Search results for: British politics

Authors: Yuhong Li, Luyu Mao

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Globalization has led to an increasingly interconnected international community and transmitted risks to every corner of the world through the chain of globalization. Security risks arising from international conflicts seem inescapable. Some countries have begun to build their capacity to deal with the globalization of security risks. They establish disembedding security mechanisms that transcend spatial or temporal boundaries and promote security cooperation with countries or regions that are not geographically close. This paper proposes four hypotheses of the phenomenon of "risks and security disembedding" in the post-Cold War international society and uses them to explain The United Kingdom’s behavior in the Bosnian War and the Russo-Ukrainian War. In the Bosnian War, confident in its own security and focused on maintaining European stability, The UK has therefore chosen to be cautious in its use of force in international frameworks such as the EU and to maintain a very limited intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina's affairs. In contrast, the failure of the EU and NATO’s security mechanism in the Russo-Ukrainian war heightened Britain's anxiety, and the volatile international situation led it to show a strong tendency towards security disembedding, choosing to conclude security communities with extra-territorial states. Analysis suggests that security mechanisms are also the starting point of conflict and that countries will rely more on disembedding mechanisms to counteract the global security risks. The current mechanism of security disembedding occurs as a result of the global proliferation of security perceptions as a symbolic token and the recognition of an expert system of security mechanisms formed by states with similar security perceptions.

Keywords: disembedding mechanism, bosnia war, the russian-ukrainian war, british security strategy

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Authors: Annamarie Rannou, Horace Bartilow

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Global concerns about xenophobic activity are on the rise across developed and developing countries. And yet, social science scholarship has almost exclusively examined xenophobia as a prejudice of advanced western nations. This research argues that the fields of study related to xenophobia must be re-conceptualized within a framework of ethnicity in order to level the playing field for cross-regional inquiry. This study develops a new concept of ethnic xenophobia and integrates existing explanations of anti-migrant expression into theories of ethnic threat. We argue specifically that political elites convert economic, political, and social threats at the national level into ethnic xenophobic activity in order to gain or maintain political advantage among their native selectorate. We expand on Stuart Kaufman’s theory of symbolic politics to underscore the methods of mobilization used against migrants and the power of elite discourse in moments of national crises. An original dataset is used to examine over 35,000 cases of ethnic xenophobic activity targeting refugees. Wordscores software is used to develop a unique measure of anti-migrant elite rhetoric which captures the symbolic discourse of elites in their mobilization of ethnic xenophobic activism. We use a Structural Equation Model (SEM) to test the causal pathways of the theory across seventy-two developed and developing countries from 1990 to 2016. A framework of Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) is also applied to two pairs of developed-developing country cases, including Kenya and the Netherlands and Lebanon and the United States. This study sheds tremendous light on an underrepresented area of comparative research in migration studies. It shows that the causal elements of anti-migrant activity are far more similar than existing research suggests which has major implications for policy makers, practitioners, and academics in fields of migration protection and advocacy. It speaks directly to the mobilization of myths surrounding refugees, in particular, and the nationalization of narratives of migration that may be neutralized by the development of deeper associational relationships between natives and migrants.

Keywords: refugees, ethnicity, symbolic politics, elites, migration, comparative politics

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Authors: Dani Karmakar

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In India, the journey of street theatre was started with Indian peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) as a tool for anti-establishment that was categorized as by the people and for the people. It has expressed common people’s feelings, problems, day to day life. It has brought a social change that is downtrodden. By its nature, it is based on communist ideology. Street theatre is a theatre of protest. In India, many folk theatres translate directly ‘Street Theatre’, those are Veedhi Natakam in Andhra Pradesh and Therukoothu in Tamil Nadu. But they do not covey to common definition of street theatre. There are different folk theatres of different regions in India. All folk theatres have individual characteristic, criteria, taste and flavor that can render distinctive each others. In festivals or special occasions, whole communities come together to enjoy collectively and express their feelings. The Veedhi Natakam means 'street theatre'. Theru koothu is a traditional street theatre in the northern districts of Tamilnadu. Folk theatre has potential to deliver strong messages. It has a socially significant role. At Veedhi Natakam, Vidhushaka takes part for social criticism. Gambhira is also a socio-political folk drama presentation in West Bengal.

Keywords: folk theatre, Gambhira, politics, street theatre

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Authors: Lisa Mockli, Chelsea Sambells

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By combining the methodologies of history and translation studies, this study will explore the interplay between humanitarian action, politics, and translation within the advertising for a lesser-known Swiss child evacuation project of some 60.000 Belgium and French children to Switzerland for three month periods from 1940 to 1945. Inspired by Descriptive-Explanatory Translation Studies, this project compares Swiss speeches published between May and September 1942 (the termination of the evacuations). Radio broadcasts, leaflets and newspapers will triangulate the data. First, linguistic and content-related differences will be identified and described. Second, based on findings from the Swiss Federal Archives, the evidence from the comparative textual analysis will then be evaluated in order to explore how the speeches were modified, for what purpose, and which key issues were raised during their modification. By exploring these questions, this paper provides new insights into (I) Switzerland’s understanding of Swiss neutrality and humanitarianism during the Second World War, (II) the role of children in war and (III) the role of translation in shaping political discourse and humanitarian action. Moreover, this interdisciplinary approach also demonstrates how scholarly collaboration may help to make some elements of humanitarian action more self-reflexive and effective.

Keywords: children, history, humanitarianism, politics, translation

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Authors: Beth Vale

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Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

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Authors: Gang Wang

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Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Nura Suleiman

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The democratic dispensation in Nigeria witnessed allot of changes since its beginning up to the 2015 election. The issues of zoning formula, rigging, money politics, god fatherism, and political thuggery among the youths became the centre stage from 1999-2014. But 2015 came with new tune that brings about a little shift from the traditional politics mentioned above, the political socialisation and knowledge penetrated into the sense of electorate where people suddenly change and look for the better option. The paper will examine the democratic change in relation to the 2015 General election which brings General MohammaduBuhari on the mantle of leadership of Nigeria. Many reasons were attributed to the sudden change of government in Nigeria, but the major ones are lack of good governance, corruption, insecurity, political parties’ merger to formed APCand change in INEC leadership. Others are weakness of the leadership and undemocratic nature of PDP government at different level in the country. The glamor for change became necessary because People become more informs about the manifestation of good hope and better Nigeria from the major opposition party (APC). During 2015 election the electorate voted the incumbent government out and replaced it with their choice.

Keywords: democracy, election, insecurity, good governance

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Authors: Jyoti Brahma

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Folk epics of India are found in various Indian languages. The study of folk epics and its importance in folkloristic study in India came into prominence only during the nineteenth century. The British administrators and missionaries collected and documented folk epics from various parts of the country. The paper is an attempt to investigate how colonial outpost appears to penetrate the interiors of Indian land and society and triggered off the Indian Renaissance. It takes into account the compositions of the epics of India and the attention it received during the nineteenth century, which in turn gave, rise to the national consciousness shaping the culture of India. Composed as oral traditions these folk epics are now seen as repositories of historical consciousness whereas in earlier times societies without literacy were said to be without history. So, there is an urgent need to re-examine the British impact on Indian literary traditions. The Bhakti poets through their nuanced responses in their efforts to change the behavior of Indian society gives us the perfect example of deferment in the clear cut distinction between the folk and the classical in the context of India. It evades a pure categorization and classification of the classical and constitutes part of the folk traditions of the cultural heritage of India. Therefore, the ethical question of what is ontologically known as ordinary discourse in the case of the “folk” forms metaphors and folk language gains importance once more. The paper also thus seeks simultaneously to outline the significant factors responsible for shaping the destiny of folklore in South India particularly the four political states of the Indian Union: Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu, what could be termed as South Indian “cultural zones”.

Keywords: colonial, folk, folklore, tradition

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Authors: Rosyidah Muhamad

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This article seeks to access the democratic implication of new media in Malaysia through three important key points of deliberative democracy; information access, rational critical deliberation and mechanism of vertical accountability. The article suggests that the Internet is expanding political opportunity in which contributed to a more diverse discourse. It is depending on how users used it; for democratic or non-democratic outcome. The Internet has been a key instrument in exposing human rights abuse, corruption, organizing protests and mobilizing voters during election campaigns. It therefore pushes for transparency and accountability and thus increasing the rise of deliberative democracy in Malaysia. While there are some elements of an emerging deliberative politics, it is also clear that the Malaysian online political discourse is acting as moderate forms of discourse as the sphere increasingly exist in a chaotic and diversified online discourse. Yet, the online sphere still allows citizens to discuss public affairs. When the public opinion is strong enough, it can influence public policies to ensure that they reflect the public interest. It is suggesting an increased space of negotiation and contestation among the previously muzzled offline situation. This is a big step in the progress democracy in Malaysia.

Keywords: Keywords: New Media, democratization, deliberative democracy, Malaysian politics

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: Chintan Chandrachud

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When primary legislation is challenged for breaching fundamental rights, many courts around the world adopt interpretive techniques to avoid finding such legislation incompatible or invalid. In the UK, these techniques find sanction in section 3 of the Human Rights Act 1998, which directs courts to interpret legislation in a manner which is compatible with European Convention rights, ‘so far as it is possible to do so’. In India, courts begin with the interpretive presumption that Parliament intended to comply with fundamental rights under the Constitution of 1949. In comparing rights-compliant interpretation of primary legislation under the Human Rights Act and the Indian Constitution, this paper makes two arguments. First, that in the absence of a section 3-type mandate, Indian courts have a smaller range of interpretive tools at their disposal in interpreting primary legislation in a way which complies with fundamental rights. For example, whereas British courts frequently read words into statutes, Indian courts consider this an inapposite interpretive technique. The second argument flows naturally from the first. Given that Indian courts have a smaller interpretive toolbox, one would imagine that ceteris paribus, Indian courts’ power to strike down legislation would be triggered earlier than the declaration of incompatibility is in the UK. However, this is not borne out in practice. Faced with primary legislation which appears to violate fundamental rights, Indian courts often reluctantly uphold the constitutionality of statutes (rather than striking them down), as opposed to British courts, which make declarations of incompatibility. The explanation for this seeming asymmetry hinges on the difference between the ‘strike down’ power and the declaration of incompatibility. Whereas the former results in the disapplication of a statute, the latter throws the ball back into Parliament’s court, if only formally.

Keywords: constitutional law, judicial review, constitution of India, UK Human Rights Act

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Authors: Monica Dantas

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At what socio-economic costs can the food industry offer products at low prices? This research seeks to understand and to explore how we attribute competence and meaning, what enables the outcomes of agriculture and what institutions provides validation regarding food production. This study objective is to explain and interpret conditions of the present state of agriculture in Brazil centring on two distinct segments, agribusiness and family farming, as the Brazilian, rapidly changing political environment unfolds. The approach is grounded in multidisciplinary literature drawing from the politics of development, the sociology of food, the sustainability framework and the conceptual differences between agribusiness and family farming regarding the innate purpose of the two segments. In addition, a quantitative portion of the research includes secondary data analysis from statistical measurements, economic indicators, federal budget information, and census data to compare the two segments, conveying a general snapshot of the conditions investigated. The results raised questions about the perceived image of the success of agribusiness, against some contradicting economic checks and balances. Analyzing how public funds are invested in agriculture shed light on what can enable or undermine the development of food systems in Brazil. It also revealed how politics, ideology, and corporations might influence the Brazilian Federal. In the 2000-2018 observed timeline of annual federal spending on agriculture in Brazil, there is variation in the amount invested in family farming that seems to 'coincide' with the ideological direction of the federal government in power. It was also observed that significant changes in the institutional framework and financial support either promoted or purposely undermined family farming importance using public institutions to validate support for agribusiness.

Keywords: food politics, sustainability, family farming, food system, public budget

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Authors: Xabier Barandiaran, Igone Guerra

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The economic and financial crisis that hit European countries in 2008 revealed the inability of governments to respond unilaterally to the so-called “wicked” problems that affect our societies. Closely linked to this, the increasing disaffection of citizens towards politics has resulted in growing distrust of the citizenry not only in the institutions in general but also in the political system, in particular. Precisely, these two factors provoked the action of the local government of Gipuzkoa (Basque Country) to move from old ways of “doing politics” to a new way of “thinking politics” based on a collaborative approach, in which innovative modes of public decision making are prominent. In this context, in 2015, the initiative Etorkizuna Eraikiz (Building the Future), a contemporary form of networked governance, was launched by the Provincial Government. The paper focuses on the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative, a sound commitment from a local government to build jointly with the citizens the future of the territory. This paper will present preliminary results obtained from three different experiences of co-creation developed within Etorkizuna Eraikiz in which the formulation of networked governance is a mandatory pre-requisite. These experiences show how the network building approach among the different agents of the territory as well as the co-creation of public policies is the cornerstone of this challenging mission. Through the analysis of the information and documentation gathered during the four years of Etorkizuna-Eraikiz, and, specifically by delving into the strategy promoted by the initiative, some emerging analytical conclusions resulting from the promotion of this collaborative culture will be presented. For example, some preliminary results have shown a significant positive relationship between shared leadership and the formulation of the public good. In the period 2016-2018, a total of 73 projects were launched and funding by the Provincial Government of Gipuzkoa within the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative, that indicates greater engagement of the citizenry in the process of policy-making and therefore improving, somehow, the quality of the public policies. These statements have been supported by the last survey about the perspectives of the citizens toward politics and policies. Some of the more prominent results show us that there is still a high level of distrust in Politics (78,9% of respondents) but a greater trust in institutions such the Political Government of Gipuzkoa (40,8% of respondents declared as “good” the performance of this provincial institution). Regarding the Etorkizuna Eraikiz Initiative, it is being more readily recognized by citizens over this period of time (25,4% of the respondents in June 2018 agreed to know about the initiative giving it a mark of 5,89 ) and thus build trust and a sense of ownership. Although, there is a clear requirement for further research on the linkages between collaborative governance and level of trust, the paper, based on these findings, will provide some managerial and theoretical implications for collaborative governance in the territory.

Keywords: network governance, collaborative governance, public sector innovation, citizen participation, trust

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Authors: K. C. Mujeebu Rahman

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Over the years, discussions in India regarding personal law in India have focused on its deficiencies, increasing involvement of the judiciary, and the pursuit of uniformity. However, little attention has been given to understanding how the law functions in a multicultural nation committed to political secularism. This paper addresses this gap by exploring the mahallu system in Malabar, shedding light on the decision-making process within Muslim personal law. It reveals that this process is deeply rooted in everyday micro-politics, sectarian dynamics, social pressure, and emotions. Through an in-depth examination of a triple talaq case, the paper demonstrates how love (or the lack of it), family expectations, and community authority intersect in resolving marital disputes. Instead of a straightforward legal interpretation, this process leads to a complex maze of micro-politics involving local religious factions and authorities. The paper underscores that the non-state quasi-legal institutions within the mahallu system represent a distinct form of legal pluralism characterized by intricate power dynamics at multiple levels. Moreover, it highlights the interplay between what is considered legally valid and what is deemed socially legitimate.

Keywords: islamic law, sharia, fatwa, muslim personal law

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Authors: Jummai Aliyu Mohammed

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The Sapir-Whorfian hypothesis postulates that the structure of a language determines the way in which species of that language view the world. It also states that the culture of a people finds reflection in their language. Consequently language becomes a vehicle of thought; a channel through which negative stereotypes of women is created and also one through which such images are dispelled. Women are generally portrayed as weaker vessels and inferior to men; a position which draws a counter reaction from women through their writings. In their writings, they attempt to reinvent womanhood and liberate the woman from the hitherto negative light they were portrayed. This position best describes the term feminism which argues that women be given equal rights in all spheres of life as men. This paper attempts to evaluate Ba’s ‘So Long a Letter’ and Alkali’s ‘The Stillborn’ with the view to identify the relationship between language and feminism. In evaluating this relationship, the paper concludes that there are several factors responsible for the variation in the speech pattern of male and female. All of these factors favour the male gender and further condemns the woman to oppression. Although the writers come from two different cultural backgrounds, the works amplify feminism and captured them as apostles of feminism.

Keywords: feminism, language, politics, Sapir-Whorfian hypothesis

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Authors: Samuel Gary Beckton

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Ever since the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014, there has been a threat of a second referendum. However, if there was another referendum and the majority favoured independence, it is highly likely to be by a small majority. In this paper, it will look into the hypothetical situation of what could have happened if Scotland had voted in favour of independence in 2014. If this occurred, there would be many Unionists within Scotland, including devoted supporters of the Better Together campaign. There was a possibility of some Scottish Unionists not willing to accept the result of the Referendum unchallenged and use their right of self-determination through the UN Charter for their region to remain within the United Kingdom. The Shetland and Orkney Islands contemplated of opting out of an independent Scotland in 2013. This caught the attention of some politicians and the media, via confirming the possibility of some form of partition in Scotland and could have gained extra attention if partition quickly became a matter of ‘need’ instead of ‘want’. Whilst some Unionists may have used petitions and formed pressure groups to voice their claims, others may have used more hard-line tactics to achieve their political objectives, including possible protest marches and acts of civil unrest. This could have possibly spread sectarian violence between Scottish Unionists and Nationalists. Glasgow has a serious issue of this kind of sectarianism, which has escalated in recent years. This is due to the number communities that have been established from Irish Immigrants, which maintain links with Northern Irish loyalists and republicans. Some Scottish Unionists not only have sympathy towards Northern Irish loyalists but actively participate with the paramilitary groups and gave support. Scottish loyalists could use these contacts to create their own paramilitary group(s), with aid from remaining UK (RUK) benefactors. Therefore, this could have resulted in the RUK facing a serious security dilemma, with political and ethical consequences to consider. The RUK would have the moral obligation to protect Scottish Unionists from persecution and recognise their right of self-determination, whilst ensuring the security and well-being of British citizens within and outside of Scotland. This work takes into consideration the lessons learned from the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland. As an era of ‘Troubles’ could occur in Scotland, extending into England and Northern Ireland. This is due to proximity, the high number of political, communal and family links in Scotland to the RUK, and the delicate peace process within Northern Ireland which shares a similar issue. This paper will use British and Scottish Government documents prior to the Scottish referendum to argue why partition might happen and use cartography of maps of a potential partition plan for Scotland. Reports from the UK National Statistics, National Rail, and Ministry of Defence shall also be utilised, and use of journal articles that were covering the referendum.

Keywords: identity, nationalism, Scotland, unionism

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Authors: Amirmohsen Behjat, Aleck Ostry, Christina Miewald, Bernie Pauly

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Farmers’ Markets have become one of the important healthy food suppliers in both rural communities and urban settings. Farmers’ markets are evolving and their number has rapidly increased in the past decade. Despite this drastic increase, the distribution of the farmers’ markets is not even across different areas. The main goal of this study is to explore the socioeconomic, geographic, and demographic variables which affect the establishment of farmers’ market in rural communities in British Columbia (BC). Thus, the data on available farmers’ markets in rural areas were collected from BC Association of Farmers’ Markets and spatially joined to BC map at Dissemination Area (DA) level using ArcGIS software to link the farmers’ market to the respective communities that they serve. Then, in order to investigate this issue and understand which rural communities farmer’ markets tend to operate, a binary logistic regression analysis was performed with the availability of farmer’ markets at DA-level as dependent variable and Deprivation Index (DI), Metro Influence Zone (MIZ) and population as independent variables. The results indicated that DI and MIZ variables are not statistically significant whereas the population is the only which had a significant contribution in predicting the availability of farmers’ markets in rural BC. Moreover, this study found that farmers’ markets usually do not operate in rural food deserts where other healthy food providers such as supermarkets and grocery stores are non-existent. In conclusion, the presence of farmers markets is not associated with socioeconomic and geographic characteristics of rural communities in BC, but farmers’ markets tend to operate in more populated rural communities in BC.

Keywords: farmers’ markets, socioeconomic and demographic variables, metro influence zone, logistic regression, ArcGIS

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Social media is among the most important means of communication. Social media offers individuals and groups with an opportunity for participatory socialization over the internet, which is free of any time and place restrictions. Social media is a kind of interactive communication and bilateral social network. Various communication contents can be shared and put into mass circulation easily and quickly through social media. These sharings are not only limited to individuals but also happen to groups, institutions, and different constitutions. Their contents consist of any type of written message, audio and video files. We are living in the social media era now. It is not surprising that social media which has extensive communication facilities and massive prevalence is used in politics. Therefore, the use of social media (Facebook) by political parties during the Turkish general elections held on June 7, 2015, has been chosen as our research subject. Four parties namely, AKP, CHP, MHP and HDP who have the majority of votes in Turkey and participate in elections in Konya have been selected for our study. Their provincial centers’ and parliamentary candidates` use of social media (Facebook) on the last three days prior to the election have been examined and subjected to a qualitative analysis by means of content analysis.

Keywords: social media, June 7 general elections, politics, Facebook

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Authors: Jiaqi XU, Qingru Sun

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Accent plays a crucial role in second language (L2) learners’ performance in the schooling context in the era of globalization, where English is adopted as a lingua franca (ELF). Previous studies found that Chinese mainland students prefer American English accents, whereas the young generations in Hong Kong prefer British accents. However, these studies neglect the non-native accents of English and fail to elaborate much about why the L2 learners differ in accent preferences between the two regions. Therefore, this research aims to bridge the research gap by 1) including both native and non-native varieties of English accents: American accent, British accent, Chinese Mandarin English accent, and Hong Kong English accent; and 2) uncovering and comparing the deeper reasons for the similar or/and different accent preferences between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong speakers. This research designed a questionnaire including objective and subjective questions to investigate the students’ accent inclinations and the attitudes and reasons behind their linguistic choices. The questionnaire was distributed to eight participants (4 Chinese mainland students and 4 Hong Kong students) who were postgraduate students at a Hong Kong university. Based on the data collection, this research finds out one similarity and two differences between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong students’ attitudes. The theories of identity construction and standard language ideology are further applied to analyze the reasons behind the similarities and differences and to evaluate how language attitudes intertwine with their identity construction and language ideology.

Keywords: accent, language attitudes, identity construction, language ideology, ELF communication

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Authors: Tara Chanady

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Through 21 walking interviews with women from various backgrounds and positionalities, this study examines issues of identity politics in Montreal’s sociocultural space. The research looks at the social, political and economical implications of claiming or refusing identifications amongst women of sexual diversity (e.g. defining as lesbian, queer, bi, pan, fluid or not wanting to identity). The results are analysed from a phenomenological perspective, paying attention to the participants personal interpretations and perspectives, as well as contextualising the interviews in time and space. Using intersectional insights, this study pays attention to varying social positions, including immigration status (newly immigrated, rural to city immigration, Montreal-born, seeking asylum), age (20 to 80), gender (cis, trans and intersex women), relationship style (monogamous and polyamorous) and class. Preliminary findings include a generational shift in issues (e.g. community politics within lesbian communities in the 1980s), varying perspectives on the need of exclusive and safe spaces, shifts in issues of racism and transphobia and identifying points of tensions within conceptualisations of queer and lesbian positionalities.

Keywords: identifications, lesbian, queer, sexual orientation

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Authors: Mona Alyedreessy

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This study, which is based on a qualitative study sample of thirty-four British converts from different ages, ethnicities, social classes, areas and religious backgrounds in London, investigates the common challenges, problems and abuse in the name of Islam that many British female Muslim converts experienced during their time as Muslims, which caused them to leave the faith. It is an important study, as it creates an awareness of the weaknesses found in western Muslim societies and in various Islamic educational programs that causes people to leave Islam and contribute towards its negative reputation in the media. The women in this study shared common problems regarding gender and racial discrimination, identity development, feminism, marriage, parenting, Muslim culture, isolation, extremism, belonging and practising Islam in both Muslim and non-Muslim societies with differing sacrifices and consequences that caused them to de-convert. The study argues that many of the personal, religious and social problems female Muslim converts experience are due to a lack of knowledge about Islam and their rights as Muslim women, which often results in them being vulnerable and influenced by the opinions, attitudes and actions of uneducated, abusive, non-practising and extremist Muslims. For example, it was found that young female converts in particular were often taken advantage of and manipulated into believing that many negative actions displayed by patriarchal Muslim husbands were a part of Islam. This created much confusion, especially when their husbands used specific Quran texts and Hadiths to justify their abuse, authority and attitudes that made them miserable. As a result and based on the positive experiences of some converts, the study found that obtaining a broad Islamic education that started with an intimate study of the Prophet Muhammad’s biography alongside being guided by the teachings of western Muslim scholars contributed greatly towards a more enjoyable conversion journey, as women were able to identify and avoid problematic Muslims and abuse in the name of Islam. This in turn helped to create a healthier family unit and Muslim society. Those who enjoyed being Muslims were able to create a balanced western Muslim identity by negotiating and applying their own morals and western values to their understanding of The Prophet’s biography and The Quran and integrated Islamic values into their own secular western environments that were free from foreign cultural practices. The outcomes of the study also highlight some effective modern approaches to da’wah based on the teachings of The Prophet Mohammad and other prophets for young Arab and Asian Muslims who marry, study and live among non-Muslims and converts.

Keywords: abuse, apostasy, converts, Muslims

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Authors: Firmanda Taufiq

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Turkey as a country with great political power and political dynamics that occurred in Turkey shows symptoms that make this country interesting enough to be studied. In addition, there is also Post-Islamism phenomenon that causes fluctuations and changes in Turkish politics. In this regard, Turkey carved out history by holding a referendum that changed the state system from a parliamentary system with a presidential system. This change has major implications in the life of Turkish society and politics. The condition is not only influenced by the government of Recep Tayyib Erdogan alone, but actually there is also anxiety middle class Turkish (Middle Class Anatolia). So there was a Turkish referendum held on 16 April 2017. This research using descriptive-analysis method to analyzing problems of research, that's how the post-Islamism situation in Turkey and Anatolian Middle Class impact to Turkish referendum. Actually, the political process that took place in Turkey is inseparable from Post-Islamism which became an important part in the change and transition of government system. The AKP Party as the basis of the Erdogan government movement became an important actor in the political and policy dynamics produced by the Erdogan government. It is then why the Turkish referendum took place.

Keywords: post-Islamism, Turkish politic, AKP, middle class Anatolia

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Authors: Anna Siuda-Bak

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This paper adopts a comparative approach to examining the determinants of international mobility of German, Italian and British researchers who completed their doctoral education in the UK. Structured sampling and data collection techniques have been developed in order to retrieve information on participants from publicly available sources. This systematically collected data was supplemented with an on-line survey which captures participants’ job trajectories, including movements between positions, institutions and countries. In total, data on 949 German, Italian and British PhDs was collected. Logistic regression was employed to identify factors associated with one’s probability of moving outside the UK after his or her graduation. The predictor variables included factors associated with one’s PhD (field of study, ranking of the university which awarded the PhD degree) and family factors (having a child, nationality of the partner). Then, 9 constrained models were estimated to test the effect each variable has on probability of going to a specific destination, being English-speaking country, non-English speaking country or returning to the home country. The results show that females, arts and humanities graduates, and respondents with a partner from the UK are less mobile than their counterparts. The effect of the ranking of the university differed in two groups. The UK graduates from higher ranked universities were more likely to move abroad than to stay in the UK after their graduation. In contrast, non-UK natives from the same universities were less likely to be internationally mobile than non-UK natives from lower ranked universities. The nationality of the partner was the most important predictor of the specific destination choices. Graduates with partner from the home county were more likely to return home and those with a partner from the third country least likely to return.

Keywords: doctoral graduates, international mobility, nationality, UK

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Authors: Nefi Aris Ambar Asmara

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This paper discusses gender equality and career opportunities among female civil servants for better public services in a regency in West Java, Indonesia. Those two areas have not been considered comprehensively in terms of the goals of gender equality and career opportunities. The purposes of this paper are to describe (1) the number of available positions in relation to the number of female civil servants, (2) the socio-cultural outlook on female civil servants in relation to gender equality and career opportunities, and (3) socio-cultural views on gender equality and a career in politics. To achieve these three objectives, this paper used a qualitative approach with survey and interview techniques. The results showed that (1) only 37% of the official positions were presided by female civil servants. In contrast, male civil servants occupy 63% of the available positions, (2) the sociocultural view of female civil servants affirms that they are still regarded as male companions; (3) in addition, female civil servants do not need to compete with gender opponents, including the fact that women enter politics because the political world is considered dirty for women.

Keywords: gender equality, career opportunities, female civil servants, Indonesia

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Authors: Nefi Aris Ambar Asmara

Abstract:

This paper discusses gender equality and career opportunities among female civil servants for better public services in a regency in West Java, Indonesia. Those two areas have not been considered comprehensively in terms of the goals of gender equality and career opportunities. The purposes of this paper are to describe (1) the number of available positions in relation to the number of female civil servants, (2) the socio-cultural outlook on female civil servants in relation to gender equality and career opportunities and (3) socio-cultural views on gender equality and a career in politics. To achieve these three objectives, this paper used a qualitative approach with survey and interview techniques. The results showed that (1) only 37% of the official positions were presided by female civil servants. In contrast, male civil servants occupy 63% of the available positions, (2) the sociocultural view of female civil servants affirms that they are still regarded as male companions; (3) in addition, female civil servants do not need to compete with gender opponents, including the fact that women enter politics because the political world is considered dirty for women.

Keywords: gender equality, career opportunities, female civil servants, indonesia

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Authors: Kowit Pimpuang

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Through analysis of the Pali-Sanskrit (PL-SKT) terms and their uses in reflecting political society of Thailand, the objectives of this study were to explore PL-SKT word formation and its semantic changes employed in the political society of Thailand and to explore the political reflection of Thai society through their uses. Conceptual framework of this study consists of (1) use of PL-SKT word formation namely, primary derivative (Kitaka), secondary derivative (Tathita), compound (Samasa) and prefix (Upasagga), (2) semantic changes namely; widening, narrowing and transferring of meaning, and (3) political reflection of Thai society. Qualitative method was employed in this study and data were collected from Thai Newspapers. It was found that there were uses of the four kinds of word formation in formatting the new political terms concerned namely, primary derivative, secondary derivative, compound and prefix leading by compound through the following three semantic changes; widening, narrowing and transferring, in order to make clear in understanding. Furthermore, PL-SKT terms were employed in reflecting Thai politics caused by democratic conflicts through the bureaucracy, plutocracy, businessocracy and juristocracy respectively. Later, there have been political business groups and their corruption problems in political society of Thailand.

Keywords: Pali, Sanskrit, reflection, politics, Thailand

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Authors: Priyanka Dutta Chowdhury

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A globalized connected world, calling loud for a composite culture, was still not able to erase the pain of a desired nationalism based on cultural identity. In the South Asian region, the random drawing of the boundaries without taking the ethnic aspect into consideration have always challenged the very basis of the existence of certain groups. The urge to reunify with the fellow brothers on both sides of the border have always called for a chaos and schism in the countries of this region. Sometimes this became a tool to bargain with the state and find a favorable position in the power structure on the basis of cultural identity. In Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Pakhtuns who are divided across the border of the two countries, from the inception of creation of Pakistan have posed various challenges and hampered the growth of a consolidated nation. The Pakhtuns or Pashtuns of both Pakistan and Afghanistan have a strong cultural affinity which blurs their physical distancing and calls for a nationalism based on this ethnic affiliation. Both the sides wanted to create Pakhtunistan unifying all the Pakhtuns of the region. For long, this group have denied to accept the Durand line separating the two. This was an area of concern especially for the Pakhtuns of Pakistan torn between the decision either to join Afghanistan, create a nation of their own or be a part of Pakistan. This ethnic issue became a bone of contention between the two countries. Later, though well absorbed and recognized in the respective countries, they have fought for their identity and claimed for a dominant position in the politics of the nations. Because of the porous borders often influx of refugees was seen especially during Afghan Wars and later many extremists’ groups were born from them especially the Taliban. In the recent string of events, when the Taliban, who are mostly Pakhtuns ethnically, came in power in Afghanistan, a wave of sympathy arose in Pakistan. This gave a strengthening position to the religious Pakhtuns across the border. It is to be noted here that a fragmented Pakhtun identity between the religious and seculars were clearly visible, voicing for their place in the political hierarchy of the country with a vision distinct from each other especially in Pakistan. In this context the paper tries to evaluate the reasons for this cultural turmoil between the countries and this ethnic group. It also aims to analyze the concept of how the identity politics still holds its relevance in the contemporary world. Additionally, the recent trend of fragmented identity points towards instrumentalization of this ethnic groups, who are engaged in the bargaining process with the state for a robust position in the power structure. In the end, the paper aims to deduct from the theoretical conditions of identity politics, whether this is a primordial or a situational tool to have a visibility in the power structure of the contemporary world.

Keywords: cultural identity, identity politics, instrumentalization of identity pakhtuns, power structure

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Authors: Kunle Oparinde, Ernestina Maleshoane Rapeane-Mathonsi, Gift Mheta

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Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA), the research seeks to deconstruct politically-motivated discourse as observed from Nigerian politics. This is intended to be achieved by analysing linguistic (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political settings, drawing from instances of language use as observed from different political campaigns. Since language in itself is generally meaningless without context, it is therefore paramount to analyse the (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political sceneries within their contextual basis. The study focuses on political language used by Nigerian politicians emanating from printed and social media forms such as posters, pamphlets, speeches, billboards, and internet sources purposely selected across Nigeria. The research further aims at investigating the discursive strategies used by politicians to gain more audience, and, as a result, shape opinions that result in votes. The study employs a qualitative approach. Two parties are intentionally selected because they have been essentially strong at the national level namely: All Progressive Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The study finds out that politicians in Nigeria, as in many parts of the world, use language to manipulate the electorate. Comprehensive discussion of these instances of political manipulation remains the thrust of this paper.

Keywords: communication, discourse, manipulation, misrepresentation

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Albin Wallace

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This paper examines the use of social learning platforms in conjunction with the emergent pedagogy of the ‘flipped classroom’. In particular the attributes of the social learning platform “Edmodo” is considered alongside the changes in the way in which online learning environments are being implemented, especially within British education. Some observations are made regarding the use and usefulness of these platforms along with a consideration of the increasingly decentralized nature of education in the United Kingdom.

Keywords: education, Edmodo, Internet, learning platforms

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