Search results for: political liberalism

Authors: N. Coskun

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Australia has received over 840,000 refugees since its establishment as a federation. Despite the long history of refugee intake, Australia appears to have prolonged problems in refugee education such as academic and social isolations of refugee background students (RBS), the discriminations towards RBS and the high number of RBS drop-outs. This paper examines the place of RBS in educational policies, which can help to identify the problems and set a foundation for solutions. This paper investigates the educational provisions for RBS in three stages. First, the paper identifies the needs of RBS through a comprehensive literature review, using the framework of Bronfenbrenner’s bio-ecological model. Second, the study explores the place of these needs in Australian national and state educational policies which are informed by multiculturalism. The findings conclude that social, academic and psychological needs of RBS hardly find a place in multicultural educational policies. The students and their specific needs are mostly invisible and are placed under a general category of newly arrived immigrants who learn English as a second language. Third, the study explores the possible reasons for the overlook on RBS and their needs with examining the general socio-political context surrounding refugees in Australia. The overall findings suggest that Australian multiculturalism policy in education are inadequate to address RBS' social, academic and psychological needs due to the disadvantaging socio-political context where refugees are placed.

Keywords: Australia, bio-ecological model, multiculturalism, refugee education

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Authors: Rachel-Kate Bowdler

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Wartime efforts, news, and heroic stories are important to the public in understanding the political climate, yet hard to digest. However, graphic novels are able to portray intense sociopolitical themes and reinvent the account for the public. Modern comics centered around war introduces the historical context to new audiences, thus keeping history relevant and remembered. This is a trend in graphic novels that is popular for expressing wartime and political stories. Graphic novels make historical accounts and stories easier to understand and more enjoyable to read through creative expression and stylistic choices like color, design, and personified depictions of characters. This results in the need to analyze intense wartime themes in terms of artistic style and elements contributing to the portrayal of the story. Whether directly or indirectly, comics became an outlet for discussing and portraying wars, especially following World War II. It may also be relevant that comics are influential in attitudes towards war efforts. in conducting in analysis on comic books relating to war time stories and a literature review, this paper will seek to analyze the role that comics play in the dissemination of information and feelings surrounding war efforts and attitudes.

Keywords: artistic style, comics, historical, war, art and culture, journalism and media

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Authors: Sergio V Davalos, Alison L. Watkins

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User generated content (UGC) such as website post has data associated with it: time of the post, gender, location, type of device, and number of words. The text entered in user generated content (UGC) can provide a valuable dimension for analysis. In this research, each user post is treated as a collection of terms (words). In addition to the number of words per post, the frequency of each term is determined by post and by the sum of occurrences in all posts. This research focuses on one specific aspect of UGC: sentiment. Sentiment analysis (SA) was applied to the content (user posts) of two sets of political forums related to the US presidential elections for 2012 and 2016. Sentiment analysis results in deriving data from the text. This enables the subsequent application of data analytic methods. The SASA (SAIL/SAI Sentiment Analyzer) model was used for sentiment analysis. The application of SASA resulted with a sentiment score for each post. Based on the sentiment scores for the posts there are significant differences between the content and sentiment of the two sets for the 2012 and 2016 presidential election forums. In the 2012 forums, 38% of the forums started with positive sentiment and 16% with negative sentiment. In the 2016 forums, 29% started with positive sentiment and 15% with negative sentiment. There also were changes in sentiment over time. For both elections as the election got closer, the cumulative sentiment score became negative. The candidate who won each election was in the more posts than the losing candidates. In the case of Trump, there were more negative posts than Clinton’s highest number of posts which were positive. KNIME topic modeling was used to derive topics from the posts. There were also changes in topics and keyword emphasis over time. Initially, the political parties were the most referenced and as the election got closer the emphasis changed to the candidates. The performance of the SASA method proved to predict sentiment better than four other methods in Sentibench. The research resulted in deriving sentiment data from text. In combination with other data, the sentiment data provided insight and discovery about user sentiment in the US presidential elections for 2012 and 2016.

Keywords: sentiment analysis, text mining, user generated content, US presidential elections

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Arburim Iseni, Afrim Aliti, Nagri Rexhepi

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The blood feud or blood-taking is a social obligation to commit murder in order to salvage honor questioned by an earlier murder or moral humiliation. This social obligation is still preserved as a stub among Albanians when honor is violated. By the term honor are understood many things, such as honor to the family, house, guest, property, etc. Many Albanian family members are forced to stay locked up at home because of the blood killing, whereas other families abandon their houses and migrate to other places. Nonetheless, Albanians maintain close ties with their extended families, clans, and tribes and thus chances are high that the violence can beget more violence and without reconciliation of the blood these families will always be endangered. One of the reasons for the pervasiveness of the blood feud is the poor social conditions, political imbroglio and the power vacuum which comes from the corrupted and judiciary system of the state. Contrary to this, Albanian blood feud is not a phenomenon present only to the Albanians, but it also takes place in some other cultures and nations, such as: Chechens, Montenegrins, Serbians, and lately more radical one is between Amman and Israel who are at constant feud.

Keywords: honor, blood feud, reconciliation, power vacuum, poor social conditions, political imbroglio

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Authors: Gizem Barreto Martins

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This paper explores the subversive potential inherent in the theatrical language employed within Arthur Miller's The Crucible. The research argues that this play intricately weaves ideological connections with its audience and the historical epoch it represents, effectively serving as a channel for ideological and cultural interaction potentially exerting subversive influences on social and political realms. Using a historical-materialist methodology that situates the play within its historical and political context, all while examining its connections with theater and literary theories, the paper raises a fundamental query: How does this dramatic work embody subversion, presenting a style unburdened by the performative conventions of daily life and prevailing codes and systems of representation? In response to this inquiry, the study asserts that theatrical language has the capacity to function as a subversive catalyst against prevailing ideologies, actively contributing to the process of social transformation. To substantiate this claim, the research conducts a detailed analysis of the selected play, employing the semiotic framework pioneered by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari.

Keywords: arthur miller, The crucible, gilles deleuze, felix guattari, theater and literary theories

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Authors: Ronit Chakraborty

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Kolkata, formerly known as Calcutta, is the capital of West Bengal state and the former capital of India (1722-1911) of British India. Located at the heart of Hugli river (one of the main channels of Ganges river), the city is the heart of the state, which forms a base for commerce, transport and manufacture. The large and vibrant city thrives amidst the economic, social and political issues arising from the pages of history to the contemporary times. The unique nature, grandeurs, public debates on tea-stalls and obviously the charismatic scenic beauty and heritage keep the city to be criticized in all horizons, across the world. Movies in India are a big source of knowledge, which can be used as a powerful tool for political mobilization and to indirectly communicate with voters since cinema can be used as a tool of propaganda as it has a wide range of public interests. History proves the fact that films produced in India have been apt enough in making public interests be deeply portrayed through their content in a versatile manner. Such is the portrayal of India’s first capital, Kolkata and its ultimate truth being organizingly laid over by the trilogy of two international fame directors-Mrinal Sen and Satyajit Ray, through their ‘magnum opus- the ‘Kolkata trilogy’. Mrinal Sen’s Interview(1971), Calcutta 71(1972), Padatik(The Guerilla Fighter)(1973) and Satyajit Ray’s Pratidwandi (The Adversary)(1970), Seemabaddha(Company Limited)(1971), Jana Aranya(1976). These films picturized the contemporary Kolkata trends, issues and crises arising amidst the political set-up both by the positive and negative variables attributing to the day-to-day happenings of the city. The movies have been set amidst the turmoil that the nation was going through during Indira Gandhi’s declaration of Emergency, resulting from the general sense of disillusionment that prevailed during that time. Ray wasn't affiliated to any political party and his films largely contributed towards the contemporary conditions prevailing in the society. Mrinal Sen, being a Marxist was in constant search of the bitter truth that the society had to offer through his lens under the prevailing darkness through his trilogy. The research paper attempts to widely view and draw a comparative study of the overall description of the city of Kolkata as portrayed by Sen and Ray in their respective trilogies. By the usage of the visual content analysis method, the researcher has explored the six movies; both the trilogies of Mrinal Sen and Satyajit Ray and tried to analyse the differences as well as the similarities pertaining to understand India’s first capital city Kolkata in various dimensions along with its circumference.

Keywords: Kolkata, trilogy, Satyajit Ray, Mrinal Sen, films, comparative study

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Authors: Liz van Acker, Linda Colley

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Political processes are shaped by the gendered culture of parliaments. This paper examines how the institution of parliament has been affected by the changing number of women in politics. In order to understand how and why gender change occurs, the paper employs a feminist historical institutionalism approach. It argues that while it is difficult to change the gendered nature of political institutions, it is possible, from a gender perspective, to understand the processes of change both formally and informally. Increasing women’s representation has been a slow process which has not occurred without political struggles. A broadly defined ‘feminist historical institutionalism’ has critiqued existing approaches to institutions and combined historical institutional analysis with tools of gender to enhance our understanding of institutional processes and change. The paper examines the gendered rules, norms, and practices that influence institutional design choices and processes. Institutions such as Parliament often are able to adjust to women’s entry and absorb them without too much interruption. Exploring the hidden aspects to informal institutions involves identifying unspoken and accepted norms that may guide decision-making – exposing and questioning the gender status quo. This paper examines the representation of women in the Queensland Parliament, Australia. It places the Queensland experience in historical context, as well as in the national and international context. The study is interesting, given that its gender representation has rocketed from one of the worst performing states in 2012 to one of the best performing in 2015 with further improvements in 2017. The state currently has a re-elected female Premier, a female Deputy Premier and a female-dominated cabinet – in fact, Queensland was the first ministry in Australia to have a majority of women in its Cabinet. However, it is unnecessary to dig far below these headlines to see that this is uncharacteristic of its history: progress towards this current position has been slow and patchy. The paper finds that matters such as the glass ceiling and the use of quotas explain women’s recent success in Queensland politics.

Keywords: feminist historical institutional approach, glass ceiling, quotas, women’s participation in politics

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Authors: Priscilla Echeverria

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For us grown up in neoliberal societies, it is not always clear that we have not only incorporated an economic logic into our subjectivities, but a technical reason, an instrumental way of relationship with the environment inspired in a control interest that constantly dehumanizes us as takes away our capacity of action, becoming mere objects or bureaucrats, stripped of our citizen dimension to participate in social and political issues responsibly and creatively. To restore the capacity of action -agency- is urgent in our societies to strengthen better democracies. On this, the formal educational system plays a crucial role, which in turn needs teachers prepared to understand their role as integral educators instead of mere curriculum managers. For this reason, initial teacher formation (ITF) programs must assume the responsibility of helping them to develop an ethical/political/epistemic pedagogical agency to deal with a technical school culture and, in turn, able to relate to their students in democratic ways to help them to develop their agency capacities. By highlighting a perspective of education as the opposite of technocracy and bureaucracy, this talk precisely addresses ITF as a crucial and formative space to restore a perspective of what a critical education can look like, enabling pedagogy students with pedagogical agency capacities to, in turn, allow their future students to develop it. This discussion is part of my doctoral research, "The importance of developing the capacity for ethical-political-epistemic agency in novice teachers during initial teacher formation to contribute to social justice", which I currently develop in the Educational Research program of the University of Lancaster, United Kingdom, as a Conicyt fellow for the 2019 cohort. This presentation specifically offers preliminary results of the analysis of critical incidents as a research methodological tool to analyse the capacity of pedagogical agency deployed by novice teachers in their first pedagogical experiences in the Chilean context.

Keywords: initial teacher formation, pedagogical agency, pedagogical interaction, hidden curriculum, critical pedagogy, social justice

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Authors: Kgolagano Mpejane

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The study applies a New Institutional Economics (NIE) analytical framework to trade in developing economies by assessing the impacts of institutional quality and institutional quality distance on agricultural trade using a panel data of 15 Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries from the years 1991-2010. The issue of institutions on agricultural trade has not been accorded the necessary attention in the literature, particularly in developing economies. Therefore, the paper empirically tests the gravity model of international trade by measuring the impact of political, economic and legal institutions on intra SADC agricultural trade. The gravity model is noted for its exploratory power and strong theoretical foundation. However, the model has statistical shortcomings in dealing with zero trade values and heteroscedasticity residuals leading to biased results. Therefore, this study employs a two stage Heckman selection model with a Probit equation to estimate the influence of institutions on agricultural trade. The selection stages include the inverse Mills ratio to account for the variable bias of the gravity model. The Heckman model accounts for zero trade values and is robust in the presence of heteroscedasticity. The empirical results of the study support the NIE theory premise that institutions matter in trade. The results demonstrate that institutions determine bilateral agricultural trade on different margins with political institutions having positive and significant influence on bilateral agricultural trade flows within the SADC region. Legal and economic institutions have significant and negative effects on SADC trade. Furthermore, the results of this study confirm that institutional quality distance influences agricultural trade. Legal and political institutional distance have a positive and significant influence on bilateral agricultural trade while the influence of economic, institutional quality is negative and insignificant. The results imply that nontrade barriers, in the form of institutional quality and institutional quality distance, are significant factors limiting intra SADC agricultural trade. Therefore, gains from intra SADC agricultural trade can be attained through the improvement of institutions within the region.

Keywords: agricultural trade, institutions, gravity model, SADC

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Authors: Journey Whitfield

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This study investigates the United States' ongoing violation of Black Americans' fundamental human rights, as evidenced by mass incarceration, social injustice, and economic deprivation. It argues that the U.S. contravenes Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights through policies that uphold systemic racism. The analysis dissects current practices within the criminal justice system, social welfare programs, and economic policy, uncovering the racially disparate impacts of seemingly race-neutral policies. This study establishes a clear lineage between past systems of oppression – slavery and Jim Crow – and present-day racial disparities, demonstrating their inextricable link. The thesis proposes that only a comprehensive reparations program for Black Americans can begin to redress these systemic injustices. This program must transcend mere financial compensation, demanding structural reforms within U.S. institutions to dismantle systemic racism and promote transformative justice. This study explores potential forms of reparations, drawing upon historical precedents, comparative case studies from other nations, and contemporary debates within political philosophy and legal studies. The research employs both qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative methods include historical analysis of legal frameworks and policy documents, as well as discourse analysis of political rhetoric. Quantitative methods involve statistical analysis of socioeconomic data and criminal justice outcomes to expose racial disparities. This study makes a significant contribution to the existing literature on reparations, human rights, and racial injustice in the United States. It offers a rigorous analysis of the enduring consequences of historical oppression and advocates for bold, justice-centered solutions.

Keywords: Black Americans, reparations, mass incarceration, racial injustice, human rights, united states

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Authors: Santiago Martínez Hernández

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The establishment of the European Union signified the culmination of the supra-national power addressing economic, political, legal and humanitarian matters within and above a national territory. Human rights have taken a protagonist role as one of the pressing concerns that the EU addresses, and one of the most critical problems is that of human trafficking. This multi-billion dollar criminal business represents $31.6 per year made out of 2.5 million trafficked persons worldwide, making it one of the most crucial human rights problems in the world to address. The EU has developed strategies to tackle this issue through supra-national governance, however, how have they fared? What is the impact of its development on the issue? This paper will address the direct and indirect impact of the formation of the European Union as a supranational political and economic entity on the illicit industry of human trafficking in Europe. It attempts to analyse first, the situation of human trafficking in Europe, as an attempt to understand its importance in the region, addressing its root causes and the role of the states addressed. Second, the paper will examine the impact of the EU on human breaking down its policy-making at a supranational level, the role of the economic integration of the region, and the change of migration patterns since its inception.

Keywords: human trafficking, human rights, European union, criminal business

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Authors: Souhila Belabbas

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This paper focuses on the Kabyles’ multilingual practices in the UK, within the Kabyle/Amazigh Cultural Organisation in London, on online platforms and at home. The Kabyles have roots in northern Algeria and associate their language, Kabyle, with a pre-Arabized history of northern Africa. Drawing on ethnographic research with this community, this study brings together their post-migration language preservation activisms as well as their dynamic multilingual practices and situational language choice into a dialogue. This shows the enduring significance of the heritage language for social, cultural and historical identity. It also demonstrates that the current survival of the “mother tongue” hinges on multilingual and multi-sited language activisms, which bear the hallmarks of both new creativities and diminishing fluencies in multilingual spaces. These multilingual repertoires also included a range of ideological stances, expressed as cultural, moral, and political attitudes to the “mother tongue” and to other, potentially more dominant, languages in their lives, involving both inclusive and exclusive instances. The Kabyles in the UK practice everyday forms of multilingualism in the dynamic terms whilst making strong identity claims to an endangered heritage language. Crucially, their language contact experiences were not a post-migration novelty but part of their pre-migration lifeworlds. The participants involved in this study shared a commitment to Kabyle identity activism. They expressed this differently, varyingly foregrounding cultural, social or political issues. These differences were related to their North-African cultural background, live, gender, religious and/or political affiliation, as well as to their different migratory trajectories. Among these ethno-conscious individuals, the use of Kabyle was often particularly vibrant in informal domains of casual conversations and mixed in with French, English and often Arabic. During community events and festivals, though, many made special efforts to converse in Kabyle as if to make a point about their commitment to a shared identity.

Keywords: ethnography, language ideology, language choice, heritage language, migration trajectories, multilingual repertoires

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Authors: Souhila Belabbas

Abstract:

This paper focuses on the Kabyles’ multilingual practices in the UK, within the Kabyle/Amazigh Cultural Organisation in London, on online platforms and at home. The Kabyles have roots in northern Algeria and associate their language, Kabyle, with a pre-Arabized history of northern Africa. Drawing on ethnographic research with this community, this study brings together their post-migration language preservation activisms as well as their dynamic multilingual practices and situational language choice into a dialogue. This shows the enduring significance of the heritage language for social, cultural and historical identity. It also demonstrates that the current survival of the “mother tongue” hinges on multilingual and multi-sited language activisms, which bear the hallmarks of both new creativities and diminishing fluencies in multilingual spaces. These multilingual repertoires also included a range of ideological stances, expressed as cultural, moral, and political attitudes to the “mother tongue” and to other, potentially more dominant, languages in their lives, involving both inclusive and exclusive instances. The Kabyles in the UK practice everyday forms of multilingualism in the dynamic terms whilst making strong identity claims to an endangered heritage language. Crucially, their language contact experiences were not a post-migration novelty but part of their pre-migration lifeworlds. The participants involved in this study shared a commitment to Kabyle identity activism. They expressed this differently, varyingly foregrounding cultural, social or political issues. These differences were related to their North-African cultural background, live, gender, religious and/or political affiliation, as well as to their different migratory trajectories. Among these ethno-conscious individuals, the use of Kabyle was often particularly vibrant in informal domains of casual conversations and mixed in with French, English and often Arabic. During community events and festivals, though, many made special efforts to converse in Kabyle as if to make a point about their commitment to a shared identity.

Keywords: ethnography, language ideology, language choice, heritage language, migration trajectories, multilingual repertoires

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Authors: Beth Vale

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Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

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Authors: B. M. Moda, L. F. Secco

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Through free and fair elections and others less democratic processes, Latin America has been gradually turning into a right-wing political region. In order to understand these recent changes, this paper aims to discuss the origin and the traits of the pink wave in the subcontinent, the reasons for its current rollback and future projections for left-wing in the region. The methodology used in this paper will be descriptive and analytical combined with secondary sources mainly from the social and political sciences fields. The canons of the Washington Consensus was implemented by the majority of the Latin American governments in the 80s and 90s under the social democratic and right-wing parties. The neoliberal agenda caused political, social and economic dissatisfaction bursting into a new political configuration for the region. It started in 1998 when Hugo Chávez took the office in Venezuela through the Fifth Republic Movement under the socialist flag. From there on, Latin America was swiped by the so-called ‘pink wave’, term adopted to define the rising of self-designated left-wing or center-left parties with a progressive agenda. After Venezuela, countries like Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Equator, Nicaragua, Paraguay, El Salvador and Peru got into the pink wave. The success of these governments was due a post-neoliberal agenda focused on cash transfers programs, increasing of public spending, and the straightening of national market. The discontinuation of the preference for the left-wing started in 2012 with the coup against Fernando Lugo in Paraguay. In 2015, the chavismo in Venezuela lost the majority of the legislative seats. In 2016, an impeachment removed the Brazilian president Dilma Rousself from office who was replaced by the center-right vice-president Michel Temer. In the same year, Mauricio Macri representing the right-wing party Proposta Republicana was elected in Argentina. In 2016 center-right and liberal, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski was elected in Peru. In 2017, Sebastián Piñera was elected in Chile through the center-right party Renovación Nacional. The pink wave current rollback points towards some findings that can be arranged in two fields. Economically, the 2008 financial crisis affected the majority of the Latin American countries and the left-wing economic policies along with the end of the raw materials boom and the subsequent shrinking of economic performance opened a flank for popular dissatisfaction. In Venezuela, the 2014 oil crisis reduced the revenues for the State in more than 50% dropping social spending, creating an inflationary spiral, and consequently loss of popular support. Politically, the death of Hugo Chavez in 2013 weakened the ‘socialism of the twenty first century’ ideal, which was followed by the death of Fidel Castro, the last bastion of communism in the subcontinent. In addition, several cases of corruption revealed during the pink wave governments made the traditional politics unpopular. These issues challenge the left-wing to develop a future agenda based on innovation of its economic program, improve its legal and political compliance practices, and to regroup its electoral forces amid the social movements that supported its ascension back in the early 2000s.

Keywords: Latin America, political parties, left-wing, right-wing, pink wave

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Authors: Nengi A. H. Ejiobih

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Conflict is one of the defining features of human societies. Often, the use or misuse of language in interaction is the genesis of conflict. As such, it is expected that when people use language they do so in socially determined ways and with almost predictable social effects. The objective of this paper was to examine the interest at work as manifested in language choice and collocations in conflict discourse. It also scrutinized the implications of linguistic features in conflict discourse as it concerns ideology and power relations in political discourse in Nigeria. The methodology used for this paper is an approach from Critical discourse analysis because of its multidisciplinary model of analysis, linguistic features and its implications were analysed. The datum used is a text from the Sunday Sun Newspaper in Nigeria, West Africa titled Akunyili Memo: State of the Nation. Some of the findings include; different ideologies are inherent in conflict discourse, there is the presence of power relations being produced, exercised, maintained and produced throughout the discourse and the use of pronouns in conflict discourse is valuable because it is used to initiate and maintain relationships in social context. This paper has provided evidence that, taking into consideration the nature of the social actions and the way these activities are translated into languages, the meanings people convey by their words are identified by their immediate social, political and historical conditions.

Keywords: conflicts, discourse, language, linguistic features, social context

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Authors: Rim Khemiri, Mariam Dammak

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The aim of this study is to trace the historical evolution of Tunisian higher accounting education and to understand and highlight the circumstances of its birth and its development. A documentary study (archival documents, official documents, public speeches, etc.), as well as semi-directive interviews with key actors, were carried out as part of this research work. These interviews aim to fill a lack of information on this subject and to confirm events addressed by other sources, but for which it lacks the elements necessary for a good understanding. After having put forward the specificities of the Tunisian context, we will, first of all, proceed to a review of the literature related to our theme in various contexts of the world. Then, we will present the evolution of the accounting curriculum by highlighting the circumstances of its birth and those of the successive reforms led by the Tunisian government. The study of higher accounting education in Tunisia and its evolution has several interests. The first lies in understanding the circumstances of its birth and its evolution in relation to the historical, socio-economic, and political context of the country. The second is to propose a reading grid that allows an understanding of the reforms that led to the university accountancy accounting course as we know it today. And, the third, aims to complete the literature on the processes of evolution of higher education accounting, by treating a different context, in order to provide additional knowledge necessary to compare experiences in this area around the world.

Keywords: accounting history, higher accounting education, socio-economic and political context, Tunisian context

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Authors: Bhavana Mahajan

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International Relations is a discipline of paradoxes. The State is the dominant political institution, yet little attention has been accorded to why individual countries behave the way they do with the theoretical analysis dismissing the State as a reactionary monolith – thus States either play to “quest for power” or to “systemic” forces. However, States do behave as and are influenced by agents when interacting with international structures as well as with other states. While questions on “competitive power politics” and “trust” have been examined and developed to a fair extent by International Relations theorists in the post 1990s period, their application to the domain of South Asian politics is limited and little research, if any, examines the conduct of foreign policy beyond rational choice. This paper is an initial attempt to marry these theoretical insights with the foreign policy exercised by India especially the case of the “Gujral Doctrine, as one of “non-reciprocal accommodation”. Ignoring the view that such a policy move can be viewed as political “feinting” or deception, it is noteworthy that India even made the first move in terms of defining its role as one who “trusts” rather than one who “seeks” to trust, given the country’s geo-strategic context and threat perceptions.

Keywords: India’s foreign policy, South Asia, social constructivism, English school, trusting relationships, Gujral Doctrine, rationality

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Authors: Xiaoman Dong

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The refugee problem has a long history, but the scale and severity of modern refugee crises demand us to consider if the progress of political history exacerbates the refugee problem. This paper argues that although sovereignty owes its legitimacy to the protection of human rights, the modern state system complicates the refugee problem by first introducing then blurring the line between human rights and civil rights, and making national identity indispensable to basic livelihood and dignity. This paper first explains the source of the modern state system’s legitimacy by putting it in the context of social contract theories and the politics of nation-building. It then discusses how states create the concept of statelessness, which leads to more violations on human rights. Using historical records of the League of Nations High Commission for Refugees and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, this paper reveals that neither the refugee problem of the Cold-War period nor the current refugee crisis is collateral damage of war, but rather the consequence of intentional exclusionary policies produced out of political interests. Finally, it contends that if the modern state system is to sustain, it cannot prioritize the protection of civil rights of a particular group over the protection of basic human rights of all.

Keywords: burden sharing, human rights, legitimacy of state, positive externality, sovereignty

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Authors: Julianne Viola

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Young people are at a critical stage in their lives, developing from young participants to adult participants in democratic society. At this time, civic engagement is crucial for young people’s sense of belonging and future participation in their communities. In adolescence, individuals form their own identities and associations with others and may accomplish this with the help of technology and social media. In the Digital Age, young people and adults use technology as a platform to discuss political issues, including human rights and social justice but do not always engage in civil discourse. There is an urgent need to investigate this complex interplay of social media, identity formation, and civil discourse as it relates to how teenagers become participants in democratic society and how they engage in civil discourse. This qualitative study draws on theories of identity formation in adolescence and is situated within the literature surrounding teen civic engagement and technology use. Through in-depth interviews with participants ages 14 through 17, this study investigates the ways in which teens conceptualize their civic identities and engagement, presence online, and civil discourse. The context in which the young people in this study have grown up has the potential to impact and inform these processes. Early results of this study illustrate what it means to be a young person in today’s world, and how perceptions of others’ opinions may influence young people’s engagement in their communities and online. Participants in this study often indicated concerns of their age as a constraint on participation in their communities and in society, and a self-imposed restriction around the people with whom they engage in conversation about political and social issues. While the participants shared common concerns and experiences, each participant’s unique perspectives and beliefs are viewed with equal importance. The results from this research will help students, teachers, and community groups learn about the reasons for engagement and disengagement among this age group, and how technology has influenced teens’ dialogue about political issues. With this knowledge, academics and school leaders can devise new ways to best teach citizenship skills and civil discourse to students in the Digital Age.

Keywords: civics, digital age, discourse, sociology of youth, youth studies

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Authors: Praveen Priyadarshi

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What is the nature of the 'political subjects' in the new urban spaces of the Indian cities? How do they become a 'public'? The paper explores these questions by studying the National Capital Region's gated communities in India. Even as the 'gated-ness' of these neighborhoods constantly underlines the definitive spatial boundary of the 'public' that it is constituted within the walls of a particular gated community, the making of this 'public' occurs as much in the digital spaces—in the digital space of online messaging apps and platforms—populated by unique digital identities. It is through constant exchanges of the digital identities that the 'public' is created. However, the institutional framework and the formal rules governing the making of the public are still analogue because they presume and privilege traditional modes of participation for people to constitute a 'public'. The institutions are designed as rules and norms governing people's behavior when they participate in traditional, physical mode, whereas rules and norms designed in the algorithms regulate people's social and political behavior in the digital domain. In exploring this disjuncture between the analogue institutions and the digital public, the paper analytically evaluates the nature of everyday politics in gates neighborhoods in India.

Keywords: gated communities, everyday politics, new urban spaces, digital publics

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Authors: Pooja Kamble

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The study discusses the traumatic circumstances in which the Dalits, who are on the lower rungs of society, endured in all social, political, cultural, and economic aspects. Trauma appears to be employed as a catch-all term in Psychoanalytic literature to describe anything that produces psychological distress. They have suffered for ages, yet there is still no witness to end their existence. Dalits who have suffered at the hands of the upper caste or Brahmins have had a lasting impact on their mentality in this caste system. The trauma of caste is a psychoanalytic method for studying the mental state, nature, and existence of Dalits in society. It also provides a little overview of how this experience evolved the mental wounds that were left undetected. The anguish of horrible harassment and repressive treatment faced by countless generations of souls was difficult to put into words. This article highlights some of the phases that must be understood and concentrated on, as well as the traumatic environment in which they lived for several years. After acquiring recognition and political support, it is proposed to eliminate its existence. Even after relocating to independent India, we were unable to delve further into its origins. Independence itself speaks of freedom in all aspects, yet Dalits continue to be suppressed; they have failed to win freedom for their existence, despite their lengthy struggle against oppression. This article will help you comprehend the Dalit's emotional trauma that has made their life and battles more difficult to deal with, as systematically analyzed by Thenmozhi Soundararajan in the work The Trauma of Caste.

Keywords: trauma, psychoanalytic, dalits, caste

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Authors: Manuel Branco

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This paper argues that mainstream economics is one of the reasons that can explain the difficulty in fully realizing human rights because its logic is intrinsically contradictory to human rights, most especially economic, social and cultural rights. First, its utilitarianism, both in its cardinal and ordinal understanding, contradicts human rights principles. Maximizing aggregate utility along the lines of cardinal utility is a theoretical exercise that consists in ensuring as much as possible that gains outweigh losses in society. In this process an individual may get worse off, though. If mainstream logic is comfortable with this, human rights' logic does not. Indeed, universality is a key principle in human rights and for this reason the maximization exercise should aim at satisfying all citizens’ requests when goods and services necessary to secure human rights are at stake. The ordinal version of utilitarianism, in turn, contradicts the human rights principle of indivisibility. Contrary to ordinal utility theory that ranks baskets of goods, human rights do not accept ranking when these goods and services are necessary to secure human rights. Second, by relying preferably on market logic to allocate goods and services, mainstream economics contradicts human rights because the intermediation of money prices and the purpose of profit may cause exclusion, thus compromising the principle of universality. Finally, mainstream economics sees human rights mainly as constraints to the development of its logic. According to this view securing human rights would, then, be considered a cost weighing on economic efficiency and, therefore, something to be minimized. Fully realizing human rights needs, therefore, a different approach. This paper discusses a human rights-based political economy. This political economy, among other characteristics should give up mainstream economics narrow utilitarian approach, give up its belief that market logic should guide all exchanges of goods and services between human beings, and finally give up its view of human rights as constraints on rational choice and consequently on good economic performance. Giving up mainstream’s narrow utilitarian approach means, first embracing procedural utility and human rights-aimed consequentialism. Second, a more radical break can be imagined; non-utilitarian, or even anti-utilitarian, approaches may emerge, then, as alternatives, these two standpoints being not necessarily mutually exclusive, though. Giving up market exclusivity means embracing decommodification. More specifically, this means an approach that takes into consideration the value produced outside the market and an allocation process no longer necessarily centered on money prices. Giving up the view of human rights as constraints means, finally, to consider human rights as an expression of wellbeing and a manifestation of choice. This means, in turn, an approach that uses indicators of economic performance other than growth at the macro level and profit at the micro level, because what we measure affects what we do.

Keywords: economic and social rights, political economy, economic theory, markets

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Authors: Shehu Isyaku

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The general objective of the study was to investigate ‘the relationship between the external business environment and the sustainability of micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) in Jigawa state’, Nigeria. Specifically, the study was to examine the relationship between 1) the economic environment, 2) the social environment, 3) the technological environment, and 4) the political environment and the sustainability of MSMEs in Jigawa state, Nigeria. The study was drawn on Resource-Based View (RBV) Theory and Knowledge-Based View (KBV). The study employed a descriptive cross-sectional survey design. A researcher-made questionnaire was used to collect data from the 350 managers/owners who were selected using stratified, purposive and simple random sampling techniques. Data analysis was done using means and standard deviations, factor analysis, Correlation Coefficient, and Pearson Linear Regression analysis. The findings of the study revealed that the sustainability potentials of the managers/owners were rated as high potential (economic, environmental, and social sustainability using 5 5-point Likert scale. Mean ratings of effectiveness of the external business environment were; as highly effective. The results from the Pearson Linear Regression Analysis rejected the hypothesized non-significant effect of the external business environment on the sustainability of MSMEs. Specifically, there is a positive significant relationship between 1) economic environment and sustainability; 2) social environment and sustainability; 3) technological environment and sustainability and political environment and sustainability. The researcher concluded that MSME managers/owners have a high potential for economic, social and environmental sustainability and that all the constructs of the external business environment (economic environment, social environment, technological environment and political environment) have a positive significant relationship with the sustainability of MSMEs. Finally, the researcher recommended that 1) MSME managers/owners need to develop marketing strategies and intelligence systems to accumulate information about the competitors and customers' demands, 2) managers/owners should utilize the customers’ cultural and religious beliefs as an opportunity that should be utilized while formulating business strategies.

Keywords: business environment, sustainability, small and medium enterprises, external business environment

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Authors: Nasurullah Qureshi

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Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi Mujadid Alif Thani (1564-1624) and his philosophy had influenced sub-continent as the whole; its rulers and nation. In his reign, he convinced the rulers toward Islamic way of life and succeed in his goal. After his death in 1624, his family consecutively produced prominent scholars to present. Some of them moved to Afghanistan and Pakistan's cities i.e., Jalalabad, Qandhar, Peshawar, Queta, Shikarpur, Hyderabad, and Sehwan. They played a vital role in their areas and transmitted spiritual and legal Islamic teachings to people. This research is aimed to elaborate efforts of the family's Sindh settled branch from 1898-present in fields of politics and Islamic education. Their link with Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi will be provided in the introduction. After that, the work will explain their scholarly published work briefly in different fields of Islamic studies such as Quran exegeses and its translation in Sindhi language, Hadith and its sciences, Islamic Jurisprudence, Sufism and etc. In addition, their political role will be briefly discussed in the research throughout the period, especially their noticeable role in the separate homeland for Muslims in the subcontinent. Furthermore, the impact of their scholarly work, political influence and spirituality will be enlightened. Lastly, the research will present the critical viewpoint on their struggle.

Keywords: Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, Sirhindi scholars, Sindh, Sufism

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Authors: Mohammad Aynal Haque

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Under the international cooperation — Paris Agreement — countries outline their self-determined policy ambition for emissions reduction in their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) as a key to addressing climate change globally. Although practically all countries commit themselves to reach the Paris landmark (below 20 C) globally, some act as climate leaders, others behave as followers, and others turn out to be climate laggards. As a result, there is a substantial variation in ‘emissions reduction targets’ across countries. Thus, a question emerges: What explains this variation? Or why do some countries opt for higher while others opt for lower ‘emissions reduction targets toward global mitigation efforts? Conceptualizing the ‘emissions reduction targets by 2030’ outlined in NDCs by each country as the climate policy ambition (CPA), this paper explores how certain national political, economic, environmental, and external factors play vital roles in determining climate policy ambition. Based on the cross-country regression analysis among 168 countries, this study finds that democracy, vulnerability to climate change effects, and foreign direct investment have substantial effects on CPA. The paper also finds that resource capacity has a minimal negative effect on CPA across developed countries.

Keywords: climate change, Paris agreement, international cooperation, political economy, environmental politics, NDCs

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Authors: Sumaira Saleem, Sajjad Hussain, Asma Kashif Shahzad, Hina Shaheen

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This study aims at exploring the relationship between language and ideology and how such relationships are represented in the analysis of spoken texts, following Van Dijk’s Socio Cognitive Model (2002). In this study, it is tried to show that political Talk shows broadcast by Private TV channels are working apparatuses of ideology and store meanings which are not always obvious for readers. This analysis was about the situation created by Arslan Iftkhar, the son of ex-Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudry and PTI Chief Imran Khan. Arslan Iftikhar submitted an application against Imran Khan that he is not able to become a member of parliament of Pakistan. In the application, he demanded the documents, which are submitted by Imran Khan at the time of Election to the Election Commission of Pakistan. Murad Ali from PTI also submitted an application against PM Nawaz Sharif to the Election Commission of Pakistan for providing the copies. It also suggests that these talk shows mystify the agency of processes by using various strategies. In other words, critical text analyses reveal how these choices enable speakers to manipulate the realizations of agency and power in the representation of action to produce particular meanings which are not always explicit for all readers.

Keywords: ECP, CDA, socio cognitive model, ideology, TV channels, power

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Authors: Guilherme Oliveira

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The assimilation of images and their potential symbolism into lived experiences is inherent. It is through this exercise of recognition via imagistic records that the questioning of the origins of a constant narrative stimulated by the media arises. The construction of the "Man" archetype and the reflections of active masculine imagery in the 21st century, when conveyed through media channels, could potentially have detrimental effects. Addressing this systematic behavioral chronology of virile cisgender, permeated imagistically through these means, involves exploring potential resolutions. Thus, an investigation process is initiated into the potential representation of the 'hero' in this media emulation through idols contextualized in the political sphere, with the purpose of elucidating the processes of simulation and emulation of narratives based on mythical, historical, and sacred accounts. In this process of sharing, the narratives contained in the imagistic structuring offered by information dissemination channels seek validation through a process of public acceptance. To achieve this consensus, a visual set adorned with mythological and sacred symbolisms adapted to the intended environment is promoted, thus utilizing sociocultural characteristics in favor of political marketing. Visual recognition, therefore, becomes a direct reflection of a cultural heritage acquired through lived human experience, stimulated by continuous representations throughout history. Echoes of imagery and narratives undergo a constant process of resignification of their concepts, sharpened by their premises, and adapted to the environment in which they seek to establish themselves. Political figures analyzed in this article employ the practice of taking possession of symbolisms, mythological stories, and heroisms and adapt their visual construction through a continuous praxis of emulation. Thus, they utilize iconic mythological narratives to gain credibility through belief. Utilizing iconic mythological narratives for credibility through belief, the idol becomes the very act of release of trauma, offering believers liberation from preconceived concepts and allowing for the attribution of new meanings. To dissolve this issue and highlight the subjectivities within the intention of the image, a linguistic, semiotic, and anthropological methodology is created. Linguistics uses expressions like 'Blaming the Image' to create a mechanism of expressive action in questioning why to blame a construction or visual composition and thus seek answers in the first act. Semiotics and anthropology develop an imagistic atlas of graphic analysis, seeking to make connections, comparisons, and relations between modern and sacred/mystical narratives, emphasizing the different subjective layers of embedded symbolism. Thus, it constitutes a performative act of disarming the image. It creates a disenchantment of the superficial gaze under the constant reproduction of visual content stimulated by virtual networks, enabling a discussion about the acceptance of caricatures characterized by past fables.

Keywords: image, heroic narrative, media heroism, virile politics, political, myth, sacred performance, visual mythmaking, characterization dynamics

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Authors: Sajjad Ahmed

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Since September 2001, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have become a hotbed of Talibanization. The eruption of Talibanization has caused a catastrophic human and socio-economic cost on Pakistan ever since. The vast majority of extant studies have tended to focus on assessing the current disparaging and destructive condition of FATA as a product of the notorious 'Global War on Terrorism' and its consequences in the form of the Afghan war and the rising socio-political unrest in the region. This, however, is not the case. This study argues that the Talibanization has not happened overnight, the magma of current militant volcanic outburst has been stockpiled since the inception of Pakistan in 1947. The study claims that the Talibanization is the expression of the conflict between the privileged and the underprivileged. The prevailing situation in FATA warrants an in-depth analysis of the problem. By using a qualitative and quantitative research principle, this paper attempts to critically examine 'How is Talibanization in Pakistan connected with the political, social, and economic conditions in FATA?' The critical analyses of this study would assist to policymakers in order to formulate all-encompassing anti-radicalization policies to effectively root out Talibanization in FATA. This research intends to explore the undiscovered root causes of the problem and to suggest remedial measures.

Keywords: exclusion, FATA (Federally Administrated Tribal Areas), inequalities, marginalization, Pakistan, socio-economic, talibanization

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