Search results for: political campaign

Authors: Tinnaphop Sinsomboonthong

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The hashtag, #LoveWins, has been widely used for celebrating the victory of the LGBTQ movement since June 2015 when the US Supreme Court enacted the rights of same-sex marriage. Nowadays, the hashtag is generally used among active social media users in many countries, including Thailand. Amidst the political conflict between advocates of the junta-backed legislation related to same-sex marriage laws, known as ‘Thailand’s Civil Partnership Draft Bills,’ and its detractors, the hashtag becomes crucial for Thailand’s 2019 national election season and shortly afterward as it was one of the most crucial parts of a political campaign to rebrand many political parties’ image, create an LGBT-friendly atmosphere and neutralize the bi-polarized politics of the law. The use of the hashtag is, therefore, not just an online entertainment but a politico-discursive tool, used by many actors for many purposes. Behind the confrontation between supporters and opposers of the law, the hashtag is used by both sides to highlight the Western-centric normativity of homosexual love, closely associated with Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity. As an online ethnographical study, this paper aims to analyze how #LoveWins is used among Thai social media users in late 2018 to mid-2019 and how it is signified by Thai social media users during the Drafted-Bills period and the 2019 national election. A number of preliminary surveys of data on Twitter were conducted in December 2018 and, more intensely, in January 2019. Later, the data survey was officially conducted twice during February and April 2019, while the data collection was done during May-June 2019. Only public posts on Twitter that include the hashtag, #LoveWins, or any hashtags quoting ‘love’ and ‘wins’ are the main targets of this research. As a result of this, the use of the hashtag can be categorized into three levels, including banal decoration, homosexual love celebration, and colonial discourse on homosexual love. Particularly in the third type of the use of the hashtag, discourse analysis is applied to reveal that this hashtag is closely associated with the discourse of development and modernity as most of the descriptive posts demonstrate aspirations to become more ‘developed and modernized’ like many Western countries and Taiwan, the LGBT capital in Asia. Thus, calls for the ‘right to homosexual love’ and the ‘right to same-sex marriage’ in Thailand are shaped and formulated within the discursive linkage between modernity, development, and love. Also, the use of #LoveWins can be considered as a de-queering process of love as only particular types of gender identity, sexual orientation, and relationships that reflect Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity are acceptable and advocated. Due to this, more inclusive queer loves should be supported rather than a mere essentialist-traditionalist homosexual love. Homonormativity must be deconstructed, and love must no longer be reserved for only one particular type of relationship that is standardized from/by the West. It must become more inclusive.

Keywords: #LoveWins, homosexual love, LGBT rights, same-sex marriage

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Authors: Eran Gusacov

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This article argues that, as a rule, having children and adolescents participate in adult public protests, in terms of educational thought, is ideological education, brainwashing or indoctrination, and not political education, as will be defined in the article. This is a modest argument in its scope: it does not declare categorically that from a perspective of educational thought, parents and teachers need to refrain from bringing children and teenagers to social protests. The perspective offered in this article neither automatically invalidates any indoctrination in educational activities nor does it oppose the legitimacy of protests initiated by adolescents. It does, however, argue that having children and teens participate in such protests is not political education – an argument that belongs to the educational field. Furthermore, the perspective offered here does not deal with the legal layer of the children’s rights to organize, to demonstrate and/or to protest or with issues of political thought. While the examples provided in the article mainly deal with the Israeli reality, it presents a general argument, which is relevant for wherever children participate in demonstrations.

Keywords: ideological education, indoctrination, political education, protest

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Authors: Sumeyra Yakar

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The idea of this research had its genesis from the writer's interest in Shi'i school and religio-political atmosphere in contemporary Iran. The research aims to identify how the past dynamics between political and legal figures and their relationship between each other affect contemporary relationship between political and religious authorities at the local and global level. It attempts to explore religio-politic Shi'i figures and their relationship with the official jurisprudence from the 15th century to the contemporary period. The mutual interaction between the opinion and acts of political figures and jurisprudential institutions enlightens the role of religious values to control the mass population. After the collapse of the Safawīd Dynasty, Shi'i believers lost their political guardian and legal independence, and the situation gave them the inspiration to create unique ideologies or political approaches to solve the governance crisis. The analysis of authoritative political figures and their scholastic contributions elucidate the connection between political powers and religious doctrines under the protection of sectarian oriented theocratic governments. Additionally, understanding the incremental influence of political (historical) Shi'i figures into religious doctrines shed lights on the chronological development of peculiar government style and authoritative hierarchy in contemporary Shi’i communities. The research as being interdisciplinary one offers to create an academic awareness between legal and political factors in Shi’i school of thought and encompasses political, religious, social, financial and cultural atmospheres of the countries in which the political figures lived. The Iranian regime enshrines the principle of vilāyāt-i faqīh (guardianship of the jurist) which enables jurists to solve the conflict between law as an ideal system, in theory, and law in practice. The paper aims to show how the religious, educational system works in harmony with the governmental authorities with the concept of vilāyāt-i faqīh in Iran and contributes to the creation of religious custom in the society. Contemporary relationship between the political figures and religious authorities in Iran will be explained by religio-legal dimensions. The methodology that will be applied by the study has been chosen in order to acquire information and deduce conclusions from the opinions of the scholars. Thus, the research method is mainly descriptive and qualitative. Three lines of description are pursued throughout the study; the explanation of political ideas belonging to the religio-political figures theoretically depending on written texts; the description of approaches adopted by contemporary Iranian and Saudi scholars relating to the legal systems (theoretically); and the explanation of the responses of governmental authorities.

Keywords: clergy (‘ulamā), guardianship of the jurist (vilāyāt-i faqīh), Iran, Shi’i figures

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Authors: Hussain Hameed Mayuuf

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The study is an attempt to investigate the conceptual metonymies is used in political discourse about COVID-19. Thus, this study tries to analyze and investigate how the conceptual metonymies in Johnson's speech about coronavirus are constructed. This study aims at: Identifying how are metonymies relevant to understand the messages in Boris Johnson speeches and to find out how can conceptual blending theory help people to understand the messages in the political speech about COVID-19. Lastly, it tries to Point out the kinds of integration networks are common in political speech. The study is based on the hypotheses that conceptual blending theory is a powerful tool for investigating the intended messages in Johnson's speech and there are different processes of blending networks and conceptual mapping that enable the listeners to identify the messages in political speech. This study presents a qualitative and quantitative analysis of four speeches about COVID-19; they are said by Boris Johnson. The selected data have been tackled from the cognitive-semantic perspective by adopting Conceptual Blending Theory as a model for the analysis. It concludes that CBT is applicable to the analysis of metonymies in political discourse. Its mechanisms enable listeners to analyze and understand these speeches. Also the listener can identify and understand the hidden messages in Biden and Johnson's discourse about COVID-19 by using different conceptual networks. Finally, it is concluded that the double scope networks are the most common types of blending of metonymies in the political speech.

Keywords: cognitive, semantics, conceptual, metonymical, Covid-19

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Authors: Narender Banwala

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The study critically evaluates that the politics of foreign aid and its effect on Afghanistan. The study argues that dynamics of foreign aid to Afghanistan are not driven solely by the Afghan political, social, and economic realities but much more by the ephemeral political goals of international donor countries. The objective of this paper is to find out the political reality of foreign aid given to Afghanistan in a post 9/11 era. The study analyses the gap between the donor countries' interests and the Afghan government's priorities in aid coordination and management. The aid given to Afghanistan has been accompanied by the political interests of the major powers and therefore violated the core principles of humanitarianism, i.e., humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. This research attempts to explain the areas which are of high priority, extremely vulnerable, and have been a neglected part since 2001. The study focuses on how as a result of politicization, foreign aid could not yield the expected results even after prolong presence of international donors in Afghanistan. Methodologically, the study includes both qualitative and quantitative data, which are collected by interviews with government officials and other government documents.

Keywords: Afganistan, aid, politics, security

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Military interventions have an important place in the Turkish Political History. Military interventions are commonly called coup in the society. By coup we mean that the armed forces seize political power either by a group of officer in the army or by chain of command. Coups not only weaken but also suspend the democracy in a country. All periods of coup created its own victims. Two military coups which took place in May 27, 1960 and September 12, 1980 are the most important ones in terms of political and social effect in the Turkish Political History. Apart these, March 12, 1971, February 28, 1997 and April 27, 2007 e-memorandum are the periods when Army submitted a memorandum and intervened the political government indirectly. Beside the memorandums and coups there were also many coup attempts that have been experienced in the Turkish Political History. In this study, we examined the coup attempted by FETO’s military members in the evening of July 15, 2016 from the point of the Turkish Press. Cumhuriyet, Haber Türk, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Sabah, Star, Yeni Akit and Yeni Şafak Newspapers which have different publication policies were examined within the scope of the study. The first pages of the newspapers dated July 16, 2016 were examined using content analysis method. The headlines, news, news headlines and the visual materials used for news were examined and the collected data were analysed.

Keywords: July 15, news, military coup, press

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Authors: John Hardy

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The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent regime change, internal conflicts between political and ethnic-religious groups have become a hallmark of Iraqi political dynamism. The most important manifestations of these conflicts are the Kurdish-central government conflicts, as well as fundamentalism since 2003. As a result, it seems not only US presence in Iraq under the pretext of fighting terrorism and expanding democracy has not had a positive effect on controlling fundamentalism and political stability in Iraq, but it has paved the way for the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in the form of disputes over territory and sources of power. In this regard, given the importance of the study, the main purpose of this study is to examine the process of the impact of US regime-change policy on the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in Iraq. The central question of this study is, what effect has the US regime change policy had on Iraq's domestic political processes? Findings show that regime change and subsequent imposed federalism have widened the gaps in Iraq's sectarian-ethnic system. As a result, the geopolitical crisis in the context of the dispute over geographical territory and sources of power between ethnic-religious groups has become the most important political dynamic in Iraq since the occupation. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: Iraq, united states, geopolitical crisis, ethno-religious conflict, political federalism

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Authors: Henar Martín-Sanz García, Eleni Chatzi, Eugen Brühwiler

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Located on the shore of Geneva Lake, in Switzerland, the Chillon Viaducts are two parallel structures consisted of post-tensioned concrete box girders, with a total length of 2 kilometers and 100m spans. Built in 1969, the bridges currently accommodate a traffic load of 50.000 vehicles per day, thereby holding a key role both in terms of historic value as well as socio-economic significance. Although several improvements have been carried out in the past two decades, recent inspections demonstrate an Alkali-Aggregate reaction in the concrete deck and piers reducing the concrete strength. In order to prevent further expansion of this issue, a layer of 40 mm of Ultra High Performance Fiber Reinforced cement-based Composite (UHPFRC) (incorporating rebars) was casted over the slabs, acting as a waterproof membrane and providing significant increase in resistance of the bridge structure by composite UHPFRC – RC composite action in particular of the deck slab. After completing the rehabilitation works, a Structural Monitoring campaign was installed on the deck slab in one representative span, based on accelerometers, strain gauges, thermal and humidity sensors. This campaign seeks to reveal information on the behavior of UHPFRC-concrete composite systems, such as increase in stiffness, fatigue strength, durability and long-term performance. Consequently, the structural monitoring is expected to last for at least three years. A first insight of the analyzed results from the initial months of measurements is presented herein, along with future improvements or necessary changes on the deployment.

Keywords: composite materials, rehabilitation, structural health monitoring, UHPFRC

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Authors: Tony See

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Although much has been devoted to Deleuze’s ethics of difference, relatively little has been focused on how his political perspective is informed by his appropriation of religious ideas and theological concepts. The bulk of the scholarly works have examined his political views with the assumption that they have little or nothing to do with his ideas of religions at all. This is in spite of the fact that Deleuze has drawn heavily from religious and theological thinkers such as Duns Scotus, Spinoza and Nietzsche. This dimension can also be traced in Deleuze’s later works, when he collaborated with Felix Guattari in creating an anti-Oedipal philosophy of difference after May 68. This paper seeks to reverse the tendency in contemporary scholarship ignore Deleuze’s ‘religious’ framework in his understanding of the ethical and the political. Towards this aim, we will refer to key texts in Deleuze’s corpus such as Expressionism in Philosophy, A Thousand Plateaus and others.

Keywords: difference, haeccities, identity, religion, theology

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Authors: Antonia Stanojević, Agnes Akkerman

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In contemporary society, economically active people typically spend most of their waking hours doing their job. Having that in mind, this research examines how socialization at the workplace shapes political preferences. Innovatively, it examines, in particular, the possible relationship between employees’ voice suppression by the employer and the formation of their political preferences. Since the employer is perceived as an authority figure, their behavior might induce spillovers to attitudes about political authorities and authoritarian governance. Therefore, a positive effect of suppression of voice by employers on employees' preference for authoritarian governance is expected. Furthermore, this relation is expected to be mediated by two mechanisms: system justification and power distance. Namely, it is expected that suppression of voice would create a power distance organizational climate and increase employees’ acceptance of unequal distribution of power, as well as evoke attempts of oppression rationalization through system justification. The hypotheses will be tested on the data gathered within the first wave of Work and Politics Dataset 2017 (N=6000), which allows for a wide range of demographic and psychological control variables. Although a cross-sectional analysis to be used at this point does not allow for causal inferences, the confirmation of expected relationships would encourage and justify further longitudinal research on the same panel dataset, in order to get a clearer image of the causal relationship between employers' suppression of voice and workers' political preferences.

Keywords: authoritarian values, political preferences, power distance, system justification, voice suppression

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Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

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This exposition investigates the connection between two viewpoints on the nature of human rights. Agreeing with the “political” or “practical” point of view, human rights are claims that people have against certain regulation structures in specific present-day states, in the ethicalness of interface they have in settings that incorporate them. Agreeing with the more conventional “humanist” or “naturalistic” viewpoint, human rights are pre-institutional claims that people have against all other people in the ethicalness of interface characteristic of their common humankind. This paper contends that once we recognize the two viewpoints in their best light, we are able to see that they are complementary, and, in reality, we require both to form a great standardizing sense of the modern home of human rights. It clarifies how humanist and political contemplations can and ought to work in couple to account for the concept, substance, and legitimization of human rights.

Keywords: politics, human rights, humanities, mankind, law

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Authors: Abdul Nasir Zamir

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After the downfall of Ottoman Caliphate, it scattered into different small Muslim states. Muslim leaders, intellectuals, revivalists as well as modernists started trying to boost up their nation. Some Muslims are also trying to establish the caliphate. Every Muslim country has its own political system, i.e., kingship, dictatorship or democracy, etc. But these are not in their original forms as the historian or political science discussed in their studies. The laws and their practice are mixed, i.e., others with Islamic laws, e.g., Saudi Arabia (K.S.A) and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, etc. There is great conflict among the revivalist Muslim parties (groups) and governments about political systems. The question is that the subject matter is Sharia or political system? Leaders of Modern Muslim states are alleged as disbelievers due to neglecting the revelation in their laws and decisions. There are two types of laws; Islamic laws and management laws. The conflict is that the non-Islamic laws are in practice in Muslim states. Non-Islamic laws can be gradually changed with Islamic laws with a legal and peaceful process according to the practice of former Muslim leaders and scholars. The bloodshed of Muslims is not allowed in any case. Weak Muslim state is a blessing than nothing. The political system after Muhammad and guided caliphs is considered as kingship. But during this period Muslims not only developed in science and technology but conquered many territories also. If the original aim is in practice, then the Modern Muslim states can be stabled with different political systems. Modern Muslim states are the hope of survival, stability, and development of Muslim Ummah. Islam does not allow arm clash with Muslim army or Muslim civilians. The caliphate is based on believing in one Allah Almighty and good deeds according to Quran and Sunnah. As faith became weak and good deeds became less from its standard level, caliphate automatically became weak and even ended. The last weak caliphate was Ottoman Caliphate which was a hope of all the Muslims of the world. There is no caliphate or caliph present in the world. But every Muslim country or state is like an Amarat (a part of caliphate or small and alternate form of the caliphate) of Muslims. It is the duty of all Muslims to stable these modern Muslim states with tolerance.

Keywords: caliphate, conflict resolution, modern Muslim state, political conflicts, political systems, tolerance

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Authors: Simon Tsipis

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In this study, we propose to analyze Russian foreign policy conduct by applying the theory of Political Realism and the qualitative comparative method of analysis. We find that the paradigm of Political Realism supplies us with significant insights into the sources of contemporary Russian foreign policy conduct since the power factor was and remains an integral element in Russian foreign policies, especially when we apply comparative analysis and compare it with the behavior of its Soviet predecessor. Through the lens of the Realist theory, a handful of Russian foreign policy-making becomes clearer and much more comprehensible.

Keywords: realism, Russia, cold war, Soviet Union, European security

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Authors: Nik Kamariah Nikmat, Noor Hasmini Abdghani

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The Malaysian government had consistently revived its campaign for “Buy Malaysian Goods” from time to time. The purpose of the campaign is to remind consumers to be ethnocentric and patriotic when purchasing product and services. This is necessary to ensure high demand for local products and services compared to foreign products. However, the decline of domestic investment in 2012 has triggered concern for the Malaysian economy. Hence, this study attempts to determine the drivers of actual purchasing behavior, intention to purchase domestic products and ethnocentrism. The study employs the cross-sectional primary data, self-administered on household, selected using stratified random sampling in four Malaysian regions. A nine factor driver of actual domestic purchasing behavior (culture openness, conservatism, collectivism, patriotism, control belief, interest in foreign travel, attitude, ethnocentrism and intention) were measured utilizing 60 items, using 7-point Likert-scale. From 1000 questionnaires distributed, a sample of 486 were returned representing 48.6 percent response rate. From the fit generated structural model (SEM analysis), it was found that the drivers of actual purchase behavior are collectivism, cultural openness and patriotism; the drivers of intention to purchase domestic product are attitude, control belief, collectivism and conservativeness; and drivers of ethnocentrism are cultural openness, control belief, foreign travel and patriotism. It also shows that Malaysian consumers scored high in ethnocentrism and patriotism. The findings are discussed in the perspective of its implication to Malaysian National Agenda.

Keywords: actual purchase, ethnocentrism, patriotism, culture openness, conservatism

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Authors: Luisa Peirano

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What began as a middle-class insurgent political movement whose slogan was 'Words divide us. Action unites us!' ultimately mutated into an underground terrorist group that staged a series of armed robberies, kidnappings and even executions in the 1960s and early 1970s. One of the most memorable was the kidnapping of the British ambassador, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, in January 1971, who was held captive for eight months. The episode, which triggered a massive government response and resulted in the capture of the Tupamaros leaders, continued to have political repercussions decades later when Tupamaros leaders emerged from prison to re-enter mainstream Uruguayan politics. The kidnapping and its aftermath attracted intense media coverage in Uruguay and Britain, coverage that affected public opinion profoundly. The treatment by the Uruguayan and British medias’ diverged, however. Uruguayan newspapers focused on political issues, mirrored the positions of various political parties, and showed the larger context of social, cultural and political forces that rocked Latin America in the 1960s and early 1970s. By contrast, the British press limited its attention mainly to the human drama. On the 30th anniversary of Sir Geoffrey Jackson's death, this study compares over one hundred major newspaper articles and suggests some reasons for the differences between Uruguayan and British media treatment in terms of the volume, content, and perspective as well in the effect on readers. The differences have persisted and continue to matter in present day coverage of terrorism and its victims.

Keywords: British Ambassador, Churchill Archives Centre, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, political kidnapping, Latin America in the 1960's, Tupamaro guerrillas, Uruguay

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Authors: Mabrouka Al-Werfalli

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This paper aims to highlight reasons beyond the prevalence of “culture of corruption” amongst Libyans. One of the most prominent reason for the Libyan revolution in February 2011 was the pervasiveness of corruption. Corruption in Libya remained a significant problem despite harsh legislation and a robust anti-corruption discourse undertaken by the previous regime. The long-standing political corruption in Libya has offered ample opportunity for the evolution of a structure of negative values and morals. This has formed what is termed as a “culture of corruption”, which has induced people to accept and justify corrupt behaviour. The paper is a part of a study concerns the phenomenon of political alienation in Libya which was based on a survey conducted in 2001 in the city of Benghazi. The finding shows that abuse of power looms large within all activities. Embezzlement and misuse of public funds for personal enrichment is thought to be rife within public bodies, institutions, companies, factories, banks and enterprises owned entirely or partially by the state.

Keywords: corruption, culture of corruption, participation in corruption, abuse of power, embezzlement, political alienation, anti-corruption

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Authors: R. F. Mesquita Brandão

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Act Local, Think Global is the name of a campaign implemented at Superior Institute of Engineering of Porto (ISEP), one of schools of Polytechnic of Porto, with the main objective of increase the sustainability of the campus. ISEP has a campus with 52.000 m2 and more than 7.000 students. The campaign started in 2019 and the results are very clear. In 2019 only 16% of the waste created in the campus was correctly separate for recycling and now almost 50% of waste goes to the correct waste container. Actions to reduce the energy consumption were implemented with significantly results. One of the major problems in the campus are the water leaks. To solve this problem was implemented a methodology for water monitoring during the night, a period of time where consumptions are normally low. If water consumption in the period is higher than a determinate value it may mean a water leak and an alarm is created to the maintenance teams. In terms of energy savings, some measurements were implemented to create savings in energy consumption and in equivalent CO₂ produced. In order to reduce the use of plastics in the campus, was implemented the prohibition of selling 33 cl plastic water bottles and in collaboration with the students association all meals served in the restaurants changed the water plastic bottle for a glass that can be refilled with water in the water dispensers. This measures created a reduction of use of more than 75.000 plastic bottles per year. In parallel was implemented the ISEP water glass bottle to be used in all scientific meetings and events. Has a way of involving all community in sustainability issues was developed and implemented a vertical garden in aquaponic system. In 2019, the first vertical garden without soil was installed inside a large campus building. The system occupies the entire exterior façade (3 floors) of the entrance to ISEP's G building. On each of these floors there is a planter with 42 positions available for plants. Lettuces, strawberries, peppers are examples of some vegetable produced that can be collected by the entire community. Associated to the vertical garden was developed a monitoring system were some parameters of the system are monitored. This project is under development because it will work in a stand-alone energy feeding, with the use of photovoltaic panels for production of energy necessities. All the system was, and still is, developed by students and teachers and is used in class projects of some ISEP courses. These and others measures implemented in the campus, will be more developed in the full paper, as well as all the results obtained, allowed ISEP to be the first Portuguese high school to obtain the certification “Coração Verde” (Green Heart), awarded by LIPOR, a Portuguese company with the mission of transform waste into new resources through the implementation of innovative and circular practices, generating and sharing value.

Keywords: aquaponics, energy efficiency, recycling, sustainability, waste separation

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Authors: Alicja Zapolnik-Plachetka

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The paper examines the impact of the Members’ of the European Parliament (MEPs) language choice on the linguistic quality of their political discourse as delivered by the interpreters. The study, designed by the author, who is an EU interpreter herself, consisted of three phases. First, a number of speeches of Polish and Spanish MEPs were analyzed to determine whether the incidence of use of certain figures of speech depending on whether the speech had been delivered in English or their respective mother tongue. Then the use of figures of speech was also analyzed based on speeches by some British MEPs, in order to determine what was the incidence for the native users of English. Subsequently, the speeches were compared with their interpretations to find out whether the interpreters managed to convey accurately the means of oratory used by the MEPs. The final result shows that in case of institutional environments dependant on simultaneous interpretation the speakers’ choices can, in fact, influence the linguistic quality of the political communication.

Keywords: content accuracy, European Parliament, political discourse, simultaneous interpreting

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Authors: Ye Tian

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Soft power has replaced hard power and become one of the most attractive ways nations pursue to expand their international influence. One of the ways to improve a nation’s soft power is to commercialise the country and brand or rebrand it to the international audience, and thus attract interests or foreign investments. In this process, translation has often been regarded as merely a tool, and researches in it are either in translating literature as culture export or in how (in)accuracy of translation influences the branding campaign. This paper proposes to analyse nation branding campaign with framing theory, and thus gives an entry for translation studies to come to a central stage in today’s soft power research. To frame information or elements of a text, an event, or, as in this paper, a nation is to put them in a mental structure. This structure can be built by outsiders or by those who create the text, the event, or by citizens of the nation. To frame information like this can be regarded as a process of translation, as what translation does in its traditional meaning of ‘translating a text’ is to put a framework on the text to, deliberately or not, highlight some of the elements while hiding the others. In the discourse of nations, then, people unavoidably simplify a national image and put the nation into their imaginary framework. In this way, problems like stereotype and prejudice come into being. Meanwhile, if nations seek ways to frame or reframe themselves, they make efforts to have in control what and who they are in the eyes of international audiences, and thus make profits, economically or politically, from it. The paper takes African nations, which are usually perceived as a whole, and the United Kingdom as examples to justify passive and active framing process, and assesses both positive and negative influence framing has on nations. In conclusion, translation as framing causes problems like prejudice, and the image of a nation is not always in the hands of nation branders, but reframing the nation in a positive way has the potential to turn the tide.

Keywords: framing, nation branding, stereotype, translation

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Authors: Nur R. Daut

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The objective of this paper is to offer an insight on how political power inequality has contributed and exacerbated the political violence towards the Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar. In particular, this paper attempts to illustrate how power inequality in the country has prevented Myanmar’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking effective measures on the issue. The research centers on the question of why Aung San Suu Kyi has been seen as not doing enough to stop the persecution of the Rohingya ethnic group ever since she was appointed the State Counsellor to the Myanmar government. As a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Suu Kyi’s lack of action on the matter has come under severe criticism by the international community. Many have seen this as Suu Kyi’s failure to establish democracy and allowing mass killing to spread in the country. The real question that many perhaps should be asking, however, is how much power Suu Kyi actually holds within the government which is still heavily controlled by the military or Tatmadaw. This paper argues that Suu Kyi’s role within the government is limited which hinders constructive and effective measures to be taken on the Rohingya issue. Political power in this research is being measured by 3 factors: control over events such as burning of Rohingya villages, control over resources such as land ownership and media and control over actors such the Tatmadaw, police force and civil society who are greatly needed to ease and resolve the conflict. In order to illustrate which individuals or institution have control over all the 3 above factors, this paper will first study the constitution of Myanmar. The constitution will also be able to show the asymmetrical power relations as it will provide evidence as to how much political power Suu Kyi holds within the government in comparison to other political actors and institutions. Suu Kyi’s role as a state counsellor akin to a prime minister is a newly created position as the current constitution of Myanmar bars anyone with a foreign spouse from holding the post of a president in the country. This is already an indication of the inequality of political power between Suu Kyi and the military. Apart from studying the constitution of Myanmar, Suu Kyi’s speeches and various interviews are also studied in order to answer the research question. Unfortunately, Suu Kyi’s limited political power also involves the Buddhist monks in Myanmar who have held significant influence throughout the history of the country. This factor further prevents Suu Kyi from preserving the sanctity of human rights in Myanmar.

Keywords: Aung San Suu Kyi, constitution of Myanmar, inequality, political power, political violence, Rohingya, Tatmadaw

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Authors: Masako Darrough, Mahmud Hossain, Santanu Mitra

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The prevalent and increasing workplace misconduct in the United States presents a significant threat to social welfare. Despite efforts by enforcement agencies, U.S. workers remain vulnerable to employer exploitation, as evidenced by rising workplace injuries and discrimination lawsuits. While existing literature has identified several factors associated with unethical labor practices, the influence of political corruption remains largely unexplored. This paper aims to fill this gap by investigating the relationship between political corruption and workplace misconduct in the U.S. context. Using the data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and corruption convictions reported by the Department of Justice, we find a positive association between political corruption and workplace misconduct among U.S.-listed firms that are headquartered in different states from 2004 to 2022. Both unionization and stricter labor laws attenuate the positive association between corruption and unethical labor practices. Our analyses also address potential endogeneity concerns via difference-in-differences, instrumental variables, and propensity-score-matched analyses, reaffirming the robustness of our findings. This research contributes to the literature by shedding light on how corrupt political climates influence organizational operational behavior and unethical practices. It also underscores the importance of stakeholder trust and the role of regulatory frameworks and offers practical insights to policymakers by suggesting a judicious allocation of enforcement resources to more corrupt states.

Keywords: workplace misconduct, political corruption, unionization, labor law strictness

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Authors: Rodrigo Antunes, Olga Borisevich, David Demange

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The Tritium Laboratory Karlsruhe (TLK) has identified zeolite membranes as most promising for tritium processes in the future fusion reactors. Tritium diluted in purge gases or gaseous effluents, and present in both molecular and oxidized forms, can be pre-concentrated by a stage of zeolite membranes followed by a main downstream recovery stage (e.g., catalytic membrane reactor). Since 2011 several membrane zeolite samples have been tested to measure the membrane performances in the separation of hydrogen and water vapor from helium streams. These experiments were carried out in the ZIMT (Zeolite Inorganic Membranes for Tritium) facility where mass spectrometry and cold traps were used to measure the membranes’ performances. The membranes were tested at temperatures ranging from 25 °C up to 130 °C, at feed pressures between 1 and 3 bar, and typical feed flows of 2 l/min. During this experimental campaign, several zeolite-type membranes were studied: a hollow-fiber MFI nanocomposite membrane purchased from IRCELYON (France), and tubular MFI-ZSM5, NaA and H-SOD membranes purchased from Institute for Ceramic Technologies and Systems (IKTS, Germany). Among these membranes, only the MFI-based showed relevant performances for the H2/He separation, with rather high permeances (~0.5 – 0.7 μmol/sm2Pa for H2 at 25 °C for MFI-ZSM5), however with a limited ideal selectivity of around 2 for H2/He regardless of the feed concentration. Both MFI and NaA showed higher separation performances when water vapor was used instead; for example, at 30 °C, the separation factor for MFI-ZSM5 is approximately 10 and 38 for 0.2% and 10% H2O/He, respectively. The H-SOD evidenced to be considerably defective and therefore not considered for further experiments. In this contribution, a comprehensive analysis of the experimental methods and results obtained for the separation performance of different zeolite membranes during the past four years in inactive environment is given. These results are encouraging for the experimental campaign with molecular and oxidized tritium that will follow in 2017.

Keywords: gas separation, nuclear fusion, tritium processes, zeolite membranes

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Authors: Z. Zaman Asam, M. Ajmal, R. Saeed, H. Miraj, M. Muhammad Ahtisham, B. Hameed, A. -Sattar Nizami

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In Pakistan, environmental degradation and consequent human health deterioration has rapidly accelerated in the past decade due to solid waste mismanagement. As the situation worsens with time, establishment of proper waste management practices is urgently needed especially in semi urban and rural areas of Pakistan. This study uses a concept of Waste Bank, which involves a transfer station for collection of sorted waste fractions and its delivery to the targeted market such as recycling industries, biogas plants, composting facilities etc. The management efficiency and effectiveness of Waste Bank depend strongly on the proficient sorting and collection of solid waste fractions at household level. However, the social attitude towards such a solution in semi urban/rural areas of Pakistan demands certain prerequisites to make it workable. Considering these factors the objectives of this study are to: [A] Obtain reliable data about quantity and characteristics of generated waste to define feasibility of business and design factors, such as required storage area, retention time, transportation frequency of the system etc. [B] Analyze the effects of various social factors on waste generation to foresee future projections. [C] Quantify the improvement in waste sorting efficiency after awareness campaign. We selected Gujrat city of Central Punjab province of Pakistan as it is semi urban adjoined by rural areas. A total of 60 houses (20 from each of the three selected colonies), belonging to different social status were selected. Awareness sessions about waste segregation were given through brochures and individual lectures in each selected household. Sampling of waste, that households had attempted to sort, was then carried out in the three colored bags that were provided as part of the awareness campaign. Finally, refined waste sorting, weighing of various fractions and measurement of dry mass was performed in environmental laboratory using standard methods. It was calculated that sorting efficiency of waste improved from 0 to 52% as a result of the awareness campaign. The generation of waste (dry mass basis) on average from one household was 460 kg/year whereas per capita generation was 68 kg/year. Extrapolating these values for Gujrat Tehsil, the total waste generation per year is calculated to be 101921 tons dry mass (DM). Characteristics found in waste were (i) organic decomposable (29.2%, 29710 tons/year DM), (ii) recyclables (37.0%, 37726 tons/year DM) that included plastic, paper, metal and glass, and (iii) trash (33.8%, 34485 tons/year DM) that mainly comprised of polythene bags, medicine packaging, pampers and wrappers. Waste generation was more in colonies with comparatively higher income and better living standards. In future, data collection for all four seasons and improvements due to expansion of awareness campaign to educational institutes will be quantified. This waste management system can potentially fulfill vital sustainable development goals (e.g. clean water and sanitation), reduce the need to harvest fresh resources from the ecosystem, create business and job opportunities and consequently solve one of the most pressing environmental issues of the country.

Keywords: integrated solid waste management, waste segregation, waste bank, community development

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Authors: Noureddine Radouai

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Corruption is an endemic phenomenon in many countries around the globe. Morocco, as an authoritarian regime, relies on corruption for monarchy survival. I analyze the Makhzen structure and methods that it follows to exchange corruption for political loyalty. The abuse of power in Morocco is sponsored by the monarch itself as it is its way to remain its importance in the regime.

Keywords: corruption, Clientelism, authoritarian regime, Morocco

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Authors: Warner Woodworth

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While the explosion of autocratic governments is growing globally, perhaps nowhere is it more obvious than in the United States since 2015. In that nation, democracy is increasingly caving to extreme Right-wing movements, especially after Donald Trump lost to Joe Biden in the 2020 election. Angered by that rejection, he and his support groups that foster extremism began an all-out assault on freedom, beginning with the attack on the US Capitol itself on January 6, 2021. Since then, following Trump’s two presidential impeachments, 34 felony convictions, 88 impending court cases by the Department of Justice, and crimes by some of his most ardent co-conspirators, the rule of law, traditional political values, and even the Constitution became threatened. Now, since his Nov. 5, 2024, campaign victory, the dark clouds of autocracies loom larger every day. To wit: Appointments to Trump’s cabinet are all extremists promising to eliminate major beneficiary citizen programs such as healthcare, civil rights, education, justice, and a massive move to drive millions of immigrants from the country. The political divide is at its highest extreme since the 1861 Civil War between North and South. Autocratization is manifest daily in fake news media, as well as traditional conspiracy organizations such as politically violent motorcycle gangs, the John Birch Society, Eagle Forum, and Anti-Constitutional Sheriffs and other law enforcement groups. Even worse is the expansion of violent groups such as the Proud Boys, Aryan Nations, Patriot Front, White Nationalists, Stormfront, Oath Keepers, Three Percenters, Ku Klux Klan, Moms for Liberty, American Nazi Party, Operation Homeland, Skinhead organizations, America First, Veterans on Patrol, hundreds of militia groups from coast to coast, and of course, hundreds more under the banner of Trump’s movement, ‘Make America Great Again.’ This paper will draw on the author’s decades of researching these groups and Trump's new authoritarian agenda. Qualitative data will include expert analysis from multiple academic disciplines as Americans, and the larger world seek to understand these dangerous U.S. trends and future prospects. The paper concludes by sharing the prospects of America’s future over the next four years, or longer if Trump’s vow to be a dictator is extended.

Keywords: American authoritarianism, trump, fascism, conspiracies, extremism

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Authors: Pantelis Sklias, Panagiota Chatzimichailidou

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This study intents to clarify the nexus of adult education and economic development within the methodological framework of political economy within EU. The main logic behind this study is that economies with a higher level of adult education have higher levels of economic development. Despite the assumption that policy making in adult education will clearly be facilitated by any ‘proofs’ of efficiency, mainly monetary, this study acknowledges the limitations following the use of the narrow economic approaches embedded in the neoclassical framework and proposes that the methodological framework of political economy is the most relevant to explore the correlation between adult education and economic development. Focusing only on neoclassical economics to explore the financial impact of adult education, it will marginalize the consideration of its history, producing a short of historical amnesia, besides the social harm, namely the devaluation of its socio-cultural influences. On the other side the political economy perspective offers a wider perception of adult education’s profits from a quantitative and a qualitative perspective too. The understanding of adult education engages questions of political economy because it is identified mainly as means of transformation, either personal or societal, serving humanistic values, besides its accepted monetary attributes. The political economy elevates questions regarding how the three institutional arrangements -the state, the market, and the civil society, are engaged in promoting adult education and therefore how adult education could reinforce economic development. Here the economic substance is still considered but it is placed into a wider social spectrum, where politics, economy, and history interact with one another. This study restricts itself in EU and explores the role of the three institutional arrangements both in the formulation of policy planning, and in the mental transformational process of the individual learners, which opens the path to a deeper understanding of the interaction between the individual and the social action, and therefore between adult education and economic development. This study also elevates the idea that economic development can have a positive impact on the unification of Europe, which encompasses economic, political, and cultural components.

Keywords: adult education, economic development, EU, political economy, unification of Europe

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Authors: Vorya Shabrandi

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The study factors of poverty and inequality causes in countries is the subject of many scholars and economists in the last century, theorists in various areas of economic science know different factors as the roots of poverty and inequality in Iran after the 1979 revolution. Economists have emphasized political elements and political scientists on political elements. This research reviews the political economy of poverty and corruption in Iran after the revolution. The findings of this research, based on AcemOgluand Robinson theory, show how the institutional structural dependence of Iran's economy to raw has led to the growth of its non-economic economic institutions and its consequence of the continuity of the release and looting economy and poverty and inequality in Iran's political economy Is. This research was carried out using descriptive-analytical and comparative methods. Many economists try to justify the conditions of the country based on war, sanctions; And the external factors, and ... knows. In this study, we tried to examine the roots of poverty and the looting economy of Iran by implementing Research AcemOgluand Robinson on the institutions and roots of poverty. Looking for a framework for understanding why countries, such as Iran, the reason for the difference in revenue in different countries, as well as the poor or wealth of countries, regardless of the non-effective and non-professional institutions, and why inefficient institutions in some countries, such as Iran, such as Iran It remains and does not have a voluntary political powers to change these institutions. Findings The research shows that institutions are broadly the main reason for the roots of the robust and looting economy (poverty and inequality) in Iran.

Keywords: Iran, plunderable (Loot) economy, raw shopping, poverty and inequality, acem oglu and robinson, non-inclusive institutions

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Authors: Jihan Mahmoud

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This paper examines the role played by Arabic novelists in revolutionary change in the Arab world, discussing themes of identity, sexuality and fundamentalism as portrayed in a selection of modern and contemporary Arabic novels that are either written in English or translated from Arabic into English. It particularly focuses on the post-Naguib Mahfouz era. Taking my cue from the current political changes in the Arab world, starting with 9/11/ terrorist attacks in the USA and the UK, the ‘Arab Spring’ revolutions, the rise of political Islam and the emergence of Isis, the Islamic state in Iraq and the Levant, the study analyses the differences in the ways contemporary Arab novelists from different Arabic countries represent the interaction between identity, sexual politics and fundamentalist ideas in the Arab world, with a specific focus on the overlap between literature, religion and international politics in the region. It argues that the post-Mahfouz era marked a new phase in the development of the political Arabic novel not only as a force of resistance against political-religious oppression, but as a call for revolution as well. Thus, the Arabic novel reshapes values and prompts future action.

Keywords: Arabic novel, Islam, politics, sexuality

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Authors: Leila Batmany

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This research studies the relationship between the feeling of distributive justice and national identity of the youth. The present analysis intends to experimentally investigate the various dimensions of the justice feeling and its effect on the national identity components. The study has taken justice into consideration from four different points of view on the basis of availability of valuable social sources such as power, wealth, knowledge and status in the political, economic, and cultural and status justice respectively. Furthermore, the national identity has been considered as the feeling of honour, attachment and commitment towards national society and its seven components i.e. history, language, culture, political system, religion, geographical territory and society. The 'field study' has been used as the method for the research with the individual as unit, taking 368 young between the age of 18 and 29 living in Tehran, chosen randomly according to Cochran formula. The individual samples have been randomly chosen among five districts in north, south, west, east, and centre of Tehran, based on the multistage cluster sampling. The data collection has been performed with the use of questionnaire and interview. The most important results are as follows: i) The feeling of economic justice is the weakest one among the youth. ii) The strongest and the weakest dimensions of the national identity are, respectively, the historical and the social dimension. iii) There is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling political and statues justice and then national identity, whereas no meaningful relationship exists between the economic and cultural justice and the national identity. iv) There is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling of justice in all dimensions and legitimacy of the political system. There is also such a relationship between the legitimacy of the political system and national identity. v) Generally, there is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling of distributive justice and national identity among the youth. vi) It is through the legitimacy of the political system that justice feeling can have an influence on the national identity.

Keywords: distributive justice, national identity, legitimacy of political system, Cochran formula, multistage cluster sampling

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