and authoritarianism, institutional decline or the overarching economic rationality erode political democratic citizenship in favor of economic technocracy or conservative protectionism. However, even if these bodies of literature recognize the generalized crisis that haunts Western democracies, dialogue between them has been very limited. That said, drawing from contemporary Marxist perspectives, this article aims at bridging the gap between the criticism of neoliberalism and theories of deliberative democracy. The first section starts by outlining what is meant by neoliberalism, liberal democracy, and the crisis of liberal democracy. The next section explores how contemporary capitalism acts upon society and transforms it. It introduces Jurgen Habermas’ thesis of the ‘colonization of the lifeworld’, Wendy Brown’s analysis of neoliberal rationality and Étienne Balibar’s concepts of ‘absolute capitalism’ and ‘total subsumption,’ that the essay aims at connecting in the last section. The third section is concerned with the deliberative democratic theory and practice. The section highlights the qualitative socio-political impacts of deliberation, as predicted by theorists and shown by empirical studies. The last section draws from contemporary Marxist perspectives to examine the question if deliberative democratic theories and practices can resolve the crisis of liberal democracy in the current financially driven era of neoliberal capitalism. By asking this question, the essay aims to consider what is required to reverse the current global trend of rising inequality. If liberal democracy has declined towards commodified and reactionary forms of politics and if ‘market rationality’ has shaped social agency to the extent that politicians and the public struggle to imagine ‘any alternatives’, the most urgent political task is to bring to life a new political imagination based on democratic ideals of equality, inclusivity, reciprocity, and solidarity, that thereby enables the revision of the transnational institutional design. This part focuses on the hegemonic role of finance and money. The essay concludes by stating that the implementation of substantive global democracy must start from the dissolution of the hegemony of finance, centered on U.S., and from the remaking of the conditions of socioeconomic reproduction world-wide. However, given the still present overarching neoliberal status quo, the essay is skeptical of the ideological feasibility of this remaking.

Keywords: deliberative democracy, criticism of neoliberalism, marxist political economy, crisis of liberal democracy

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Authors: Josie West

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This paper focuses on the conflicts and utility of Marxist Feminist frames for sex work research, drawing on findings uncovered through in-depth interviews with online sex workers, alongside critical discourse analysis of media and political commentary. It brings the critical perspective of women into digital workerism and gig economy dialogue who, despite their significant presence within online work, have been overlooked. The autonomist Marxist concept of class composition is adopted to unpack the social, technical and political composition of this often-invisible segment of the service sector. Autonomism makes visible the perspective of workers engaged in processes of mobilization and demobilizaiton. This allows researchers to find everyday forms of resistance which occur within and outside trade unions. On the other hand, Marxist feminist arguments about invisibility politics can generate unhelpful allegories about sex work as domestic labour within the reproductive sphere. Nick Srnicek’s development of Marx’s notion of infrastructure rents helps theorize experiences of unpaid labour within online sex work. Moreover, debates about anti-work politics can cause conflict among sex workers fighting for the labour movement and those rejecting the capitalist work ethic. This illuminates’ tensions caused by white privilege and differing experiences of sex work. The monopolistic and competitive nature of sex work platforms within platform capitalism, and the vulnerable position of marginalised workers within stigmatized/criminalised markets, complicates anti-work politics further. This paper is situated within the feminist sex wars and the intensely divisive question of whether sex workers are victims of the patriarchy or symbols of feminist resistance. Camgirls are shown to engage in radical tactics of resistance against their technical composition on popular sex work platforms. They also engage in creative acts of resistance through performance art, in an attempt to draw attention to stigma and anti-criminalization politics. This sector offers a fascinating window onto grassroots class-action, alongside education about ‘whorephobia.’ A case study of resistance against Only Fans, and a small workers co-operative which emerged during the pandemic, showcases how workers engage in socialist and political acts without the aid of unions. Workers are victims of neoliberalism and simultaneous adopters of neoliberal strategies of survival. The complex dynamics within unions are explored, including tensions with grass-roots resistance, financial pressures and intersecting complications of class, gender and race.

Keywords: autonomist marxism, digital labor, feminism, neoliberalism, sex work, platform capitalism

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Authors: George Bocean

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In the mainstream academic spheres of thought, there is a tendency to associate the writings of Russian Marxists as being constantly against the practice of religion itself. Such arguments mainly stem from how the attitude of the Russian Marxists, specifically the Bolsheviks, towards the concept of religion supposedly originates from its own Marxist ideology. Although Marxism is critical of religion as an institution, the approach that Marxism would have on the question of religion is not as clear. Such aspect is specifically observed in the use of language of major leading Russian Marxist figures, such as Lenin and Trotsky, throughout the early 20th century, where the use of religious metaphors was widely used in their philosophical writings and speeches, as well as in propaganda posters of general left-wing movements in Russia as a whole. The methodology of the research will consist of a sociolinguistic and sociology of language approach within a sociohistorical framework of late Tsarist and early Soviet Russia, 1905-1926. The purpose of such approaches are not simply to point out the religious metaphors used in the writings and speeches of Marxists in Russia, but rather in order to analyse how the use of such metaphors represent an important socio-political connection with the context of Russia at the time. In other words, the use of religious metaphors was not only more akin to Russian culture at the time, but this also resonated and was more familiar with the conditions of the working class and peasantry. An example in this study can be observed in the writings of Lenin, where the theme of chudo (miracle) is often mentioned in his writings, and such a word is commonly associated with an idealist philosophy rather than a materialist one, which represents a common theme in Russian culture in regards to the principle of hope for a better life. A further and even more obvious example is Trotsky’s writings about how the revolution of 1905 “would be revived”, which not only resonates with the theme of resurrection, but also prophesises the “second coming” of a future revolution. Such metaphors are important in the writings of such authors, as they simultaneously contain Marxist ideas, as well as religious themes. In doing this research, this paper will demonstrate two aspects. Firstly, the paper will analyse the use of the metaphors by Russian Marxists as a whole in regards to a socio-political and ideological perspectives akin to those of Marxism. Secondly, it will also demonstrate the role that such metaphors have in regards to their impact on the left-wing movements within Russia itself, as well as their relation to the working class and peasantry of Russia within the historical context.

Keywords: language and politics, Marxism, Russian history, social history, sociology of language

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Authors: Edoardo Schinco

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Studying the Marxist intellectual tradition, it is possible to verify that there were numerous cases of philosophical regression, in which the important achievements of detailed studies have been replaced by naïve ideas and previous misunderstandings: one of most important example of this tendency is related to the question of ideology. According to a common Enlightenment approach, the ideology is essentially not a reality, i.e., a factor capable of having an effect on the reality itself; in other words, the ideology is a mere error without specific historical meaning, which is only due to ignorance or inability of subjects to understand the truth. From this point of view, the consequent and immediate practice against every form of ideology are the rational dialogue, the reasoning based on common sense, in order to dispel the obscurity of ignorance through the light of pure reason. The limits of this philosophical orientation are however both theoretical and practical: on the one hand, the Enlightenment criticism of ideology is not an historicistic thought, since it cannot grasp the inner connection that ties an historical context and its peculiar ideology together; moreover, on the other hand, when the Enlightenment approach fails to release people from their illusions (e.g., when the ideology persists, despite the explanation of its illusoriness), it usually becomes a racist or elitarian thought. Unlike this first conception of ideology, Gramsci attempts to recover Marx’s original thought and to valorize its dialectical methodology with respect to the reality of ideology. As Marx suggests, the ideology – in negative meaning – is surely an error, a misleading knowledge, which aims to defense the current state of things and to conceal social, political or moral contradictions; but, that is precisely why the ideological error is not casual: every ideology mediately roots in a particular material context, from which it takes its reason being. Gramsci avoids, however, any mechanistic interpretation of Marx and, for this reason; he underlines the dialectic relation that exists between material base and ideological superstructure; in this way, a specific ideology is not only a passive product of base but also an active factor that reacts on the base itself and modifies it. Therefore, there is a considerable revaluation of ideology’s role in maintenance of status quo and the consequent thematization of both ideology as objective force, active in history, and ideology as cultural hegemony of ruling class on subordinate groups. Among the Marxists, the French philosopher Louis Althusser also gives his contribution to this crucial question; as follower of Gramsci’s thought, he develops the idea of ideology as an objective force through the notions of Repressive State Apparatus (RSA) and Ideological State Apparatuses (ISA). In addition to this, his philosophy is characterized by the presence of structuralist elements, which must be studied, since they deeply change the theoretical foundation of his Marxist thought.

Keywords: Althusser, enlightenment, Gramsci, ideology

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Authors: L. Aparecida Bastos, J. Leige Lopes, J. Crepaldi, R. Monteiro da Silva

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The objective of this study is to analyze the evolution of some social and economic indicators of Mercosur´s economies from 1980 to 2012, based on the statistics of the Latin American Integration Association (LAIA). The objective is to observe if after the accession of these economies to Mercosur (the first accessions occurred in 1994) these indicators showed better performance, in order to demonstrate if economic integration contributed to improved trade, macroeconomic performance, and level of social and economic development of member countries. To this end, the methodologies used will be a literature review and descriptive statistics. The theoretical framework that guides the work are the theories of Integration: Classical Liberal, Marxist and structural-proactive. The results reveal that most social and economic indicators showed better performance in those economies that joined Mercosur after 1994. This work is the result of an investigation already completed.

Keywords: economic integration, Mercosur, social indicators, economic indicators

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Authors: Ersun N. Kurtulus

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One of the strategic goals of left-wing terrorism, both in its Anarchist and Marxist-Leninist forms, was mobilization of masses as a first step in launching a revolution. However, in the canonical texts of left-wing terrorist literature (such as the works of Brousse, Nachaev, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Most, Heinzen, Guevara and Marighella) it is not clear how resort to terrorist tactics such as assassinations or bomb attacks will lead to mobilization of masses. This link is usually presumed and taken for granted. However, in other, less known terrorist texts, where there is some elaboration upon this link, two conflicting views emerge: (i) terrorist attacks are supposed to cause state repression which in turn radicalizes masses and opens up the way for recruitment and mobilization versus (ii) terrorist attacks are supposed to demonstrate the hollowness of the already existent state repression and thereby encourage mobilization of masses that are already radicalized but inactive due fear caused by state repression. The paper argues that terrorism studies have largely overemphasized the former while the latter has remained more or less unnoticed.

Keywords: terrorism, repression, radical left, mobilization of masses

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Authors: Alfonso J. García Osuna

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Background and Significance: The objective of this paper is to analyze the inception and development of identity archetypes in early XX century Latin America, to explore their roots in United States culture, to discuss the influences that came to bear upon Latin Americans as the United States began to export images of standard identity paradigms through its film industry, and to survey how these images evolved and impacted Latin Americans’ ideas of national distinctiveness from the early 1900s to the present. Therefore, the general hypothesis of this work is that United States film in many ways influenced national identity patterning in its neighbors, especially in those nations closest to its borders, Cuba and Mexico. Very little research has been done on the social impact of the United States film industry on the country’s southern neighbors. From a historical perspective, the US’s influence has been examined as the projection of political and economic power, that is to say, that American influence is seen as a catalyst to align the forces that the US wants to see wield the power of the State. But the subtle yet powerful cultural influence exercised by film, the eminent medium for exporting ideas and ideals in the XX century, has not been significantly explored. Basic Methodologies and Description: Gramscian Marxist theory underpins the study, where it is argued that film, as an exceptional vehicle for culture, is an important site of political and social struggle; in this context, it aims to show how United States capitalist structures of power not only use brute force to generate and maintain control of overseas markets, but also promote their ideas through artistic products such as film in order to infiltrate the popular culture of subordinated peoples. In this same vein, the work of neo-Marxist theoreticians of popular culture is employed in order to contextualize the agency of subordinated peoples in the process of cultural assimilations. Indication of the Major Findings of the Study: The study has yielded much data of interest. The salient finding is that each particular nation receives United States film according to its own particular social and political context, regardless of the amount of pressure exerted upon it. An example of this is the unmistakable dissimilarity between Cuban and Mexican reception of US films. The positive reception given in Cuba to American film has to do with the seamless acceptance of identity paradigms that, for historical reasons discussed herein, were incorporated into the national identity grid quite unproblematically. Such is not the case with Mexico, whose express rejection of identity paradigms offered by the United States reflects not only past conflicts with the northern neighbor, but an enduring recognition of the country’s indigenous roots, one that precluded such paradigms. Concluding Statement: This paper is an endeavor to elucidate the ways in which US film contributed to the outlining of Latin American identity blueprints, offering archetypes that would be accepted or rejected according to each nation’s particular social requirements, constraints and ethnic makeup.

Keywords: film studies, United States, Latin America, identity studies

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Authors: Marcos Fabris

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The flaccidity of the contemporary art production, its banality and incapacity of raising social and political relevant issues, and its ubiquitous connection to an ever prospering art market have become a trite, prosaic mantra, a thought-terminating cliché repeated by many, at least in the academic circles, who constantly lament the absence of pressing issues, artistically articulated from a Marxist perspective. This ‘resignation’ or crystalized insistence to consider Contemporary Art as a monolithic block – insufficiently critical – seems to be part of a pattern in Art History, not excluding its leftist wings: the idea that Modernism was, too, a homogeneous movement, one that despite its attempts to establish meaningful connections between art and society are now part of a museological past. This post-mortem attributed to a ‘flat’ modernism disregards it’s highly contradictory character and diverging tendencies, in permanent conflict between themselves and part of a larger movement that questioned Capitalism – as a system. The aim of this presentation is to shed light on some of the most radical modern tendencies, how they articulated ways to figure the uneven and combined development, and how this ‘Alternative Modernism’ may inform, inspire, and make us advance critically in our struggles against the returns of Capitalism.

Keywords: art criticism, art history, contemporary art, modernism

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Authors: Sahand Hamed Moeel Ardebil, Zohreh Taebi Noghondari, Mahmood Reza Ghorban Sabbagh

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Gillian Flynn’s Gone Girl, depicts a society in which, as a result of media dominance, the reality is very precarious and difficult to grasp. In Gone Girl, reality and image of reality represented on TV, are challenging to differentiate. Along with reality, individuals’ agency and independence before media and the capitalist rule are called in to question in the novel. In order to expose the unstable nature of reality and an individual’s complicated relationship with media, this study has deployed the ideas of Marxist-media theorist Guy Debord (1931-1992). In his book Society of the Spectacle (1966), Debord delineates a society in which images replace the objective reality, and people are incapable of making real changes. The results of the current study show that despite their efforts, Nick and Amy, the two main characters of the novel, are no more than spectators with very little agency before the media. Moreover, following Debord’s argument about the replacement of reality with images, everyone and every institution in Gone Girl projects an image that does not necessarily embody the objective reality, a fact that makes it very hard to differentiate the real from unreal.

Keywords: agency, Debord, Gone Girl, media studies, society of spectacle, reality

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Authors: Wajid Hussain

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The paper draws upon the study of socioeconomic reality as associated with discursively manipulative strategies in the representative fictional works from the South Asian Indian and the Afro-American literature. The study determines the context to which power functions behind the discourse of the powerful social groups, investigates how the socially established identities, such as constituted by caste and race, serve the vested interests of these elites, and, finally, ascertains the reaction which this socioeconomic monopoly of the few incurs from the socioeconomically dominated majority of the society. The study examines this notion in the selected fictional works by applying the methodological theory of Dialectical Materialism, which is the philosophical foundation of Marxism, and the concept of Discourse and Manipulation, a perspective form of Critical Discourse Analysis. The study adds a new dimension to the existing literature in that it not only focuses on the tussle between the social classes as based on the socioeconomic disparity but also traces out the emergence of the individuals from the socioeconomically victimized groups. Besides, it studies this endless socioeconomic process, as based on class distinction, from the perspective of discourse as well.

Keywords: dialectical materialism, discourse and manipulation, caste, race

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Authors: Margaret Schmuhl, Michelle Cubellis

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Violence against women (VAW) is a widespread social problem affecting nearly two million women in the United States each year. Recently, feminist criminologists have sought to examine patriarchy as a guiding framework for understanding violence against women. Literature on VAW often examines measures of structural gender equality, often overlooking ideological patriarchy which is necessary for structural inequality to remain unchallenged. Additionally, empirical literature generally focuses on extreme forms of VAW, rape, and femicide, often neglecting more common types of violence. This literature, under the theoretical guidance of the Liberal, Radical, and Marxist feminist traditions, finds mixed support for the relationship of patriarchy and VAW. Explanations for these inconsistencies may include data availability, and the use of different operationalizations of structural patriarchy. Research is needed to examine fuller operationalizations of patriarchy in social institutions and to extend this theoretical framework to the criminal justice response to VAW (i.e., clearance rates). This study examines sexual violence clearance rates under the theoretical guidance of these feminist traditions using incident- and county-level data from National Incident Based Reporting System and other sources in multilevel modelling. The findings suggest mixed support for the feminist hypotheses and that patriarchy and gender equality differentially affect arrest clearance rates and clearance through exceptional means for sexual violence.

Keywords: clearance rates, gender equality, multilevel modelling, patriarchy, sexual victimization, violence against women

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Authors: Asuman Tezcan Mirer

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This proposed paper discusses nationalist socialist and communist propaganda struggles in the Turkish press during World War II. The paper aspires to analyze how government agencies directed and organized the Turkish press to prevent the "5th column" from influencing public opinion. During the Second World War, one of the most emphasized issues was propaganda and how Turkish citizens would be protected from the effects of disinformation. Istanbul became a significant headquarters for belligerent countries' intelligence services, and these services were involved in gathering intelligence and disseminating propaganda. The main motive of national socialist propaganda was "anti-communism" in Turkey. Subsidizing certain magazines, controlling German companies' advertisements and paper trade, spreading rumors, printing propaganda brochures, and showing German propaganda films are some tactics that the nationalist socialists applied before and during the Second World War. On the other hand, the communists targeted Turkish racist/ultra-nationalist groups and their publications, which were influenced by the Nazi regime. They were also involved in distributing Marxist publications, printing brochures, and broadcasting radio programs. This study composes of three parts. The first part describes the nationalist socialist and communist propaganda activities in Turkey during the Second World War. The second part addresses the debates over propaganda among selected newspapers representing different ideologies. Finally, the last part analyzes the Turkish government's press policy. It explains why the government allowed ideological debates in the press despite its authoritarian press policy and "active neutrality" stance in the international arena.

Keywords: propaganda, press, 5th column, World War II, Turkey

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Authors: Yotaro Natani

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In his recent works, Frankfurt School theorist Axel Honneth elucidates an intersubjective notion of social freedom and outlines a vision of socialism as the realization of social freedom in the family, market economy, and public sphere. These arguments are part of his broader project of defending the tradition of immanent critique and normative reconstruction. In contrast, American Marxist sociologist Erik Olin Wright spells out a vision of socialism in terms of building real utopias -democratic, egalitarian, alternative institutions- through the exercise of civil society’s social power over the economy and state. Wright identifies ‘eroding capitalism’ as the framework for thinking about the strategic logics of gradually diminishing the dominance of capitalism. Both thinkers envision the transition toward socialism in terms of democratic experimentation; Honneth is more attentive to the immanent norms of social life, whereas Wright is better aware of the power of antagonistic structures. This paper attempts to synthesize the ideas of Honneth and Wright. It will show that Honneth’s critique of capitalism suffers from certain ambiguities because he attributes normative legitimacy to existing institutions, resulting in arguments that do not problematize aspects of capitalist structures. This paper will argue that incorporating the notion of power and thematizing the erosion of capitalism as a long-term goal for socialist change will allow Honneth to think more precisely about the conditions for realizing social freedom, in a manner that is still consistent with the immanent critique tradition. Such reformulation will result in a concept of social freedom that is less static and rooted in functional teleology and more oriented toward creative agency and experimental democracy.

Keywords: Axel Honneth, immanent critique, real utopias, social freedom, socialism

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Authors: Shidratul Moontaha Suha

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Violence is organized and utilized differently in various communities across the globe. The capacity to employ violence in numerous societies is largely limited to the apparatus of the state, like law enforcement officers, and in a small share of contexts, it is controlled within the state institutions as per the rule of law. Contrastingly, in many other societies, a broad array of players, mainly organized criminal gangs, are using violence on a substantial scale to agitate against social ills or attain personal interests. The present paper examined the role of social injustice in driving children living off and on the streets of Dhaka, Bangladesh, into joining organized criminal gangs and committing crimes. The study entailed a comprehensive review of existing literature with theoretical analyses based on three theories: the Marxist’s theory of capitalism and class struggle, the Weberian model of social stratification theory, and the social disorganization theory. The analysis revealed that, in Dhaka, Bangladesh, criminal gangs emerged from social disorganization of communities characterized by absolute poverty, residential mobility, and population heterogeneity, which promote deviance among the youth, and subsequently, led to the rise of organized gangs and delinquency. Although the latter was formed as a response to class struggle, they have been employed by the state and police as the tools of exploitation and oppression to rule the working class. The criminal gangs exploit the vulnerability of street children by using them as sources of cheap labor to peddle drugs, extort, or kill specific individuals who are against their ideals. In retrospect, the street children receive individual, group, and social protection. Therefore, social class struggle plays a central role in the proliferation of organized criminal gangs and the engagement of street children in criminal activities in Dhaka, Bangladesh.

Keywords: cheap labor, organized crimes, poverty, social stratification, social children

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Authors: Daan F. Oostveen

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‘Religion’ as a term is not native to the Global East. The concept ‘religion’ is both understood in its meaning of ‘religious traditions’, commonly referring to the ‘World Religions’ and in its adjective meaning ‘the religious’ or ‘religiosity’ as a separate domain of human culture, commonly contrasted to the secular. Though neither of these understandings are native to the historical worldviews of East Asia, their development in modern Western scholarship has had an enormous impact on the self-understanding of cultural diversity in the Global East as well. One example is the identification and therefore elevation to the status of World Religion of ‘Buddhism’ which connected formerly dispersed religious practices throughout the Global East and subsumed them under this powerful label. On the other hand, we see how popular religiosity, shamanism and hybrid cultural expressions have become excluded from genuine religion; this had an immense impact on the sense of legitimacy of these practices, which became sometimes labeled as superstition are rejected as magic. Our theoretical frameworks on religion in the Global East do not always consider the complex power dynamics between religious actors, both elites and lay expressions of religion in everyday life, governments and religious studies scholars. In order to get a clear image of how religiosity functions in the context of the Global East, we have to take into account these power dynamics. What is important in particular is the issue of religious identity or absence of religious identity. The self-understanding of religious actors in the Global East is often very different from what scholars of religion observe. Religious practice, from an etic perspective, is often unrelated to religious identification from an emic perspective. But we also witness the rise of Christian churches in the Global East, in which religious identity and belonging does play a pivotal role. Finally, religion in the Global East has since the beginning of the 20th Century been conceptualized as the ‘other’ or republicanism or Marxist-Maoist ideology. It is important not to deny the key role of colonial thinking in the process of religion formation in the Global East. In this paper, it is argued that religious realities constituted emerging as a result from our theory of religion, and that these religious realities in turn inform our theory. Therefore, the relationship between phenomenology of religion and theory of religion can never be disentangled. In fact, we have to acknowledge that our conceptualizations of religious diversity are always already influenced by our valuation of those cultural expressions that we have come to call ‘religious’.

Keywords: global east, religion, religious belonging, secularity

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Authors: Merle Talvik, Taimi Tulva, Kristi Puusepp, Ülle Ernits

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Background data. In 1940–1941 and 1945–1991 Estonia was occupied by Soviet Union. Paternalism was a common principle in Soviet social policy, including health care. The Soviet government, not the individuals themselves, decided on achieving a person’s quality of life. With the help of Soviet ideology, the work culture of nurses was constructed and the education system was also reshaped according to the ideology. The “new period of awakening” was initiated under Gorbachev’s perestroika and glasnost (1985–1991), leading to democratization. Aim. The qualitative study aimed to analyze nursing education in Soviet Estonia in the conditions of paternalistic orientation and ideological pressure. Method. The research was conducted in 2021 and 2023. Senior nurses (aged 69–87) who had worked for at least 20 years during the Soviet era were surveyed. Thematic interviews were conducted in written form and orally (13 interviewees), followed by a focus group interview (8 interviewees). A thematic content analysis was performed. Results. Nursing is part of society’s culture and in this sense, in - terviews with nurses provide us with critical information about the functioning of society and cultural identity at a given time. During the Soviet era the training of nurses occured within vocational training institutions. The curricula underwent a shift towards a Soviet-oriented approach. A significant portion of lessons were dedicated to imparting knowledge on the principles and tenets of Communist-Marxist ideology. Therefore, practical subjects and nursing theory were frequently allocated limited space. A paternalistic orientation prevailed in health care: just as the state regulated how to cure, spread hygiene, and healthy lifestyles propaganda, training was also determined by the management of the institution, thereby limiting the person´s autonomy to decide what kind of training was needed. The research is of significant value in the context of the history of nursing, as it helps to understand the difficulties and complexity of the development of nursing on the timeline. The Soviet era still affects Estonian society today and will continue to do so in the future. The same type of developments occurred in other post-Soviet countries.

Keywords: Estonian SSR, nursing education, paternalism, senior nurse, Soviet ideology

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Authors: Abdullah Mohammadi

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Years of prolong war in Afghanistan has led to one of the largest refugee and migrant populations in the contemporary world. During this continuous unrest which began in 1970s (by military coup, Marxist revolution and the subsequent invasion of USSR), over one-third of the population migrated to neighboring countries, especially Pakistan and Iran. After the Soviet Army withdrawal in 1989, a new wave of conflicts emerged between rival Afghan groups and this led to new refugees. Taliban period, also, created its own refugees. During all these years, I.R. of Iran has been one of the main destinations of Afghan refugees and migrants. At first, due to the political situation after Islamic Revolution, Iran government didn’t restrict the entry of Afghan refugees. Those who came first in Iran received ID cards and had access to education and healthcare services. But in 1990s, due to economic and social concerns, Iran’s policy towards Afghan refugees and migrants changed. The government has tried to identify and register Afghans in Iran and limit their access to some services and jobs. Unfortunately, there are few studies on Afghan refugees and migrants’ situation in Iran and we have a dim and vague picture of them. Of the few studies done on this group, none of them focus on the illegal Afghan migrants’ situation in Iran. Here, we tried to study the social and economic aspects of illegal Afghan migrants’ living in Iran. In doing so, we interviewed 24 illegal Afghan migrants in Iran. The method applied for analyzing the data is thematic analysis. For the interviews, we chose family heads (17 men and 7 women). According to the findings, illegal Afghan migrants’ socio-economic situation in Iran is very undesirable. Its main cause is the marginalization of this group which is resulted from government policies towards Afghan migrants. Most of the illegal Afghan migrants work in unskilled and inferior jobs and live in rent houses on the margins of cities and villages. None of them could buy a house or vehicle due to law. Based on their income, they form one of the lowest, unprivileged groups in the society. Socially, they face many problems in their everyday life: social insecurity, harassment and violence, misuse of their situation by police and people, lack of education opportunity, etc. In general, we may conclude that illegal Afghan migrant have little adaptation with Iran’s society. They face severe limitations compared to legal migrants and refugees and have no opportunity for upward social mobility. However, they have managed some strategies to face these difficulties including: seeking financial and emotional helps from family and friendship networks, sending one of the family members to third country (mostly to European countries), establishing self-administered schools for children (schools which are illegal and run by Afghan educated youth).

Keywords: illegal Afghan migrants, marginalization, social insecurity, upward social mobility

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Authors: Ronit Chakraborty

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Kolkata, formerly known as Calcutta, is the capital of West Bengal state and the former capital of India (1722-1911) of British India. Located at the heart of Hugli river (one of the main channels of Ganges river), the city is the heart of the state, which forms a base for commerce, transport and manufacture. The large and vibrant city thrives amidst the economic, social and political issues arising from the pages of history to the contemporary times. The unique nature, grandeurs, public debates on tea-stalls and obviously the charismatic scenic beauty and heritage keep the city to be criticized in all horizons, across the world. Movies in India are a big source of knowledge, which can be used as a powerful tool for political mobilization and to indirectly communicate with voters since cinema can be used as a tool of propaganda as it has a wide range of public interests. History proves the fact that films produced in India have been apt enough in making public interests be deeply portrayed through their content in a versatile manner. Such is the portrayal of India’s first capital, Kolkata and its ultimate truth being organizingly laid over by the trilogy of two international fame directors-Mrinal Sen and Satyajit Ray, through their ‘magnum opus- the ‘Kolkata trilogy’. Mrinal Sen’s Interview(1971), Calcutta 71(1972), Padatik(The Guerilla Fighter)(1973) and Satyajit Ray’s Pratidwandi (The Adversary)(1970), Seemabaddha(Company Limited)(1971), Jana Aranya(1976). These films picturized the contemporary Kolkata trends, issues and crises arising amidst the political set-up both by the positive and negative variables attributing to the day-to-day happenings of the city. The movies have been set amidst the turmoil that the nation was going through during Indira Gandhi’s declaration of Emergency, resulting from the general sense of disillusionment that prevailed during that time. Ray wasn't affiliated to any political party and his films largely contributed towards the contemporary conditions prevailing in the society. Mrinal Sen, being a Marxist was in constant search of the bitter truth that the society had to offer through his lens under the prevailing darkness through his trilogy. The research paper attempts to widely view and draw a comparative study of the overall description of the city of Kolkata as portrayed by Sen and Ray in their respective trilogies. By the usage of the visual content analysis method, the researcher has explored the six movies; both the trilogies of Mrinal Sen and Satyajit Ray and tried to analyse the differences as well as the similarities pertaining to understand India’s first capital city Kolkata in various dimensions along with its circumference.

Keywords: Kolkata, trilogy, Satyajit Ray, Mrinal Sen, films, comparative study

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Authors: Thomas Compton

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As Decolonialism becomes an important topic in Political Theory, the rupture between the colonized and the colonist relation has lost attention. Focusing on the anti-colonial activist Madhi Amel, we shall consider his attention to the permanence of the colonial relation and how it preempts Frank Wilderson’s formulation of (white) culturally necessary Anti-Black violence. Both projects draw attention away from empirical accounts of oppression, instead focusing on the structural relation which precipitates them. As Amel says that we should stop thinking of the ‘underdeveloped’ as beyond the colonial relation, Wilderson says we should stop think of the Black rights that have surpassed the role of the slave. However, Amel moves beyond his idol Althusser’s Structuralism toward a formulation of the colonial relation as source of domination. Our analysis will take a Lacanian turn in considering how this non-relation was formulated as a relation how this space of negativity became a ideological opportunity for Colonial domination. Wilderson’s work shall problematise this as we conclude with his criticisms of Structural accounts for the failure to consider how Black social death exists as more than necessity but a cite of white desire. Amel, a Lebanese activist and scholar (re)discovered by Hicham Safieddine, argues colonialism is more than the theft of land, but instead a privatization of collective property and form of investment which (re)produces the status of the capitalist in spaces ‘outside’ the market. Although Amel was a true Marxist-Leninsist, who exposited the economic determinacy of the Colonial Mode of Production, we are reading this account through Alenka Zupančič’s reformulation of the ‘invisible hand job of the market’. Amel points to the signifier ‘underdeveloped’ as buttressed on a pre-colonial epistemic break, as the Western investor (debt collector) sees the (post?) colony narcissistic image. However, the colony can never become site of class conflict, as the workers are not unified but existing between two countries. In industry, they are paid in Colonial subjectivisation, the promise of market (self)pleasure, at home, they are refugees. They are not, as Wilderson states, in the permanent social death of the slave, but they are less than the white worker. This is formulated as citizen (white), non-citizen (colonized), anti-citizen (Black/slave). Here we may also think of how indentured Indians were used as instruments of colonial violence. Wilderson’s aphorism “there is no analogy to anti-Black violence” lays bare his fundamental opposition between colonial and specifically anti-Black violence. It is not only that the debt collector, landowner, or other owners of production pleasures themselves as if their hand is invisible. The absolute negativity between colony and colonized provides a new frontier for desire, the development of a colonial mode of production. An invention inside the colonial structure that is generative of class substitution. We shall explore how Amel ignores the role of the slave but how Wilderson forecloses the history African anti-colonial.

Keywords: afropessimism, fanon, marxism, postcolonialism

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Authors: Rudy Ralph Martinez

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The 1960s provided us with some of the most iconic protest images of the late-20th century. This was the result of worldwide unrest and the proliferation of filmmaking equipment, which led to a flood of photos and films depicting war and activism. Many of these images and films played a pivotal role in shaping the ever-evolving discussions surrounding the ‘60s. However, too often, radical imagery finds itself subsumed by consumer culture, a degradation that flattens radical imagery and turns it into consumer products. With this in mind, the work that follows is an analysis of one of the little-discussed chapters of the 60s and 70s, and it is that of the New German Cinema movement and its relationship with the Rote Armee Fraktion, or Red Army Faction (RAF), an armed Marxist-Leninist group founded in West Germany in 1970. The RAF arose out of a milieu which included student activists protesting Western military involvement in the Vietnam War, civil rights activists, and third world guerillas. The actions undertaken by the group throughout their first decade in existence, including bombings, and assassinations, would create West Germany’s most dire political crisis since the Nazi era, culminating in a crisis of legitimation remembered as the German Autumn, which saw the suicides of several of the militants and the assassination of SS officer-cum-prominent industrialist, Hans Martin-Schleyer. Throughout the 1970s, young filmmakers associated with the New German Cinema sought to analyze the political situation as it was unfolding, their films contributing to the public discourse in concomitance with the government and the media. Four notable examples of these films are Volker Schlöndorff and Margarethe von Trotta’sDie Verlorene Ehre der Katharina Blum oder: Wie Gewaltentstehen und wohinsieführenkann (The Lost Honour of Katharina Blum, or: How Violence Develops and Where it Can Lead) (1975), a dark drama about the media’s role in forming public opinion, Deutschland im Herbst(Germany in Autumn) (1977), an experimental collective work released mere months after the German Autumn, Rainer Werner Fassbinder’s Die Dritte Generation (The Third Generation) (1979), a satire about an inept cell of radical militants, and Die bleierne Zeit (The Leaden Time, alt. title: Marianne and Juliane) (1981), an intimate portrayal about two sisters whose activism leads them down disparate paths. The filmmakers of the New German Cinema refused to underline their films with the Manichaean claims respectively espoused by the RAF and the government. These complex portrayals found offspring in films such as Christian Petzold’s Die innere Sicherheit(The State I Am In) (2000), a portrait of a family on the run after the reunification of Germany but were countered by glossy high-budget portrayals such as Uli Edel’s Der Baader-Meinhof Komplex(The Baader-Meinhof Complex) (2008). In focusing on the aesthetic structure of these films in relation to the political atmosphere of the late-60s and 70s West Germany, I hope to shed light on questions concerning spectatorship, surveillance, the role of journalism, and how politics disrupts personal relationships, and the kinship between artists and so-called terrorists.

Keywords: new german cinema, film history, red army faction, german cinema

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Authors: Sarah Niklas, Lynne Chester, Mark Diesendorf

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Geopolitical tensions, climate change and recent movements favouring a transformative shift in institutional power structures have influenced the economics of conventional energy supply for decades. This study takes a multi-dimensional approach to illustrate the potential of renewable energy (RE) technology to provide a pathway to a low-carbon economy driven by ecologically sustainable, independent and socially just energy. This comparative analysis identifies economic, political and social drivers that shaped the adoption of RE policy in two significantly different economies, Germany and Australia, with strong and weak commitments to RE respectively. Two complementary political-economy theories frame the document-based analysis. Régulation Theory, inspired by Marxist ideas and strongly influenced by contemporary economic problems, provides the background to explore the social relationships contributing the adoption of RE within the macro-economy. Varieties of Capitalism theory, a more recently developed micro-economic approach, examines the nature of state-firm relationships. Together these approaches provide a comprehensive lens of analysis. Germany’s energy policy transformed substantially over the second half of the last century. The development is characterised by the coordination of societal, environmental and industrial demands throughout the advancement of capitalist regimes. In the Fordist regime, mass production based on coal drove Germany’s astounding economic recovery during the post-war period. Economic depression and the instability of institutional arrangements necessitated the impulsive seeking of national security and energy independence. During the postwar Flexi-Fordist period, quality-based production, innovation and technology-based competition schemes, particularly with regard to political power structures in and across Europe, favoured the adoption of RE. Innovation, knowledge and education were institutionalized, leading to the legislation of environmental concerns. Lastly the establishment of government-industry-based coordinative programs supported the phase out of nuclear power and the increased adoption of RE during the last decade. Australia’s energy policy is shaped by the country’s richness in mineral resources. Energy policy largely served coal mining, historically and currently one of the most capital-intense industry. Assisted by the macro-economic dimensions of institutional arrangements, social and financial capital is orientated towards the export-led and strongly demand-oriented economy. Here energy policy serves the maintenance of capital accumulation in the mining sector and the emerging Asian economies. The adoption of supportive renewable energy policy would challenge the distinct role of the mining industry within the (neo)-liberal market economy. The state’s protective role of the mining sector has resulted in weak commitment to RE policy and investment uncertainty in the energy sector. Recent developments, driven by strong public support for RE, emphasize the sense of community in urban and rural areas and the emergence of a bottom-up approach to adopt renewables. Thus, political economy frameworks on both the macro-economic (Regulation Theory) and micro-economic (Varieties of Capitalism theory) scales can together explain the strong commitment to RE in Germany vis-à-vis the weak commitment in Australia.

Keywords: political economy, regulation theory, renewable energy, social relationships, energy transitions

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