Search results for: political order

Authors: John Hardy

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The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

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Authors: Julian David Rios Acuna

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This paper seeks to argue that the phenomenon of ‘paramilitarism’ in Colombia exhibits the role of violence as constitutive of the political process of state formation in the country. In order to do this, it takes as its point of departure a landmark moment in the long history of private armies known as the ‘paramilitary’ in Colombia. In 2001, paramilitary commanders, politicians, and members of the military and other branches of state power singed what is known as the ‘Pact of Ralito.’ In this pact, the paramilitary appropriated constitutional and legal language. The paper argues that this appropriation shows that the paramilitary and the state express the same claim to sovereign power and therefore have the same foundation. More precisely, paramilitary power shows itself to base its power on the same foundation as the legal order, namely, extreme forms of violence where death is generative of power. In this sense, the paper shows how, by sharing its foundation, Colombian paramilitarism exhibits that state power in Colombia can be characterized as necro-power as Achille Mbembe understands it. The paper argues that paramilitarism shows state power as necro-power by constituting itself as a symptom understood, following Zizek, as that which both shows and overthrows its own foundation. In this way, paramilitarism shows the foundation of the state, thereby reconfiguring this very state. This reconfiguration, explicitly based on necro-power, the paper concludes, transforms the state into a form more appropriate to the political demands of neo-liberalism. By exhibiting its foundation in necro-power through paramilitarism, the Colombian State turns from a liberal into a (neo)liberal democracy.

Keywords: necro-power, necropolitics, paramilitarism in Colombia, state formation, state power, sovereign power

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Authors: Aşina Gülerarslan, M. Faik Özdengül

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The new economic, social and political world order has led to the emergence of a wide range of persuasion strategies and practices based on an ever expanding marketing axis that involves organizations, ideas and persons as well as products and services. It is seen that since the 1990's, a wide variety of competitive marketing ideas have been offered systematically to target audiences in the field of politics as in other fields. When the components of marketing are taken into consideration, all kinds of communication efforts involving “political leaders”, who are conceptualized as products in terms of political marketing, serve a process of social persuasion, which cannot be restricted to election periods only, and a manageable “image”. In this context, image, which is concerned with how the political product is perceived, involves not only the political discourses shared with the public but also all kinds of biographical information about the leader, the leader’s specific way of living and routines and his/her attitudes and behaviors in their private lives, and all these are regarded as components of the “product image”. While on the one hand the leader’s verbal or supra-verbal references serve the way the “spirit of the product” is perceived –just as in brand positioning- they also show their self-esteem levels, in other words how they perceive themselves on the other hand. Indeed, their self-esteem levels are evaluated in three fundamental categories in the “Functional Analysis”, namely parent, child and adult, and it is revealed that the words, tone of voice and body language a person uses makes it easy to understand at what self-esteem level that person is. In this context, words, tone of voice and body language, which provide important clues as to the “self” of the person, are also an indication of how political leaders evaluate both “themselves” and “the mass/audience” in the communication they establish with their audiences. When the matter is taken from the perspective of Turkey, the levels of self-esteem in the relationships that the political leaders establish with the masses are also important in revealing how our society is seen from the perspective of a specific leader. Since the leader is a part of the marketing strategy of a political party as a product, this evaluation is significant in terms of the forms of relationships between political institutions in our country with the society. In this study, the self-esteem level in the documentary entitled “Master’s Story”, where Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s life history is told, is analyzed in the context of words, tone of voice and body language. Within the scope of the study, at what level of self-esteem Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was in the “Master’s Story”, a documentary broadcast on Beyaz TV, was investigated using the content analysis method. First, based on the Functional Analysis Literature, a transactional approach scale was created regarding parent, adult and child self-esteem levels. On the basis of this scale, the prime minister’s self-esteem level was determined in three basic groups, namely “tone of voice”, “the words he used” and “body language”. Descriptive analyses were made to the data within the framework of these criteria and at what self-esteem level the prime minister spoke throughout the documentary was revealed.

Keywords: political marketing, leader image, level of self-esteem, transactional approach

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent regime change, internal conflicts between political and ethnic-religious groups have become a hallmark of Iraqi political dynamism. The most important manifestations of these conflicts are the Kurdish-central government conflicts, as well as fundamentalism since 2003. As a result, it seems not only US presence in Iraq under the pretext of fighting terrorism and expanding democracy has not had a positive effect on controlling fundamentalism and political stability in Iraq, but it has paved the way for the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in the form of disputes over territory and sources of power. In this regard, given the importance of the study, the main purpose of this study is to examine the process of the impact of US regime-change policy on the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in Iraq. The central question of this study is, what effect has the US regime change policy had on Iraq's domestic political processes? Findings show that regime change and subsequent imposed federalism have widened the gaps in Iraq's sectarian-ethnic system. As a result, the geopolitical crisis in the context of the dispute over geographical territory and sources of power between ethnic-religious groups has become the most important political dynamic in Iraq since the occupation. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: Iraq, united states, geopolitical crisis, ethno-religious conflict, political federalism

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Authors: Galit Truman Zinman

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The 'Islamic State' (IS) is one of the most successful jihadist groups in the modern history. The 'Islamic State' strives to realize the idea of erasing the borders between Muslim countries and establishing a wide Islamic caliphate. The 'Islamic State' is based on religious unity and opposition to existing political order. In this paper, the main argument is that the 'Islamic State' is characterized by two significant tendencies of state-building: preservation and change. The methodology of this study is based on the process tracing method and the analysis of primary sources: decisions, announcements and speeches of religious leaders of the Islamic State, slogans, rituals and symbols, audio and video clips produced by the Al-Hayat Media Center, films distributed on YouTube, as well as the content analysis of Dabiq`s articles (IS official Journal) and nasheeds (jihadi songs). The major findings of this study indicate that in practice the 'Islamic State' uses the same socio-political functions typical to the modern state (preservation), but introduces a different religious-ideological content (change). On the one hand, there is a preservation of the principles of existing modern state. Even with the rejection of secularization, globalization, and nationalism, there is an establishment of typical modern nation-state patterns. It is still a state entity, which has an ideological infrastructure, territory, population, governance and a monopoly on the use of violence, security services, justice system, tax collection, etc. All these functions characterize the modern state, and despite the desire of the 'Islamic State' to create a new kind of state, it reminds patterns of the typical modern nation-state. As for the religious-ideological content of the new state, here we can see a tendency of great change. The 'Islamic State' aims to create an Islamic caliphate which would allow the establishment of religious law and order, under a big commitment to return civilization to a seventh-century environment. The 'Islamic State' favors the fight against Western culture and its liberal ideology. It supports the struggle for global jihad against the unbelievers. Today, despite the territorial 'contraction' and the undermining of the organization's governance in Iraq and Syria, the 'Islamic State' continues to maintain its brand among jihadist activists around the world.

Keywords: Islamic State, Islamic caliphate, modern nation-state, religious law and order

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Authors: Tony See

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Although much has been devoted to Deleuze’s ethics of difference, relatively little has been focused on how his political perspective is informed by his appropriation of religious ideas and theological concepts. The bulk of the scholarly works have examined his political views with the assumption that they have little or nothing to do with his ideas of religions at all. This is in spite of the fact that Deleuze has drawn heavily from religious and theological thinkers such as Duns Scotus, Spinoza and Nietzsche. This dimension can also be traced in Deleuze’s later works, when he collaborated with Felix Guattari in creating an anti-Oedipal philosophy of difference after May 68. This paper seeks to reverse the tendency in contemporary scholarship ignore Deleuze’s ‘religious’ framework in his understanding of the ethical and the political. Towards this aim, we will refer to key texts in Deleuze’s corpus such as Expressionism in Philosophy, A Thousand Plateaus and others.

Keywords: difference, haeccities, identity, religion, theology

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Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

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This exposition investigates the connection between two viewpoints on the nature of human rights. Agreeing with the “political” or “practical” point of view, human rights are claims that people have against certain regulation structures in specific present-day states, in the ethicalness of interface they have in settings that incorporate them. Agreeing with the more conventional “humanist” or “naturalistic” viewpoint, human rights are pre-institutional claims that people have against all other people in the ethicalness of interface characteristic of their common humankind. This paper contends that once we recognize the two viewpoints in their best light, we are able to see that they are complementary, and, in reality, we require both to form a great standardizing sense of the modern home of human rights. It clarifies how humanist and political contemplations can and ought to work in couple to account for the concept, substance, and legitimization of human rights.

Keywords: politics, human rights, humanities, mankind, law

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Authors: Abdul Nasir Zamir

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After the downfall of Ottoman Caliphate, it scattered into different small Muslim states. Muslim leaders, intellectuals, revivalists as well as modernists started trying to boost up their nation. Some Muslims are also trying to establish the caliphate. Every Muslim country has its own political system, i.e., kingship, dictatorship or democracy, etc. But these are not in their original forms as the historian or political science discussed in their studies. The laws and their practice are mixed, i.e., others with Islamic laws, e.g., Saudi Arabia (K.S.A) and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, etc. There is great conflict among the revivalist Muslim parties (groups) and governments about political systems. The question is that the subject matter is Sharia or political system? Leaders of Modern Muslim states are alleged as disbelievers due to neglecting the revelation in their laws and decisions. There are two types of laws; Islamic laws and management laws. The conflict is that the non-Islamic laws are in practice in Muslim states. Non-Islamic laws can be gradually changed with Islamic laws with a legal and peaceful process according to the practice of former Muslim leaders and scholars. The bloodshed of Muslims is not allowed in any case. Weak Muslim state is a blessing than nothing. The political system after Muhammad and guided caliphs is considered as kingship. But during this period Muslims not only developed in science and technology but conquered many territories also. If the original aim is in practice, then the Modern Muslim states can be stabled with different political systems. Modern Muslim states are the hope of survival, stability, and development of Muslim Ummah. Islam does not allow arm clash with Muslim army or Muslim civilians. The caliphate is based on believing in one Allah Almighty and good deeds according to Quran and Sunnah. As faith became weak and good deeds became less from its standard level, caliphate automatically became weak and even ended. The last weak caliphate was Ottoman Caliphate which was a hope of all the Muslims of the world. There is no caliphate or caliph present in the world. But every Muslim country or state is like an Amarat (a part of caliphate or small and alternate form of the caliphate) of Muslims. It is the duty of all Muslims to stable these modern Muslim states with tolerance.

Keywords: caliphate, conflict resolution, modern Muslim state, political conflicts, political systems, tolerance

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Authors: Simon Tsipis

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In this study, we propose to analyze Russian foreign policy conduct by applying the theory of Political Realism and the qualitative comparative method of analysis. We find that the paradigm of Political Realism supplies us with significant insights into the sources of contemporary Russian foreign policy conduct since the power factor was and remains an integral element in Russian foreign policies, especially when we apply comparative analysis and compare it with the behavior of its Soviet predecessor. Through the lens of the Realist theory, a handful of Russian foreign policy-making becomes clearer and much more comprehensible.

Keywords: realism, Russia, cold war, Soviet Union, European security

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Authors: Luisa Peirano

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What began as a middle-class insurgent political movement whose slogan was 'Words divide us. Action unites us!' ultimately mutated into an underground terrorist group that staged a series of armed robberies, kidnappings and even executions in the 1960s and early 1970s. One of the most memorable was the kidnapping of the British ambassador, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, in January 1971, who was held captive for eight months. The episode, which triggered a massive government response and resulted in the capture of the Tupamaros leaders, continued to have political repercussions decades later when Tupamaros leaders emerged from prison to re-enter mainstream Uruguayan politics. The kidnapping and its aftermath attracted intense media coverage in Uruguay and Britain, coverage that affected public opinion profoundly. The treatment by the Uruguayan and British medias’ diverged, however. Uruguayan newspapers focused on political issues, mirrored the positions of various political parties, and showed the larger context of social, cultural and political forces that rocked Latin America in the 1960s and early 1970s. By contrast, the British press limited its attention mainly to the human drama. On the 30th anniversary of Sir Geoffrey Jackson's death, this study compares over one hundred major newspaper articles and suggests some reasons for the differences between Uruguayan and British media treatment in terms of the volume, content, and perspective as well in the effect on readers. The differences have persisted and continue to matter in present day coverage of terrorism and its victims.

Keywords: British Ambassador, Churchill Archives Centre, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, political kidnapping, Latin America in the 1960's, Tupamaro guerrillas, Uruguay

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Authors: Mabrouka Al-Werfalli

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This paper aims to highlight reasons beyond the prevalence of “culture of corruption” amongst Libyans. One of the most prominent reason for the Libyan revolution in February 2011 was the pervasiveness of corruption. Corruption in Libya remained a significant problem despite harsh legislation and a robust anti-corruption discourse undertaken by the previous regime. The long-standing political corruption in Libya has offered ample opportunity for the evolution of a structure of negative values and morals. This has formed what is termed as a “culture of corruption”, which has induced people to accept and justify corrupt behaviour. The paper is a part of a study concerns the phenomenon of political alienation in Libya which was based on a survey conducted in 2001 in the city of Benghazi. The finding shows that abuse of power looms large within all activities. Embezzlement and misuse of public funds for personal enrichment is thought to be rife within public bodies, institutions, companies, factories, banks and enterprises owned entirely or partially by the state.

Keywords: corruption, culture of corruption, participation in corruption, abuse of power, embezzlement, political alienation, anti-corruption

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Authors: M. S. Riyazulla

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Since the dawn of the 21st century, there has been a perceptible decline in Islamic supremacy in world affairs, apart from the gradual waning of the amiable relations and relevance of Islamic countries in the International political arena. For a long, Islamic countries have been marginalised by the superpowers in the global conflicting issues. This was evident in the context of their recent invasions and interference in Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, and Libya. The leading International Islamic organizations like the Arab League, Organization of Islamic Cooperation, Gulf Cooperation Council, and Muslim World League did not play any prominent role there in resolving the crisis that ensued due to the exogenous and endogenous causes. Hence, there is a need for Islamic countries to create a credible International Islamic organization that could dictate its terms and shape a new Islamic world order. The prominent Islamic countries are divided on ideological and religious fault lines. Their concord is indispensable to enhance their image and placate the relations with other countries and communities. The massive boon of oil and gas could be synergistically utilised to exhibit their omnipotence and eminence through constructive ways. The prevailing menace of Islamophobia could be abated through syncretic messages, discussions, and deliberations by the sagacious Islamic scholars with the other community leaders. Presently, as Muslims are at a crossroads, a dynamic leadership could navigate the agitated Muslim community on the constructive path and herald political stability around the world. The present political disorder, chaos, and economic challenges necessities a paradigm shift in approach to worldly affairs. This could also be accomplished through the advancement in science and technology, particularly space exploration, for peaceful purposes. The Islamic world, in order to regain its lost preeminence, should rise to the occasion in promoting peace and tranquility in the world and should evolve a rational and human-centric solution to global disputes and concerns. As a splendid contribution to humanity and for amicable international relations, they should devote all their resources and scientific intellect towards space exploration and should safely transport man from the Earth to the nearest and most accessible cosmic body, the Moon, within one hundred years as the mankind is facing the existential threat on the planet.

Keywords: carboniferous period, Earth, extinction, fossil fuels, global leaders, Islamic glory, international order, life, marginalization, Moon, natural catastrophes

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Authors: Muhammad Emad Feteha

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Cairo has been famous for the unique identity of its medieval architecture, which was formed by multiple dynasties that ruled Egypt. However, only a few researches were done on the identity of its public space. This paper links both the architectural and the socio-political aspects of the Cairene public space and studies how they affected each other. The subject of the study is Maydan Salah al-Din, the main city square of medieval Cairo, which reveals a quite useful information, not only about the architectural identity of the Cairene public space but also about the socio-political patterns that operated within. The analytical framework is based on Lefebvre’s theory, the ‘production of space’, in which he applied 'the Hegelian dialectic' in order to understand how the social practice forms the space, and how, in turn, the space forms the social practice. This framework offers a comprehensive understanding of the identity of the Cairene public space, which does not separate architecture from the social practice.

Keywords: architectural identity, Cairene public space, Islamic architectural history, production of space

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Authors: Masako Darrough, Mahmud Hossain, Santanu Mitra

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The prevalent and increasing workplace misconduct in the United States presents a significant threat to social welfare. Despite efforts by enforcement agencies, U.S. workers remain vulnerable to employer exploitation, as evidenced by rising workplace injuries and discrimination lawsuits. While existing literature has identified several factors associated with unethical labor practices, the influence of political corruption remains largely unexplored. This paper aims to fill this gap by investigating the relationship between political corruption and workplace misconduct in the U.S. context. Using the data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and corruption convictions reported by the Department of Justice, we find a positive association between political corruption and workplace misconduct among U.S.-listed firms that are headquartered in different states from 2004 to 2022. Both unionization and stricter labor laws attenuate the positive association between corruption and unethical labor practices. Our analyses also address potential endogeneity concerns via difference-in-differences, instrumental variables, and propensity-score-matched analyses, reaffirming the robustness of our findings. This research contributes to the literature by shedding light on how corrupt political climates influence organizational operational behavior and unethical practices. It also underscores the importance of stakeholder trust and the role of regulatory frameworks and offers practical insights to policymakers by suggesting a judicious allocation of enforcement resources to more corrupt states.

Keywords: workplace misconduct, political corruption, unionization, labor law strictness

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Authors: Dario Rajmilovich

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The tax system represents a multidisciplinary cosmos whose main purpose is to provide financial resources to the government of a given political jurisdiction in order to apply them to the public purposes outlined by that government. Not withstanding this basic external configuration of a finalistic order, its internal structure essentially responds to a series of principles or axes whose roots can be traced in the Old Testament (written Torah) and in oral sources (especially the KaBaLáh or Cábala compiled in the second century of the Common era in the book called "the Zóhar" (Book of Splendor) attributed to Rabi Shimón bar Iojái). The purpose of this work is to outline a general theory of taxation based on the biblical principles inherent to taxation and to project its effects in the configuration of a just tax system designated as "Virtuous Taxation".

Keywords: principles of taxation, kabaláh and taxation, old testament taxation, virtuous taxation

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Authors: Noureddine Radouai

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Corruption is an endemic phenomenon in many countries around the globe. Morocco, as an authoritarian regime, relies on corruption for monarchy survival. I analyze the Makhzen structure and methods that it follows to exchange corruption for political loyalty. The abuse of power in Morocco is sponsored by the monarch itself as it is its way to remain its importance in the regime.

Keywords: corruption, Clientelism, authoritarian regime, Morocco

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Authors: Gustavo Naranjo Maroto, Dolores Fernandez Martinez

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Context has always been essential to understand any reaction from every human being, and words, whether written or spoken, are definitely a powerful representative sample of human reaction. This study starts with an accurate breakdown of the context in which the current president of the US, Mr. Donald J. Trump is conveying his discourses in order to be able to judge them from a critical discourse analysis point of view. The present world’s scenario with a pandemic disease in form of Covid-19 that is threatening the world and certainly putting at risk the so called 'Welfare State', the role of the United States as the first superpower on earth nowadays, the very peculiar profile of President Trump not only as a politician but as a persona, and the fact of being on the verge of a very controversial presidential elections are without doubt a great and undeniable opportunity for the implementation of the critical discourse analysis methodology. Hence, this research will primarily analyze in detail some of the most interesting discourses delivered by Trump in different media since the very beginning of the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic in the United States of America (February, 2020), sadly very often downplayed by President Trump, until the final result of the upcoming presidential election scheduled for Tuesday, November 3, 2020, where the political discourse has been dramatically downgraded to a very dangerous state, putting in jeopardy the fundamentals of the political fair play in terms of speech. Finally, the study will hopefully conclude with the final outcome of the data analyzed, allowing to picture how significant the context can be concerning linguistics on the one hand, in terms of shaping or altering the message that the issuer thought to convey in the first place, and on the other hand, generously assessing to what extend the recipients of the message are influenced by the message in terms of receptiveness.

Keywords: Covid-19, critical discourse analysis, Donald J. Trump, political discourse

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Authors: Minas Balyan

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Nowadays X-ray nonlinear diffraction and nonlinear effects are investigated due to the presence of the third generation synchrotron sources and XFELs. X-ray third order nonlinear dynamical diffraction is considered as well. Using the nonlinear model of the usual visible light optics the third-order nonlinear Takagi’s equations for monochromatic waves and the third-order nonlinear time-dependent dynamical diffraction equations for X-ray pulses are obtained by the author in previous papers. The obtained equations show, that even if the Fourier-coefficients of the linear and the third order nonlinear susceptibilities are zero (forbidden reflection), the dynamical diffraction in the nonlinear case is related to the presence in the nonlinear equations the terms proportional to the zero order and the second order nonzero Fourier coefficients of the third order nonlinear susceptibility. Thus, in the third order nonlinear Bragg diffraction case a nonlinear analogue of the well-known Renninger effect takes place. In this work, the 'third order nonlinear Renninger effect' is considered theoretically.

Keywords: Bragg diffraction, nonlinear Takagi’s equations, nonlinear Renninger effect, third order nonlinearity

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Authors: Pantelis Sklias, Panagiota Chatzimichailidou

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This study intents to clarify the nexus of adult education and economic development within the methodological framework of political economy within EU. The main logic behind this study is that economies with a higher level of adult education have higher levels of economic development. Despite the assumption that policy making in adult education will clearly be facilitated by any ‘proofs’ of efficiency, mainly monetary, this study acknowledges the limitations following the use of the narrow economic approaches embedded in the neoclassical framework and proposes that the methodological framework of political economy is the most relevant to explore the correlation between adult education and economic development. Focusing only on neoclassical economics to explore the financial impact of adult education, it will marginalize the consideration of its history, producing a short of historical amnesia, besides the social harm, namely the devaluation of its socio-cultural influences. On the other side the political economy perspective offers a wider perception of adult education’s profits from a quantitative and a qualitative perspective too. The understanding of adult education engages questions of political economy because it is identified mainly as means of transformation, either personal or societal, serving humanistic values, besides its accepted monetary attributes. The political economy elevates questions regarding how the three institutional arrangements -the state, the market, and the civil society, are engaged in promoting adult education and therefore how adult education could reinforce economic development. Here the economic substance is still considered but it is placed into a wider social spectrum, where politics, economy, and history interact with one another. This study restricts itself in EU and explores the role of the three institutional arrangements both in the formulation of policy planning, and in the mental transformational process of the individual learners, which opens the path to a deeper understanding of the interaction between the individual and the social action, and therefore between adult education and economic development. This study also elevates the idea that economic development can have a positive impact on the unification of Europe, which encompasses economic, political, and cultural components.

Keywords: adult education, economic development, EU, political economy, unification of Europe

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Authors: Edward Hwang

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The efficiency of public policies depends on customer's satisfaction, and the change directions of public policies hinge on customer's assessment; i.e., the performance of public policies in governments is decided by the citizen's administrative satisfaction! The governments in all levels must heave their efficiency and effectiveness of public services to meet the people's substantially multiple needs in order to make citizens trust the governmental operation styles. To pursue the societal equality and justice, governments should treat people equally and provide more services for the disadvantages. The recent Dapu protest event involves Miaoli county Magistrate Liu cheng-hung who arbitrarily demolished houses and destroyed farmlands, and it shifts his popularity into disaffection. Liu case tells us that the political events are lethal to politicians; it cut almost 20% satisfaction degree for Magistrate Liu and hurt KMT support levels nationally. In terms of administrative satisfaction levels, political factors do matter, especially for the derogated events.

Keywords: local politics, administrative satisfaction, Taiwan, customer satisfaction

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Authors: Vorya Shabrandi

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The study factors of poverty and inequality causes in countries is the subject of many scholars and economists in the last century, theorists in various areas of economic science know different factors as the roots of poverty and inequality in Iran after the 1979 revolution. Economists have emphasized political elements and political scientists on political elements. This research reviews the political economy of poverty and corruption in Iran after the revolution. The findings of this research, based on AcemOgluand Robinson theory, show how the institutional structural dependence of Iran's economy to raw has led to the growth of its non-economic economic institutions and its consequence of the continuity of the release and looting economy and poverty and inequality in Iran's political economy Is. This research was carried out using descriptive-analytical and comparative methods. Many economists try to justify the conditions of the country based on war, sanctions; And the external factors, and ... knows. In this study, we tried to examine the roots of poverty and the looting economy of Iran by implementing Research AcemOgluand Robinson on the institutions and roots of poverty. Looking for a framework for understanding why countries, such as Iran, the reason for the difference in revenue in different countries, as well as the poor or wealth of countries, regardless of the non-effective and non-professional institutions, and why inefficient institutions in some countries, such as Iran, such as Iran It remains and does not have a voluntary political powers to change these institutions. Findings The research shows that institutions are broadly the main reason for the roots of the robust and looting economy (poverty and inequality) in Iran.

Keywords: Iran, plunderable (Loot) economy, raw shopping, poverty and inequality, acem oglu and robinson, non-inclusive institutions

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Authors: Medina Muñoz Lina Rocio

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the debates related to the harmonization of intellectual property rights on plant material, the corporate governance of the seed market in Colombia and the political economy of seeds defended by indigenous communities. In recent years, the commodification of seeds through genetic engineering and political intellectual property, codified as a result of the implementation of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States, has come into conflict with the traditional production of seeds carried out by small farmers and indigenous populations. Agricultural and food practices. In order to understand the ontological dimension of conflicts over seeds, it is necessary to analyze the conceptions that indigenous communities have about good, which they consider a common element of their social organization and define them as sentient beings. Therefore, through a multiple approach, in which the intellectual property policy, the ecological aspects of seed production and the political ontology of indigenous communities are interwoven, I intend to present the discussions held by the actors involved and present the strategies of small producers to protect their interests. It demonstrates that communities have begun to organize social movements to protect such interests and have questioned the philosophy of GM corporate agriculture as a pro-life movement. Finally, it is argued that the conservation of 'traditional' seeds of the communities is an effective strategy to support their struggles for territory, identity, food sovereignty and self-determination.

Keywords: intellectual property rights, intellectual property, traditional knowledge, food safety

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Authors: Quentin Lobbe, David Chavalarias, Alexandre Delanoe

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The ICT revolution has given birth to an unprecedented world of digital traces and has impacted a wide number of knowledge-driven domains such as science, education or policy making. Nowadays, we are daily fueled by unlimited flows of articles, blogs, messages, tweets, etc. The internet itself can thus be considered as an unsteady hyper-textual environment where websites emerge and expand every day. But there are structures inside knowledge. A given text can always be studied in relation to others or in light of a specific socio-cultural context. By way of their textual traces, human beings are calling each other out: hypertext citations, retweets, vocabulary similarity, etc. We are in fact the architects of a giant web of elements of knowledge whose structures and shapes convey their own information. The global shapes of these digital traces represent a source of collective knowledge and the question of their visualization remains an opened challenge. How can we explore, browse and interact with such shapes? In order to navigate across these growing constellations of words and texts, interdisciplinary innovations are emerging at the crossroad between fields of social and computational sciences. In particular, complex systems approaches make it now possible to reconstruct the hidden structures of textual knowledge by means of multi-scale objects of research such as semantic maps and phylomemies. The phylomemy reconstruction is a generic method related to the co-word analysis framework. Phylomemies aim to reveal the temporal dynamics of large corpora of textual contents by performing inter-temporal matching on extracted knowledge domains in order to identify their conceptual lineages. This study aims to address the question of visualizing the global shapes of online political discussions related to the French presidential and legislative elections of 2017. We aim to build phylomemies on top of a dedicated collection of thousands of French political tweets enriched with archived contemporary news web articles. Our goal is to reconstruct the temporal evolution of online debates fueled by each political community during the elections. To that end, we want to introduce an iterative data exploration methodology implemented and tested within the free software Gargantext. There we combine synchronic and diachronic axis of visualization to reveal the dynamics of our corpora of tweets and web pages as well as their inner syntagmatic and paradigmatic relationships. In doing so, we aim to provide researchers with innovative methodological means to explore online semantic landscapes in a collaborative and reflective way.

Keywords: online political debate, French election, hyper-text, phylomemy

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Authors: Jihan Mahmoud

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This paper examines the role played by Arabic novelists in revolutionary change in the Arab world, discussing themes of identity, sexuality and fundamentalism as portrayed in a selection of modern and contemporary Arabic novels that are either written in English or translated from Arabic into English. It particularly focuses on the post-Naguib Mahfouz era. Taking my cue from the current political changes in the Arab world, starting with 9/11/ terrorist attacks in the USA and the UK, the ‘Arab Spring’ revolutions, the rise of political Islam and the emergence of Isis, the Islamic state in Iraq and the Levant, the study analyses the differences in the ways contemporary Arab novelists from different Arabic countries represent the interaction between identity, sexual politics and fundamentalist ideas in the Arab world, with a specific focus on the overlap between literature, religion and international politics in the region. It argues that the post-Mahfouz era marked a new phase in the development of the political Arabic novel not only as a force of resistance against political-religious oppression, but as a call for revolution as well. Thus, the Arabic novel reshapes values and prompts future action.

Keywords: Arabic novel, Islam, politics, sexuality

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Authors: Leila Batmany

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This research studies the relationship between the feeling of distributive justice and national identity of the youth. The present analysis intends to experimentally investigate the various dimensions of the justice feeling and its effect on the national identity components. The study has taken justice into consideration from four different points of view on the basis of availability of valuable social sources such as power, wealth, knowledge and status in the political, economic, and cultural and status justice respectively. Furthermore, the national identity has been considered as the feeling of honour, attachment and commitment towards national society and its seven components i.e. history, language, culture, political system, religion, geographical territory and society. The 'field study' has been used as the method for the research with the individual as unit, taking 368 young between the age of 18 and 29 living in Tehran, chosen randomly according to Cochran formula. The individual samples have been randomly chosen among five districts in north, south, west, east, and centre of Tehran, based on the multistage cluster sampling. The data collection has been performed with the use of questionnaire and interview. The most important results are as follows: i) The feeling of economic justice is the weakest one among the youth. ii) The strongest and the weakest dimensions of the national identity are, respectively, the historical and the social dimension. iii) There is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling political and statues justice and then national identity, whereas no meaningful relationship exists between the economic and cultural justice and the national identity. iv) There is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling of justice in all dimensions and legitimacy of the political system. There is also such a relationship between the legitimacy of the political system and national identity. v) Generally, there is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling of distributive justice and national identity among the youth. vi) It is through the legitimacy of the political system that justice feeling can have an influence on the national identity.

Keywords: distributive justice, national identity, legitimacy of political system, Cochran formula, multistage cluster sampling

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Authors: Rai Mansoor Imtiaz

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Guardians in hybrid regimes fragment opposition parties and ban their political leaders, and disenfranchise their voters' political participation. When guardians in hybrid regimes are so powerful that they remain decisive on electoral politics of states, and have powers to ban political parties and their leadership, then "why do political parties backed by those powerful guardians lose elections" and "how do anti-establishment parties make electoral inroads at the local and national levels." These two questions are interrelated with the key research question of my research "why do people vote for political parties rejected by powerful guardians in establishmentarian democracies." Furthermore, this research question is important to be explored for two reasons. First, existing literature only reflects the electoral victories of opposition parties or defeats of military-sponsored parties (see Thailand and Turkey) but remains silent on political change that led the anti-military parties to win the elections. Second, why is it a case that people belonging to the countries where militaries remain popular among the public (see Turkey and Pakistan) have started putting their trust in anti-establishment politicians who criticise the military against their intervention in politics? For instance, in Pakistan, where commenting against the military is meant to comment against the state –– an anti-military narrative is getting popular support. The conceptual framework of hybrid states in this research relies on the concept of a 'reserved domain/tutelary body' (guardians of hybrid states). However, this research makes a case that hybrid states are not consolidated separate political entities but rather vacillated states that fluctuate between democratic and authoritarian practices. This paper, therefore, uses the term establishmentarian democracy as a subtype of the hybrid regime, which is more consolidated than a hybrid democracy.

Keywords: Guardians, Hybrid Regimes, Voters, Elections, Democracy, South Asia

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Authors: Sohanur Rahman, Elisabeth Sinnewe, Larelle (Ellie) Chapple, Sarah Osborne

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Greater political attention to global climate change exposes firms to a higher level of political uncertainty, which can lead to adverse capital market consequences. However, a higher level of discourse on environment-specific political risk (EPR) between management and investors can mitigate information asymmetry, followed by less stock price crash risk. This study examines whether EPR discourse in discourse in the earnings conference calls (ECC) reduces firm-level stock price crash risk in the US market. This research also explores if adverse disclosures via media channels further moderates the association between EPR on crash risk. Employing a dataset of 28,933 firm-year observations from 2002 to 2020, the empirical analysis reveals that EPR discourse in ECC reduces future stock price crash risk. However, adverse disclosures via media channels can offset the favourable effect of EPR discourse on crash risk. The results are robust to the potential endogeneity concern in a quasi-natural experiment setting.

Keywords: earnings conference calls, environment, environment-specific political risk discourse, environmental disclosures, information asymmetry, reputation risk, stock price crash risk

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Authors: Kamal Donko

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In the frontier zone of Benin Republic, land seems to be a fundamental political resource as it is used as a tool for socio-political mobilization, blackmail, inclusion and exclusion, conquest and political control. This paper seeks to examine the complex and intriguing interlinks between land, identity and politics in central Benin. It aims to investigate what roles territorialisation and land ownership are playing in the electioneering process in central Benin. It employs ethnographic multi-sited approach to data collections including observations, interviews and focused group discussions. Research findings reveal a complex and intriguing relationship between land ownership and politics in central Benin. Land is found to be playing a key role in the electioneering process in the region. The study has also discovered many emerging socio-spatial patterns of controlling and maintaining political power in the zone which are tied to land politics. These include identity reconstruction and integration mechanism through intermarriages, socio-political initiatives and construction of infrastructure of sovereignty. It was also found that ‘Diaspora organizations’ and identity issues; strategic creation of administrative units; alliance building strategy; gerrymandering local political field, etc. These emerging socio-spatial patterns of territorialisation for maintaining political power affect migrant and native communities’ relationships. It was also found that ‘Diaspora organizations’ and identity issues; strategic creation of administrative units; alliance building strategy; gerrymandering local political field, etc. are currently affecting migrant’s and natives’ relationships. The study argues that territorialisation is not only about national boundaries and the demarcation between different nation states, but more importantly, it serves as a powerful tool of domination and political control at the grass root level. Furthermore, this study seems to provide another perspective from which the political situation in Africa can be studied. Investigating how the dynamics of land ownership is influencing politics at the grass root or micro level, this study is fundamental to understanding spatial issues in the frontier zone.

Keywords: land, migration, politics, territorialisation

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Authors: Alisa Sheppental

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The focus of this paper is the impact of coronavirus-related restrictions on the legitimacy and efficacy of subaltern counter publics and political resistance. Both difficulties and alterations of strategies needed to be considered by modern political movements within the counter-public sphere will be illustrated based on recent examples of protests in Hong Kong, Thailand, Belarus, Poland, and France. The dynamics of the modern globalized world have previously required a high level of adaptability, which resulted in a number of new features of modern political resistance in contrast with previous decades, including digitalization of protests and higher involvement of previously fewer active citizens (women, elderly, people with disabilities, etc.) However, a global pandemic situation, along with massive restrictions of daily lives, provide new input for both theoretical and empirical analysis. The following paper represents an attempt to summarize coping and adapting strategies of subaltern counter publics and activist groups under coronavirus-related restrictions.

Keywords: citizenship, political activism, subaltern counterpublics, discourse ethics

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Authors: Mukadder Baran, Medine Baran Türkan, Gülbeyaz Baran Durmaz

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The objective of this work is to collect and evaluate the thoughts about Hakkari's education system of the highschool pupils of the city of Hakkari. To this end, semi-directed questionnaire forms were used. The samples of this work are made up of 24 pupils studying at four different highschools. In order to analyze the data collected, the content analysis method was used. According to the results of this work, the following factors bear an influence on the conditions of education in Hakkari: political environment, feudal resources, family, teacher, geographic conditions, social environment, transportation, difficulties related to economic resources or the access to information. Proceeding from these results, we believe that the bettermen of the conditions of education in Hakkari will improve the pupils' level of achievement. In turn, the rise in educational levels will lay the ground for a more effective participation in democratic processes. In this manner, the rise in educational level will result in a progress in society and ensure the more active participation of individuals in the socio-economic process.

Keywords: economic resources, education, political environment, poverty

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