Search results for: political opportunity structure

Authors: Nopadol Burananuth

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The purposes of this research paper were to study the relationship between the economic factor and political factor, the relationship between political and economic factor and social factor, and the effects of economic factor, political factor, and social factor to the people’s perception about ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). A total of 400 samples were selected from four sub-districts from Arunyaprathet District, Srakaow Province. Data analysis method included multiple regression analysis. The findings revealed that political factor depended on trade cooperation, transportation cooperation, and communication cooperation. Social factor was depended on disaster protection, terrorism protection, and international relations. In addition, the people’s perception of the AEC depended on disaster perception, terrorism protection, international relations, transportation cooperation, communication cooperation, interdependence, and labor movement.

Keywords: economic factors, perception, political factors, social factors

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Authors: Suleiman Ahmed Badayi

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Corporate governance literature is very wide and involves several empirical studies conducted on the relationship between board structure, composition and firm performance. The separation of ownership and control in organizations were aimed at reducing the losses suffered by the investors in the event of financial scandals. This paper reviewed the theoretical and empirical literature on the relationship between board composition and its impact on firm performance. The findings from the studies provide different results while some are of the view that board structure is related to firm performance, many empirical studies indicates no relationship. However, others found a U-shape relationship between firm performance and board structure. Therefore, this study argued that board structure is not much significant to determine the financial performance of a firm.

Keywords: board structure, composition, firm performance, corporate governance

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Authors: Yousef Barahmeh

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There is a wide cultural belief that Jordanians are po-faced and unable to produce humour and satire. However, in the light of the harbingers of the Arab Spring in the early 2011, socio-political satire has thrived notably in social media as a rigorous act of critique and dissent against the institutionalized discourse. This paper seeks to explore the case study of Ahmad Hassan al-Zou’bi’s satirical articles and Facebook posts in the context of theories of satire and digital politics. Al-Zou’bi is the most prominent and prolific Jordanian satirist who rose to prominence after the Arab Spring. The analysis shows that his satirical articles provide a vintage point to the rhetoric behind the socio-political and economic reform programs as much as the adverse impact of neoliberal governments in the modern history of Jordan.

Keywords: Arab Spring, digital politics, humour and socio-political satire

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Authors: Okechukwu B. C. Nwankwo

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The surge of social protests sweeping through the globe is a contemporary phenomenon. Yet the phenomenon in itself is not new. Thus, various scholars have over the years developed conceptual frameworks for evaluating it. Adopting and adapting some of these frameworks this paper begins from a purely theoretical perspective exploring the concept and content of social protest within the specific context of Nigeria. It proceeds to build a typology of the phenomenon in terms of form, actors, origin, character, organisation, goal, dynamics, outcome and a whole lot of other variables that are context relevant for evaluating it in an operationally useful manner. The centrality of the context in which protest evolves is demonstrated. Adopting Easton’s systems theory, the paper builds on the assumption that protests emerge whenever and wherever political institutions and structures prove unable or unwilling to transform inputs in form of basic demands into outputs in form of responsive policies. It argues that protests in Nigeria are simply the crystallisation of opposition in the streets. Protests are thus extra-institutional politics. This is usually the case, as elsewhere, where there is no functional institutionalised opposition. Noting that protest, disruptive or otherwise, is an influence strategy, it argues that every single protest is a new opportunity for reform, for reorganisation of state capacities, for modifying rights and obligation of citizens and government to each other. Each reform outcome is, however, only a temporal antecedent. Its extensity gives signal for the next similar protest event. Through providing evidence on how protests in Nigeria create opportunity for reform, for more accountable, more effective governance, the paper shows the positive impact of protests and its importance even in the consolidation effort for the nation’s nascent democracy. Data on protest events will be based on media reports, especially print media.

Keywords: democracy, dialectics, social protest, reform

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Authors: Shantanu Majumder

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This paper attempts to explain the factors contribute in attracting and engaging rural women in Bangladesh toward political Islam that in many cases manifests itself in the form of violent extremism (VE). Bangladesh, the fourth largest Muslim majority country in the world, has been confronting the problem of VE in the name of Islam since a long. The political Islamists, explaining the events like military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, anti-Muslim politics in neighboring India and Myanmar, Islamophobia in the West, and several other issues in their own way, have become to a vast extent successful in creating a high level of emotion, anger and a feeling of being oppressed worldwide among the ordinary Muslims masses. Half-hearted role of public intellectuals and political expediency of liberal political forces in explaining these events in a secular democratic way also facilitate the extremists to earn political dividend. VE was perceived as an all-male activism of the political Islamists’ in the past in Bangladesh. However, evidence in the recent times shows that there are sympathizers, recruiters, and perpetrators as well among the womenfolk in favor of VE-based political Islam. The first section in this paper sheds light on the way the political Islamists build rapport with and win over the heart of target women in countryside under the camouflage of preaching authentic Islam. This section also describes the role of family in involvement of women in VE. The second section discusses wide-ranging use of websites, facebook, laptop, mobile phones and several other means in the way to motivate and radicalize women. How the involvement with political Islamists brings changes in thinking process, lifestyle and family life of motivated women has been focused in the third section. The final section deals briefly with the way out relying on the argument that law and order forces alone cannot tackle this problem.

Keywords: Bangladesh, political Islam, violent extremism, women

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Authors: Fadeke Olu-Owolabi, Fayomi Oluyemi

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The political and societal orders face the awesome task of overcoming the difficulties which lead to growing tensions and conflicts in Africa. At the core of analysis is the question, how stable and adaptable are established democracies, new democracies, and political and societal actors? The idea of development-democracy as implying the strong linkage between economic development and political democracy appropriately describes the distinguishing characteristic of this new demand for democracy in Africa. The theoretical study examines the political and philosophical foundation of the idea of development-democracy and the arguments presented to support the need for its adoption in Africa today. This paper critically examines the polemic between the advocates of developmental dictatorship and developmental-democracy and argues for the adoption of the latter in Africa. The paper sets out to expose for the political and philosophical foundation of developmental democracy maintaining that only democracy can facilitate development. This argument is supported further by the claim that both democracy and development are two sides of the same coin in the sense that the two are both ethical concepts. The paper also maintained that the only way by which democracy is worthwhile is when it is developmental. Finally, the paper affirms that since the two concepts of democracy and development are like the Siamese twins then the way out of Africa’s present crisis of development is to wholeheartedly embrace democracy. It posits that when genuine democracy is adopted, genuine and sustainable development can then be attained.

Keywords: democracy, development, polemic, principles

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Authors: Fadeke E. Olu-Owolabi, Fayomi Oluyemi

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The political and societal orders face the awesome task of overcoming the difficulties which lead to growing tensions and conflicts in Africa. At the core of analysis is the question, how stable and adaptable are established democracies, new democracies, and political and societal actors? The idea of development-democracy as implying the strong linkage between economic development and political democracy appropriately describes the distinguishing characteristic of this new demand for democracy in Africa. The theoretical study examines the political and philosophical foundation of the idea of development-democracy and the arguments presented to support the need for its adoption in Africa today. This paper critically examines the polemic between the advocates of developmental dictatorship and developmental-democracy and argues for the adoption of the latter in Africa. The paper sets out to expose for the political and philosophical foundation of developmental democracy maintaining that only democracy can facilitate development. This argument is supported further by the claim that both democracy and development are two sides of the same coin in the sense that the two are both ethical concepts. The paper also maintained that the only way by which democracy is worthwhile is when it is developmental. Finally the paper affirms that since the two concepts of democracy and development are like the Siamese twins then the way out of Africa’s present crisis of development is to wholeheartedly embrace democracy. It posits that when genuine democracy is adopted, genuine and sustainable development can then be attained.

Keywords: democracy, development, polemic, principles

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Authors: Ali Muhammad

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The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of employees’ perception of political behavior on their behavior and attitudes. The model tested in this study suggests that employees’ perception of political behavior in their organizations leads to lower levels of job satisfaction, and organizational commitment, and higher levels of work-related stress, and intentions to leave the organization. A sample of 182 employees working in six Kuwaiti business organizations were surveyed using a questionnaire, and data was analyzed using correlation analysis, regression analysis, and non-parametric tests. Results reveal that employees’ perception of political behavior is negatively associated with job satisfaction and organizational commitment, and positively associated with work-related stress and employees’ intentions to leave the organization. The results of the current study are discussed and are compared to the results of previous studies in this area. Finally, the directions for future research are suggested.

Keywords: perceptions of political behavior, organizational commitment, job satisfaction, intention to leave

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Authors: Sarthak S. Salunke

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Development, as a notion, is seen in perspective of western philosophical conceptions, and the western developed nations have become a yardstick for setting up development goals for developing and underdeveloped nations around the world. This blanket term of development becomes superficial and materialistic in context of the vast geopolitical, territorial, cultural and behavioral diversities existing in countries of the Africa and the Asia, and tends to undermine the atomistic aspect of development. Indian political theories, which are often seen as religious philosophies, have inherent structure of development of human being as an individual and as a part of the society, and, in result, development of the State. These theories, primarily individualistic in nature, have a combination of altruism and rationalism which guides human beings towards constructing a collectively developed and morally sustainable society. This research focuses on the application of this Indian thought in combination of classical liberal thought to tackle the issues of development in diverse societies. The proposed restructured model of development is based on molecular individualism, instead of atomic individual approach of liberalists, which lets development modelers to target meaningful clusters for designating goals for development based on the particular needs based on geopolitical, cultural and ethical requirements, and making it meaningful in conjunction with global development to establish a harmony between western and eastern worlds.

Keywords: Indian political thought, development, liberalism, molecular individualism

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Authors: Sarah Ledoux

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This paper analyses the quantitative effects of political content consumption in social media platforms on self-reported ideological preference across the Latin American region. Initially praising the democratic potential of the internet and its social networking websites, digital politics scholars have transitioned their discourse to warning against the undemocratic side-effects it cultivates, such as hate speech, filter bubbles, and ideological polarisation. Holding technology solely responsible for political trends worldwide is an oversimplification of the factors influencing social change. Nonetheless, widespread use of social media in new democracies raises questions on the reproduction of recent trends that have been observed in the US and Western Europe. Through the analysis of ordered logistic regressions on data from the 2018 AmericasBarometer survey, this study examines the extent to which the relationship between the consumption of political content on social media is related to ideological polarisation in Latin America. The findings indicate that there is a close link between consumption of political information on social media, specifically on Facebook and WhatsApp, and ideological positioning on the extremes of the political left- and right-wings. This relation holds when controlling for individual-level demographic and attitudinal factors, as well as country-level effects. These results demonstrate with empirical evidence that viewing political content on social media has a significant positive effect on the likelihood that citizens position themselves on the extreme ends of the left-right ideological spectrum and implies that political polarisation is a phenomenon that accompanies politically driven social media use.

Keywords: Latin America, polarisation, political consumption, political ideology, social media, survey

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Authors: Jing Ning, Kunyuan Gao

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The microstructure and phase structure of Al-Er alloys with Er content of 10, 20, 30wt% at cooling rate of 60, 40 and 5℃/h were analyzed using scanning electron microscope (SEM) and X-ray diffraction (XRD). Experimental results showed that for solidification of the hypereutectic Al-Er alloys at different conditions, a halo of α-Al appeared around the primary Al₃Er phase. Analysis of the solidification process indicated that after the primary Al₃Er phase formed, the composition of supercooled liquid phase located outside the coupled zone of eutectic growth below the eutectic line, which leaded to the formation of Al halo. With the increase of Er content, the blocky primary Al₃Er phase expanded from 200μm to 1mm in size. With the decrease of cooling rate, the morphology and phase structure of alloy were different. At the cooling rate of 60℃/h, it was obtained the primary Al3Er phase with L1₂ structure, whose profile was straight. Meanwhile, the eutectic structure was flocculent. At the quite slow cooling rate of 5℃/h, it was obtained the primary Al₃Er phase with hR20 structure with irregular jagged profile, and the eutectic structure was approximately strip-shaped. These characteristics were closely related to the cooling rate of solidification. The XRD analysis showed that for Al₃Er phase, the lattice constant a of L1₂ structure was 4.2158Å, and a, c of hR20 structure were 6.0321Å and 35.6290Å, respectively.

Keywords: Al-Er alloy, composition, cooling rate, microstructure

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Authors: Tsu-Hsu Yen

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The interfacial gas adsorption presents a frequent challenge and opportunity for micro-/nano-fluidic operation. In this study, we investigate the wettability, gas accumulation, and nanobubble formation on various homogeneous surface conditions by using MD simulation, including a series of 3D and quasi-2D argon-water-solid systems simulation. To precisely determine the wettability on various substrates, several indicators were calculated. Among these wettability indicators, the water PMF (potential of mean force) has the most correlation tendency with interfacial water molecular orientation than depletion layer width and droplet contact angle. The results reveal that the aggregation of argon molecules on substrates not only depending on the level of hydrophobicity but also determined by the competition between gas-solid and water-solid interaction as well as water molecular structure near the surface. In addition, the surface nanobubble is always observed coexisted with the gas enrichment layer. The water structure adjacent to water-gas and water-solid interfaces also plays an important factor in gas out-flux and gas aggregation, respectively. The quasi-2D simulation shows that only a slight difference in the curved argon-water interface from the plane interface which suggests no noticeable obstructing effect on gas outflux from the gas-water interfacial water networks.

Keywords: gas aggregation, interfacial nanobubble, molecular dynamics simulation, wettability

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Authors: Peter Amobi Chiamogu

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Communication has subsisted as the basis for mass mobilization and political education through history with the media as a generic concept. Revolutions in ICTs have occasioned a limitless environment for the dissemination of information and ideas especially with the use of a seemingly pervasive access, penetration and use of the internet which has engendered a connected society. This study seeks to analyze the prospects and challenges for the adaptation of social media for free election and how this process can enhance public policy making, implementation and evaluation in a developing state.

Keywords: social media, e-participation, political mobilization, public policy, electioneering

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Authors: Ben Tappin, Ryan McKay

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The political left and right appear to disagree not only over questions of value but, also, over questions of fact—over what is true “out there” in society and the world. Alarmingly, a large body of survey data collected during the past decade suggests that this disagreement tends to be greatest among the most educated and most cognitively sophisticated opposing partisans. In other words, the data show that these individuals display the widest political polarization in their reported factual beliefs. Explanations of this polarization pattern draw heavily on cultural and political factors; yet, the large majority of the evidence originates from one cultural and political context—the United States, a country with a rather unique cultural and political history. One consequence is that widening political polarization conditional on education and cognitive sophistication may be due to idiosyncratic cultural, political or historical factors endogenous to US society—rather than a more general, international phenomenon. We examined widening political polarization conditional on education across Europe, over a topic that is culturally and politically contested; immigration. To do so, we analyzed data from the European Social Survey, a premier survey of countries in and around the European area conducted biennially since 2002. Our main results are threefold. First, we see widening political polarization conditional on education over beliefs about the economic impact of immigration. The foremost countries showing this pattern are the most influential in Europe: Germany and France. However, we also see heterogeneity across countries, with some—such as Belgium—showing no evidence of such polarization. Second, we find that widening political polarization conditional on education is a product of sorting. That is, highly educated partisans exhibit stronger within-group consensus in their beliefs about immigration—the data do not support the view that the more educated partisans are more polarized simply because the less educated fail to adopt a position on the question. Third, and finally, we find some evidence that shocks to the political climate of countries in the European area—for example, the “refugee crisis” of summer 2015—were associated with a subsequent increase in political polarization over immigration conditional on education. The largest increase was observed in Germany, which was at the centre of the so-called refugee crisis in 2015. These results reveal numerous insights: they show that widening political polarization conditional on education is not restricted to the US or native English-speaking culture; that such polarization emerges in the domain of immigration; that it is a product of within-group consensus among the more educated; and, finally, that exogenous shocks to the political climate may be associated with subsequent increases in political polarization conditional on education.

Keywords: beliefs, Europe, immigration, political polarization

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Authors: Khadijah B. Alziyadi, Khawlh A. Alzubaidi, Amor M. Alsayari

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Recently, GaMnAs diluted magnetic semiconductors(DMSs) have received considerable attention because they combine semiconductor and magnetic properties. GaMnAs has been used as a model DMS and as a test bed for many concepts and functionalities of spintronic devices. In this paper, a theoretical study on the band structure ofGaMnAswill be presented. The model that we used in this study is the 8-band k.p methodwherespin-orbit interaction, spin splitting, and strain are considered. The band structure of GaMnAs will be calculated in different directions in the reciprocal space. The effect of manganese content on the GaMnAs band structure will be discussed. Also, the influence of strain, which varied continuously from tensile to compressive, on the different bands will be studied.

Keywords: band structure, diluted magnetic semiconductor, k.p method, strain

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Authors: Ebru Ozgur Guler, Huseyin Guler, Sera Sanli

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Social Progress Index (SPI) whose fundamentals have been thrown in the World Economy Forum is an index which aims to form a systematic basis for guiding strategy for inclusive growth which requires achieving both economic and social progress. In this research, it has been aimed to determine the relations among “Basic Human Needs” (BHN) (including four variables of ‘Nutrition and Basic Medical Care’, ‘Water and Sanitation’, ‘Shelter’ and ‘Personal Safety’) and “Opportunity” (OPT) (that is composed of ‘Personal Rights’, ‘Personal Freedom and Choice’, ‘Tolerance and Inclusion’, and ‘Access to Advanced Education’ components) dimensions of 2016 SPI for 138 countries which take place in the website of Social Progress Imperative by carrying out canonical correlation analysis (CCA) which is a data reduction technique that operates in a way to maximize the correlation between two variable sets. In the interpretation of results, the first pair of canonical variates pointing to the highest canonical correlation has been taken into account. The first canonical correlation coefficient has been found as 0.880 indicating to the high relationship between BHN and OPT variable sets. Wilk’s Lambda statistic has revealed that an overall effect of 0.809 is highly large for the full model in order to be counted as statistically significant (with a p-value of 0.000). According to the standardized canonical coefficients, the largest contribution to BHN set of variables has come from ‘shelter’ variable. The most effective variable in OPT set has been detected to be ‘access to advanced education’. Findings based on canonical loadings have also confirmed these results with respect to the contributions to the first canonical variates. When canonical cross loadings (structure coefficients) are examined, for the first pair of canonical variates, the largest contributions have been provided by ‘shelter’ and ‘access to advanced education’ variables. Since the signs for structure coefficients have been found to be negative for all variables; all OPT set of variables are positively related to all of the BHN set of variables. In case canonical communality coefficients which are the sum of the squares of structure coefficients across all interpretable functions are taken as the basis; amongst all variables, ‘personal rights’ and ‘tolerance and inclusion’ variables can be said not to be useful in the model with 0.318721 and 0.341722 coefficients respectively. On the other hand, while redundancy index for BHN set has been found to be 0.615; OPT set has a lower redundancy index with 0.475. High redundancy implies high ability for predictability. The proportion of the total variation in BHN set of variables that is explained by all of the opposite canonical variates has been calculated as 63% and finally, the proportion of the total variation in OPT set that is explained by all of the canonical variables in BHN set has been determined as 50.4% and a large part of this proportion belongs to the first pair. The results suggest that there is a high and statistically significant relationship between BHN and OPT. This relationship is generally accounted by ‘shelter’ and ‘access to advanced education’.

Keywords: canonical communality coefficient, canonical correlation analysis, redundancy index, social progress index

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Authors: Sarwan Hasan

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This article is to investigate the main forms and causes of corruption and provides anti-corruption policies. It is significant to find out how both interact and affect each other. The research focuses particularly on the case study of Iraq from 2003 to 2023. In this way, the main methods of analysis will be the system approach to analyze the relationship of different elements of the political system of Iraq in the context of corruption, the process-tracing method to explain the reasons for corruption, and content analysis of the official documents important for the research topic. Moreover, the SWOT analysis will be used in the part about the anti-corruption policies. This article concludes that the main causes behind corruption in Iraq are power distribution based on muhassasa tayifiya (power apportionment based on ethno-sectarianism), decentralized political system, sectarian division, Iran, and socio-cultural structure. The main forms of corruption in the country are illegal enrichment, using public positions for sectarian agenda, criminal corruption, bribery, political patronage, clientelism, cronyism, nepotism, embezzlement, kickback, extortion, money laundry, speed money, theft, and justice obstruction. The main anti-corruption policies in Iraq are establishing the Commission of Integrity, Board of Supreme Audit, Inspectors General and Parliamentary Committee, Internalization (assistance from foreign actors), economic adjustment and financial reform, and the new anti-corruption program of the new Prime Minister (Mohamed Shiyah al-Sudani).

Keywords: anti-corruption, corruption, Iraq, anti-corruption policies

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Authors: Anh Dao Vu, Bill Ryan

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The Vietnamese government struggles to grapple with the problem of rampant corruption, one of the most challenging difficulties the country faces. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2014, Vietnam ranks 119 out of 175 countries. The CPI gives Vietnam a score of 31 on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 indicates ‘highly corrupt’ and 100 represents ‘very clean’. Corruption eats into the national GDP of Vietnam, causing a loss of 3% to 4% of GDP per annum. In general, the Vietnamese people’s trust in their government to wage an effective fight against corruption, especially in the public sector, has been greatly eroded in recent years. Some substantial public demonstrations persuaded the government to implement strong anti-corruption measures. However, so far those measures have not been particularly successful. One of the main reasons for this shortcoming is that neither the Communist Party of Vietnam nor the government has demonstrated sufficiently strong ‘political will’ in fighting corruption. There remains a large gap between rhetoric and reality. This paper will examine the reasons why insufficient ‘political will’ is displayed in the ostensible fight against public sector corruption, and how certain anti-corruption strategies will both strengthen levels of political commitment to the fight against corruption while enhancing the effectiveness of that essential national endeavor.

Keywords: corruption, political will, Vietnam, anti-corruption

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Authors: P. Tej, P. Kněž, M. Blank

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The paper presents design and production of thin-walled U-profile footbridge made of UHPFRC. The main structure of the bridge is one prefabricated shell structure made of UHPFRC with dispersed steel fibers without any conventional reinforcement. The span of the bridge structure is 10 m and the clear width of 1.5 m. The thickness of the UHPFRC shell structure oscillated in an interval of 30-45 mm. Several calculations were made during the bridge design and compared with the experiments. For the purpose of verifying the calculations, a segment of 1.5 m was first produced, followed by the whole footbridge for testing. After the load tests were done, the design was optimized to cast the final footbridge.

Keywords: footbridge, non-linear analysis, shell structure, UHPFRC, Ultra-High Performance Fibre Reinforced Concrete

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Authors: Philip Robert Alldritt

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The continuing increase in human migration is at crisis levels in all areas of the planet. The causes are varied, and the risks are high for the migrants. Migration has been ongoing since the beginning of human emergence on the planet, but for the first time in our historic memory has the, migration reached this level of critical mass. The causes are many. Climate collapse, economic opportunity, drug cartel activity, political upheaval, and gang wars. Many locations are seemingly “within reach” of the migrants, and the push factors are so loaded with hopelessness that almost anyone would be willing to risk anything to improve their conditions. There is no argument about that mass migrations are occurring and will increase in the future. The solutions to this increase are complex. This paper will examine the causes of migration and attempt to provide some reasonable solutions to mitigate the migrations with equitable outcomes that may guide immigration policy in impacted areas.

Keywords: immigration, crisis, climate, cartels

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Authors: Zsuzsanna Fejes

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the legal history of constitutionalism in Hungary, in focus of the democratic transitions in 1989-1990, describing the historical and political background of the changes and presenting the main and most important features of the new democracy, and institutional and legal orders. In Hungary the evolved political, economic and moral crisis prior to the constitutional years 2010-11 had been such a constitutional moment, which led to an opportune and unavoidable change at the same time. The Hungarian constitutional power intended to adopt a new constitution, which was competent to create a common constitutional identity and to express a national unity. The Hungarian Parliament on 18th April 2011 passed the New Fundamental Law. The new Fundamental Law rich in national values meant a new challenge for the academics, lawyers, and political scientists. Not only the classical political science, but also the constitutional law and theory have to struggle with the interpretation of the new declarations about national constitutional values in the Fundamental Law. The main features and structure of the new Fundamental Law will be analysed, and given a detailed interpretation of the Preamble as a declaration of constitutional values. During the examination of the Preamble shall be cleared up the components of Hungarian statehood and national unity, individual and common human rights, the practical and theoretical demand on national sovereignty, and the content and possibilities for the interpretation of the achievements of the historical Constitution. These scopes of problems will be presented during the examination of the text of National Avowal, as a preamble of the Fundamental Law. It is examined whether the Fundamental Law itself could be suitable and sufficient means to citizens of Hungary to express the ideas therein as their own, it will be analysed how could the national and European common traditions, values and principles stated in the Fundamental Law mean maintenance in Hungary’s participation in the European integration.

Keywords: common constitutional values, constitutionalism, national identity, national sovereignty, national unity, statehood

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Authors: Ramin Mirzada, Takuya Maruyama

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Kabul is the heart of political, commercial, cultural, educational and social life in Afghanistan and the fifth fastest growing city in the world. Minimum income inclined most of Kabul residents to use public transport, especially buses, although there is no proper bus system, beside that there is no proper fare exist in Kabul city Due to wars. From 1992 to 2001 during civil wars, Kabul suffered damage and destruction of its transportation facilities including pavements, sidewalks, traffic circles, drainage systems, traffic signs and signals, trolleybuses and almost all of the public transport system (e.g. Millie bus). This research is mainly focused on Kabul city’s transportation system. In this research, the data used have been gathered by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) in 2008 and this data will be used to find demand and fare structure, additionally a survey was done in 2016 to find satisfaction level of Kabul residents for fare structure. Aim of this research is to observe the demand for Large Buses, compare to the actual supply from the government, analyze the current fare structure and compare it with the proposed fare (distance based fare) structure which has already been analyzed. Outcome of this research shows that the demand of Kabul city residents for the public transport (Large Buses) exceeds from the current supply, so that current public transportation (Large Buses) is not sufficient to serve public transport in Kabul city, worth to be mentioned, that in order to overcome this problem, there is no need to build new roads or exclusive way for buses. This research proposes government to change the fare from fixed fare to distance based fare, invest on public transportation and increase the number of large buses so that the current demand for public transport is met.

Keywords: transportation, planning, public transport, large buses, Kabul, Afghanistan

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Authors: Serges Mendomo Meye, Li Guowei, Shen Zhenzhong, Gan Lei, Xu Liqun

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Given the limitations of the original whale optimization algorithm (WAO) in local optimum and low convergence accuracy in truss structure optimization problems, based on the fundamental whale algorithm, an improved whale optimization algorithm (SWAO) based on information entropy is proposed. The information entropy itself is an uncertain measure. It is used to control the range of whale searches in path selection. It can overcome the shortcomings of the basic whale optimization algorithm (WAO) and can improve the global convergence speed of the algorithm. Taking truss structure as the optimization research object, the mathematical model of truss structure optimization is established; the cross-sectional area of truss is taken as the design variable; the objective function is the weight of truss structure; and an improved whale optimization algorithm (SWAO) is used for optimization design, which provides a new idea and means for its application in large and complex engineering structure optimization design.

Keywords: information entropy, structural optimization, truss structure, whale algorithm

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Authors: Paawani Tewari, Oishik Dasgupta

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Cinema and politics have often intertwined in India. Movies have become a mainstream method of communication with audiences and voters subliminally and directly. Indian film industry on average produces over a thousand films in a year, and during the election year of 2019, India witnessed the release of several highly political movies. Movies such as Uri: The Surgical Strike, Accidental Prime Minister, and PM Modi, et cetera, which are the sample of this study have tried to depict an ideal character of political stalwart leaders with the plausibility to inspire and aiming to change ideological orientations of viewers and the potent voters. This study tries to understand the major links between nationalism, its representation, and its manifestation in Indian cinema and how it is instrumental in shaping the character and orientations of its citizens towards nation, nationalism, and nationhood. Our work aims to highlight how nationalistic assumptions that are swaddled in the Hindi movies released during January 2019 – May 2019 affect the political mood of the nation and, in totality, the democratic system. The authors also try to throw light on how films being a powerful tool, are now being used to shape ideas, brainwashing and swaying opinions for political mileage. Hence it becomes essential for us to explore the dynamics between the quintessential definitions of what nationalism is for a common man in India versus of what has been represented in cinema, especially during the time of the elections.

Keywords: political governance and political analysis, political and public administration, election, public choice

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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Authors: Kunle Oparinde, Ernestina Maleshoane Rapeane-Mathonsi, Gift Mheta

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Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA), the research seeks to deconstruct politically-motivated discourse as observed from Nigerian politics. This is intended to be achieved by analysing linguistic (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political settings, drawing from instances of language use as observed from different political campaigns. Since language in itself is generally meaningless without context, it is therefore paramount to analyse the (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political sceneries within their contextual basis. The study focuses on political language used by Nigerian politicians emanating from printed and social media forms such as posters, pamphlets, speeches, billboards, and internet sources purposely selected across Nigeria. The research further aims at investigating the discursive strategies used by politicians to gain more audience, and, as a result, shape opinions that result in votes. The study employs a qualitative approach. Two parties are intentionally selected because they have been essentially strong at the national level namely: All Progressive Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The study finds out that politicians in Nigeria, as in many parts of the world, use language to manipulate the electorate. Comprehensive discussion of these instances of political manipulation remains the thrust of this paper.

Keywords: communication, discourse, manipulation, misrepresentation

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Authors: Sudaporn Arundee

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The purposes of this research were to study in three areas: (1) to study political understanding and participating of the constitutional monarchy, (2) to study the level of participation. This paper drew upon data collected from 395 Dusit residents by using questionnaire. In addition, a simple random sampling was utilized to collect data. The findings revealed that 94 percent of respondents had a very good understanding of constitution monarchy with a mean of 4.8. However, the respondents overall had a very low level of participation with the mean score of 1.69 and standard deviation of .719.

Keywords: political participation, constitutional monarchy, management and social sciences

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Authors: Fernando Martín-Espejo, Christophe Crombez

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This paper presents a political-economic analysis of the reforms introduced during the coronavirus crisis at the EU level with a special emphasis on the recovery fund Next Generation EU (NGEU). It also introduces a spatial model to evaluate whether the governmental features of the recovery fund can be framed inside the community method. Particularly, by evaluating the brake clause in the NGEU legislation, this paper analyses theoretically the political and legislative implications of the introduction of flexibility clauses in the EU decision-making process.

Keywords: EU, legislative procedures, spatial model, coronavirus

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Authors: Chaiwat Wuthinitikornkit

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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inevitably affects the landscape of the political economy of the host country. It is, therefore, significant to review and uncover how and in what way(s) FDI shapes the preferences of the interest groups within the host country, as such preferences may, in turn, influence the policies of the host country. By conducting a review of relevant literature, this paper attempts to outline the key forces behind such preferences and identify potential gaps for future studies. This paper argues that while existing theories have specified endowment and political and institutional factors as key explanations behind the preferences of domestic interest groups, other qualitative attributes of the foreign investors' side, such as their nationalities, have yet to be adequately investigated empirically and may potentially also possess explanatory power. This is particularly important in the current global economic landscape, where key global investors hail from origins from both developed and developing countries with diverse political systems and business practices. This paper aims to provide the groundwork for future studies on these potential gaps, which may provide not only contributions to the academic sphere but also practical insight into policymaking and business communities.

Keywords: foreign direct investment, interest groups, international political economy, political economy

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Authors: Anar Koli

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After the Paris agreement in 2015, a comprehensive initiative both from the developed and developing countries towards the adaptation to climate change is emerging. The Global Environmental Facility (GEF), which is financing a global portfolio of adaptation projects and programs in over 124 countries is playing a significant role to a new financing framework that included the concept of “climate-resilient development”. However, both the adaptation and sustainable development paradigms remain continuously contested, especially the role of the multilateral institutions with their technical and financial assistance to the developing world. Focusing on the adaptation initiatives of the GEF, this study aims to understand to what extent the global multilateral institutions, particularly the GEF is contributing to the climate-resilient development. From the political ecology perspective, the argument of this study is that the global financial framework is highly politicized, and understanding the contribution of the global institutions of the global climate change needs to be related both from the response and causal perspectives. A holistic perspective, which includes the contribution of the GEF as a response to the climate change and as well the cause of global climate change, are needed to understand the broader environment- political economic relation. The study intends to make a critical analysis of the way in which the political economy structure and the environment are related along with the social and ecological implications. It does not provide a narrow description of institutional responses to climate change, rather it looks at how the global institutions are influencing the relationship of the global ecologies and economies. This study thus developed a framework combining the global governance and the political economy perspective. This framework includes environment-society relation, environment-political economy linkage, global institutions as the orchestra, and division between the North and the South. Through the analysis of the GEF as the orchestra of the global governance, this study helps to understand how GEF is coordinating the interactions between the North and the South and responding the global climate resilient development. Through the other components of the framework, the study explains how the role of the global institutions is related to the cause of the human induced global climate change. The study employs a case study based on both the quantitative and qualitative data. Along with the GEF reports and data sets, this study draws from an eclectic range of literature from a range of disciplines to explain the broader relation of the environment and political economy. Based on a case study on GEF, the study found that the GEF has positive contributions in bringing developing countries’ capacity in terms of sustainable development goal, local institutional development. However, through a critical holistic analysis, this study found that this contribution to the resilient development helps the developing countries to conform the fossil fuel based capitalist political economy. The global governance institution is contributing both to the pro market based environment society relation and, to the consequences of this relation.

Keywords: climate change adaptation, global environmental facility (GEF), political economy, the north -south relation

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