Search results for: political economy

Authors: Valentina Piric, Maja Martinovic, Zoran Barac

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The application of marketing to the domain of politics has become relevant in recent times. With this article the authors wanted to explore the issue of the current political engagement among young people in Croatia. The question is what makes young people (age 18-30) politically active in young democracies such as that of the Republic of Croatia. Therefore, the objective of this study was to discover the real or hidden motivations behind the decision to actively participate in politics among young members of the two largest political parties in the country – the Croatian Democratic Union and the Social Democratic Party of Croatia. The study expected to find that the motivation for political engagement of young people is often connected with a possible achievement of individual goals and egoistic needs such as: self-acceptance, social success, financial success, prestige, reputation, status, recognition from the others etc. It was also expected that, due to the poor economic and social situation in the country, young people feel an increasing disconnection from politics. Additionally, the authors expected to find that there is a huge potential to engage young people in the political life of the country through a proper and more interactive use of marketing communication campaigns and social media platforms, with an emphasis on highly ethical motives of political activity and their benefits to society. All respondents included in the quantitative survey (sample size [N=100]) are active in one of the two largest political parties in Croatia. The sampling and distribution of the survey occurred in the field in September 2016. The results of the survey demonstrate that in Croatia, the way young people feel about politics and act accordingly, are in fact similar to what the theory describes. The research findings reveal that young people are politically active; however, the challenge is to find a way to motivate even more young people in Croatia to actively participate in the political and democratic processes in the country and to encourage them to see additional benefits out of this practice, not only related to their individual motives, but related more to the well-being of Croatia as a country and of every member of society. The research also discovered a huge potential for political marketing communication possibilities, especially related to interactive social media. It is possible that the social media channels have a stronger influence on the decision-making process among young people when compared to groups of reference. The level of interest in politics among young Croatians varies; some of them are almost indifferent, whilst others express a serious interest in different ways to actively contribute to the political life of the country, defining a participation in the political life of their country almost as their moral obligation. However, additional observations and further research need to be conducted to get a clearer and more precise picture about the interest in politics among young people in Croatia and their social potential.

Keywords: Croatia, marketing communication, motivation, politics, young people

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Authors: Mahmood Seyyed, Akram Salehi Heykoei, Hamidreza Safakish Kashani

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Among the remaining resource of the past, coins considered as an authentic documents among the most important documentary sources. The coins were minted in a place that called mint. The number and position of the mints in each period reflects the amount of economic power, political security and business growth, which was always fluctuated its position with changing the political and economic condition. Considering that, trade has more growth during the Safavid period than previous ones, the mint also has been in greater importance. It seems the one hand, the growth of economic in Safavid period has a direct link with the number and places of the mints at that time and in the other hand, the mints have been formed in some places because of the specific characteristic of cities and regions. Increasing the number of mints in the north of the country due to the growth of silk trade and in the west and northwest due to the political and commercial relation with Ottoman Empire, also the characteristics such as existence of mines, located in the Silk Road and communication ways, all are the results of this investigation. Accordingly, in this article researcher tries to examine the characteristics that give priority to a city for having mint. With considering that in the various historical periods, the mints were based in the most important cities in terms of political and social, at that time, this article examines the cities specific characteristics in the formation of the mints in Safavid period.

Keywords: documentary sources, coins, mint, city, Safavid

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Authors: Hassan Medaghri Alaoui

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The accounting and financial reporting system in use today is over 500 years old and has failed to capture the new knowledge and innovation economy in which intangible assets are becoming increasingly valuable. Yet, there has been a growing acknowledgment among the research community as to the relevance of intellectual capital as a major enhancer of an organization’s well-being. Much of the research provides great support for how the IC is instrumental in determining financial and stock performances. As far as we know, this article is one of the earliest exploratory attempts to examine the intellectual capital impact on the corporate performance of the IT sector in Morocco. The purpose of this study is to verify empirically the influence of intellectual capital on firm performance. We have undertaken, over a fifteen-year period, a longitudinal (2005–2019) case study of a prominent payment-solutions company based in a developing economy with global operations.

Keywords: intellectual capital, IT sector, measuring intellectual capital, modified value added intellectual capital coefficient, Morocco

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Authors: Gleyce Assis Da Silva Barbosa

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In recent years, we have witnessed a vertiginous growth of large education companies. Daughters of national and world capital, these companies expand both through consolidated physical networks in the form of branches spread across the territory and through institutional networks such as business networks through mergers, acquisitions, creation of new companies and influence. They do this by incorporating small, medium and large schools and universities, teaching systems and other products and services. They are also able to weave their webs directly or indirectly in philanthropic circles, limited partnerships, family businesses and even in public education through various mechanisms of outsourcing, privatization and commercialization of products for the sector. Although the growth of these groups in basic education seems to us a recent phenomenon in peripheral countries such as Brazil, its diffusion is closely linked to higher education conglomerates and other sectors of the economy forming oligopolies, which began to expand in the 1990s with strong state support and through political reforms that redefined its role, transforming it into a fundamental agent in the formation of guidelines to boost the incorporation of neoliberal logic. This expansion occurred through the objectification of education, commodifying it and transforming students into consumer clients. Financial power combined with the neo-liberalization of state public policies allowed the profusion of social exclusion, the increase of individuals without access to basic services, deindustrialization, automation, capital volatility and the indetermination of the economy; in addition, this process causes capital to be valued and devalued at rates never seen before, which together generates various impacts such as the precariousness of work. Understanding the connection between these processes, which engender the economy, allows us to see their consequences in labor relations and in the territory. In this sense, it is necessary to analyze the geographic-economic context and the role of the facilitating agents of this process, which can give us clues about the ongoing transformations and the directions of education in the national and even international scenario since this process is linked to the multiple scales of financial globalization. Therefore, the present research has the general objective of analyzing the socio-spatial impacts of financialization and the formation of oligopolies in Brazilian basic education. For this, the survey of laws, data, and public policies on the subject in question was used as a methodology. As a methodology, the work was based on some data from these companies available on websites for investors. Survey of information from global and national companies that operate in Brazilian basic education. In addition to mapping the expansion of educational oligopolies using public data on the location of schools. With this, the research intends to provide information about the ongoing commodification process in the country. Discuss the consequences of the oligopolization of education, considering the impacts that financialization can bring to teaching work.

Keywords: financialization, oligopolies, education, Brazil

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Authors: Hasan S. Mahmoud, Salwa M. Beheiry, Vian Ahmed

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In light of the repercussions of the 2008 global economic crisis, the response of the United Arab Emirates economy and growth, and the vast construction activities that are undergoing, there is a need to investigate the relationship between construction activities and the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This study aims to investigate the causality relationship between the construction industry in the United Arab Emirates and the GDP of the country in the last decade. For that, this study will investigate the relationship between the growth of the GDP and the growth of construction activities and their value addition to the economy. To ascertain this relationship, Granger Causality method is used to identify the causality between the time-dependent series.

Keywords: construction value addition, Granger causality, growth of gross domestic product, United Arab Emirates

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Authors: Ismatilla Mardanov

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There are three types of countries, the first of which is willing to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) in enormous amounts and do whatever it takes to make this happen. Therefore, FDI pours into such countries. In the second cluster of countries, even if the country is suffering tremendously from the shortage of investments, the governments are hesitant to attract investments because they are at the hands of local oligarchs/cartels. Therefore, FDI inflows are moderate to low in such countries. The third type is countries whose companies prefer investing in the most efficient locations globally and are hesitant to invest in the homeland. Sorting countries into such clusters, the present study examines the essential institutions and economic factors that make these countries different. Past literature has discussed various determinants of FDI in all kinds of countries. However, it did not classify countries based on government motivation, institutional setup, and economic factors. A specific approach to each target country is vital for corporate foreign direct investment risk analysis and decisions. The research questions are 1. What specific institutional and economic factors paint the pictures of the three clusters; 2. What specific institutional and economic factors are determinants of FDI; 3. Which of the determinants are endogenous and exogenous variables? 4. How can institutions and economic and political variables impact corporate investment decisions Hypothesis 1: In the first type, country institutions and economic factors will be favorable for FDI. Hypothesis 2: In the second type, even if country economic factors favor FDI, institutions will not. Hypothesis 3: In the third type, even if country institutions favorFDI, economic factors will not favor domestic investments. Therefore, FDI outflows occur in large amounts. Methods: Data come from open sources of the World Bank, the Fraser Institute, the Heritage Foundation, and other reliable sources. The dependent variable is FDI inflows. The independent variables are institutions (economic and political freedom indices) and economic factors (natural, material, and labor resources, government consumption, infrastructure, minimum wage, education, unemployment, tax rates, consumer price index, inflation, and others), the endogeneity or exogeneity of which are tested in the instrumental variable estimation. Political rights and civil liberties are used as instrumental variables. Results indicate that in the first type, both country institutions and economic factors, specifically labor and logistics/infrastructure/energy intensity, are favorable for potential investors. In the second category of countries, the risk of loss of assets is very high due to governmentshijacked by local oligarchs/cartels/special interest groups. In the third category of countries, the local economic factors are unfavorable for domestic investment even if the institutions are well acceptable. Cluster analysis and instrumental variable estimation were used to reveal cause-effect patterns in each of the clusters.

Keywords: foreign direct investment, economy, institutions, instrumental variable estimation

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Authors: Rasim M. Alguliyev, Alovsat G. Aliyev, Roza O. Shahverdiyeva

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The paper investigated the role and position of high techno-parks, which is one of the priorities of Azerbaijan. The main objectives, functions and features of the establishment of high-techno parks, as well as organization of the activity of the structural elements, which are the parking complex and their interactions were analyzed. The development, organization and management of high techno-parks were studied. The key features and functions of innovative structures’ management were explained. The need for a comprehensive management system for the development of high-techno parks was emphasized and the major problems were analyzed. In addition, the methods were proposed for the development of information systems supporting decision making in systematic and sustainable management of the parks.

Keywords: innovative development, innovation processes, innovation economy, innovation infrastructure, high technology park, efficient management, management decisions, information insurance

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Authors: Liam Fassam, Pouria Liravi, Jacquie Bridgman

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Introduction: The way we travel is rapidly changing, car ownership and use are declining among young people and those residents in urban areas. Also, the increasing role and popularity of sharing economy companies like Uber highlight a movement towards consuming transportation solutions as a service [Mobility of a Service]. This research looks to bridge the knowledge gap that exists between city mobility, smart cities, sharing economy and social entrepreneurship business models. Understanding of this subject is crucial for smart city design, as access to affordable transport has been identified as a contributing factor to social isolation leading to issues around health and wellbeing. Methodology: To explore the current fit vis-a-vis transportation business models and social impact this research undertook a comparative analysis between a systematic literature review and a Delphi study. The systematic literature review was undertaken to gain an appreciation of the current academic thinking on ‘social entrepreneurship and smart city mobility’. The second phase of the research initiated a Delphi study across a group of 22 participants to review future opinion on ‘how social entrepreneurship can assist city mobility sharing models?’. The Delphi delivered an initial 220 results, which once cross-checked for duplication resulted in 130. These 130 answers were sent back to participants to score importance against a 5-point LIKERT scale, enabling a top 10 listing of areas for shared user transports in society to be gleaned. One further round (4) identified no change in the coefficient of variant thus no further rounds were required. Findings: Initial results of the literature review returned 1,021 journals using the search criteria ‘social entrepreneurship and smart city mobility’. Filtering allied to ‘peer review’, ‘date’, ‘region’ and ‘Chartered associated of business school’ ranking proffered a resultant journal list of 75. Of these, 58 focused on smart city design, 9 on social enterprise in cityscapes, 6 relating to smart city network design and 3 on social impact, with no journals purporting the need for social entrepreneurship to be allied to city mobility. The future inclusion factors from the Delphi expert panel indicated that smart cities needed to include shared economy models in their strategies. Furthermore, social isolation born by costs of infrastructure needed addressing through holistic A-political social enterprise models, and a better understanding of social benefit measurement is needed. Conclusion: In investigating the collaboration between key public transportation stakeholders, a theoretical model of social enterprise transportation models that positively impact upon the smart city needs of reduced transport poverty and social isolation was formed. As such, the research has identified how a revised business model of Mobility of a Service allied to a social entrepreneurship can deliver impactful measured social benefits associated to smart city design existent research.

Keywords: social enterprise, collaborative transportation, new models of ownership, transport social impact

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Authors: Neeraj Shetye

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A common phenomenon between the rise of leaders like Mussolini and Adolf Hitler in the 20th century is their 'charisma'. They possessed the ability to seduce the crowd not just by the things they said but also by the way they said it. Aristotle defined rhetoric as an art of persuasion and reasoning which is how social scientists understand the concept. Political rhetoric in a modern democracy has several complexities including the huge number of speakers, quantity of information, diverse viewpoints, number of candidates and the impact of digital age. Politics in India since the seventies have been 'visibly dominated' by uses of rhetorical language and with a number of slogans. This idea of how language can steer an individual to establish or adopt a certain viewpoint has not been a focus of study in the Indian discourse. In a linguistically diverse region such as India, the idea of political rhetoric is vast and may not be accomplished in a year. There are in-depth studies by western thinkers on European or American political rhetoric unlike their Asian counterparts such as China, India or any of the Pacific nations. India saw an integration of states based on languages. Keeping this idea in mind, this paper aims to cover one political party that rose to its prominence over five decades and most significantly known for its conservative expression: Shivsena. Shivsena’s rise during the eighties and eventually establishing their government in the nineties are two fascinating periods to focus especially with a simultaneous rise of Bombay underworld, Babri demolition and major economic policy changes in the form of liberalisation (1991) and globalization (1995). This project attempts to study this with a two-fold methodology: literature review and fieldwork. There is an immense literature on Shivsena by both its admirers and critiques, contributing to both sides of the debate. Scholars have been writing about this party over these years and have keenly observed its growing popularity amongst the masses. There is just one intention behind this project, and it is to connect and analyse the vast, dispersed literature that is available and contribute to a field that has not been adequately analysed in the academic discourse.

Keywords: India, language, political rhetoric, Shivsena, slogans

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Authors: Salieg L. Munestri

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War on Terror became a principal war after the 9/11 attacks on U.S. homeland. Instead of helping to build up worldwide efforts to condemn terror and suicide bombings, the U.S.-led war on terror has given opportunities for the vast spread of terror. In much of Muslim world recently, the Bush’s Doctrine pushing all nations to choose sides in a war that is not truly a war has resulted worse effects. In the world’s most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, more terror occurred since then. Instead of reinforcing the well-trained anti-terror military forces, Indonesian government established US-funded Special Detachment 88 to guarantee the accomplishment of war on terror in Indonesia and significantly to bring impact on regional security atmosphere. Indonesia is a potential power in Asia but it lacked off sophisticated military equipments. Consequently, Indonesia agrees to become a U.S. mutual partner in combating terrorism managed by Defense Security Cooperation Agency. The formation of elite anti-terror forces and U.S. partnerships perform Indonesia’s commitment to take a position beside the U.S. in coping with terrorism issue. However, this undeniably brings consequences on Indonesian political athmosphere, which encourages the writer to dig deep the consequences on the domestic environment of Indonesian political system. The establishment of the elite forces has aroused fluctuations within government, chiefly Indonesian House, concerning the establishment urgency, the large amount of funding, and the unpleasant performances, particularly the treatment toward suspected terrorists. Hence, evaluation process upon the Detachment 88 is highly demanding.

Keywords: anti-terror forces, Indonesia, political system, war on terror

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Authors: K. Lekshmi

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Land becomes a predominant constituent of transitional justice paradigm subsequent to the apartheid inspired land grabs and conflict induced forceful evictions in South Africa effecting land encroachment, expropriation, and alienation. In this pretext, post-Apartheid regime initiated land reconciliation measures which presume to overcome the politically appropriated historical injustices in conjunction with reconstructing transitional justice. As land grabs became one of the quintessential repercussions followed by ethnic cleansing in South Africa, it is prominent to study how land reconciliation becomes necessary in imparting transitional justice to the victims. The study also looks into the nature of developmental pattern after re- territorialization process in a post-conflict country like South Africa and, tries to look how re-territorialization process construed the functional distribution of income vis-a-vis income inequality in particular. Further the paper attempts to study how far land distribution and equal access as part of the land reconciliation process juxtaposed the principle of restitution. Research methodology applied is empirical followed by analytical research.

Keywords: development, land reconciliation, transitional justice, income inequality and displacement, re-territorialization

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Authors: Nur Rafeeda Daut

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The significance of this paper is to provide an insight on the role of social movement in building stronger ethnic relations in Malaysia. In particular, it focuses on how the BERSIH movement have been able to bring together the different ethnic groups in Malaysia to resist the present political administration that is seen to manipulate the electoral process and oppress the basic freedom of expression of Malaysians. Attention is given on how and why this group emerged and its mobilisation strategies. Malaysia which is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society gained its independence from the British in 1957. Like many other new nations, it faces the challenges of nation building and governance. From economic issues to racial and religious tension, Malaysia is experiencing high level of corruption and income disparity among the different ethnic groups. The political parties in Malaysia are also divided along ethnic lines. BERSIH which is translated as ‘clean’ is a movement which seeks to reform the current electoral system in Malaysia to ensure equality, justice, free and fair elections. It was originally formed in 2007 as a joint committee that comprised leaders from political parties, civil society groups and NGOs. In April 2010, the coalition developed as an entirely civil society movement unaffiliated to any political party. BERSIH claimed that the electoral roll in Malaysia has been marred by fraud and other irregularities. In 2015, the BERSIH movement organised its biggest rally in Malaysia which also includes 38 other rallies held internationally. Supporters of BERSIH that participated in the demonstration were comprised of all the different ethnic groups in Malaysia. In this paper, two social movement theories are used: resource mobilization theory and political opportunity structure to explain the emergence and mobilization of the BERSIH movement in Malaysia. Based on these two theories, corruption which is believed to have contributed to the income disparity among Malaysians has generated the development of this movement. The rise of re-islamisation values propagated by certain groups in Malaysia and the shift in political leadership has also created political opportunities for this movement to emerge. In line with the political opportunity structure theory, the BERSIH movement will continue to create more opportunities for the empowerment of civil society and the unity of ethnic relations in Malaysia. Comparison is made on the degree of ethnic unity in the country before and after BERSIH was formed. This would include analysing the level of re-islamisation values and also the level of corruption in relation to economic income under the premiership of the former Prime Minister Mahathir and the present Prime Minister Najib Razak. The country has never seen such uprisings like BERSIH where ethnic groups which over the years have been divided by ethnic based political parties and economic disparity joined together with a common goal for equality and fair elections. As such, the BERSIH movement is a unique case where it illustrates the change of political landscape, ethnic relations and civil society in Malaysia.

Keywords: ethnic relations, Malaysia, political opportunity structure, resource mobilization theory and social movement

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Authors: Ebrahim Rahmani, Siyamak Moazeni

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According to the Iraq's first constitutional law (approved 2005), Iraq is an independent with sovereignty and its governmental structure is parliamentary democratic republic and federal. Even in reforms in 2009, this article of law did not changed at all. But considering the existence of this emphasis and clarity which is mentioned in the law, different and sometimes contradictory interpretations and positions are expressed about federalism in the way that we can say, considering the importance of the matter, federalism is a focus point to create and expansion of the cold war among leaders of different groups of the country. Iraq's today political and security position has granted the suitable opportunity to Iraq's Kurdistan in appearing of the recent security crisis to increase its share from the central political power or to achieve to its independent dream. The federalism the weakest point of Iraq's territorial integrity in a way that if different groups do not come to a consensus about it and do not think about a mechanism which is accepted by all of them, this can effect on and Iraq's political stability and security. Iraq's Kurdistan follows the option of disintegration and separation under the shadow of political and security changes, even with existence of some Iraqi groups' hopes regarding the improvement of situation after parliament election and also considering Masoud Barezani's power will for separation from Iraq as well as regarding special international changes and disintegration of Karime from Ukraine and ISIS crises; concerns have been created among regional and international powers and interior players. In this article, a paradox due constitutional law about federalism, Iraq's central government view and its politicians to the matter and the regional effect of this action on region's geopolitics are reviewed as well.

Keywords: constitutional law, federalism, decomposition, Iraq's Kurdistan

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Authors: Muhammet Erbay

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The phenomenon of communication that has been studied by different disciplines has social, political and economical aspects. The scope of communication has extended from a traditional content to the modern world which is under the control of mass media. Nowadays, thanks to globalization and technological facilities, many companies, public or international institutions take advantage of new communication technologies and overhaul their policies. European Union (EU) is one of the effective institutions in this sphere. It aims to harmonize the communication infrastructure and policies of member countries which have gone through the process of political unification. It is a significant problem for the unification of EU to have legal restrictions or critical differences in communication facilities among countries while technology stands at the center of economic and social life. Therefore, EU institutions place a particular importance to their communication policies. Besides, communication processes have a vital importance in creating a European public opinion in the process of political integration. Based on the evaluation above, the aim of this paper is to analyze the cohesion process of Turkey that tries to take an active role in EU communication policies and has on-going negotiations. This article does not only confine itself to the technical details of communication policies but also aims to evaluate socio-political dimension of the process. Therefore, a corporate review has been featured in the study and Turkey's compliance process in communication policies on European Union has been evaluated by the means of deduction method. Some problematic areas have been identified in compliance process on communication policies such as human rights and minority rights, whereas compliance process on communication infrastructure and technology proceeds effectively.

Keywords: communication policies, European Union, integration, Turkey

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Authors: Mohammad Jamiu Abdullahi, Shykh Ahmed Abdussalam

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The emergence of Arabic on the shore of West Africa heralded the practise of Islam and advocation for a just and egalitarian society. Islam, it was argued, has been perverted and subverted by the Hausa leadership. This necessitated the call for reforming Islam. Al-Shaykh Usman Bin Fodio grabbed the opportunity and fought the perverts to restore the glory of Islam and establish shari'ah way of life. This was the practice, especially in the northern part of Nigeria until the incursion of colonialism. The conquest of the colonial master halted the rule of jihadi leaderships and subjected them to colonialism under which only some aspects of Islamic system considered potentially beneficial to the British interest were retained. The current socio-political and economic crises in Nigeria has necessitated the need to look inwardly to the bulk of works, in Arabic, left behind by the Muslim scholars to help to salvage the country from its present political crisis, economic paralysis and legal decadence. This paper, therefore, examines the relevance of Arabic literary works that housed political/legal theories to salvaging the country from its present political crises, economic paralysis and legal decadence.

Keywords: Arabic Fodio Nigeria security, advocacy governance scholar Usman, British colonial perspective shaykh, leadership Islam jihad politics

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Authors: Mohammad Mahdi Paydar, Armin Cheraghalipour, Mostafa Hajiaghaei-Keshteli

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Nowadays, in advanced countries, agriculture as one of the most significant sectors of the economy, plays an important role in its political and economic independence. Due to farmers' lack of information about products' demand and lack of proper planning for harvest time, annually the considerable amount of products is corrupted. Besides, in this paper, we attempt to improve these unfavorable conditions via designing an effective supply chain network that tries to minimize total costs of agricultural products along with minimizing shortage in demand points. To validate the proposed model, a stochastic optimization approach by using a branch and bound solver of the LINGO software is utilized. Furthermore, to accumulate the data of parameters, a case study in Mazandaran province placed in the north of Iran has been applied. Finally, using ɛ-constraint approach, a Pareto front is obtained and one of its Pareto solutions as best solution is selected. Then, related results of this solution are explained. Finally, conclusions and suggestions for the future research are presented.

Keywords: perishable products, stochastic optimization, agricultural supply chain, ɛ-constraint

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Authors: Dereje Ferede, Solomon Negash

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Artificial Intelligence (AI) is a key enabler and driver to transform and revolutionize the healthcare industries. However, utilizing AI and achieving these benefits is challenging for different sectors in wide-ranging, more difficult for developing economy healthcare. Due to this, real-world clinical execution and implementation of AI have not yet aged. We believe that examining the determinants is key to addressing these challenges. Furthermore, the literature does not yet particularize determinants of AI capabilities and ways of empowering the healthcare ecosystem to develop AI capabilities in a developing economy. Thus, this study aims to position AI as a digital transformation weapon for the healthcare ecosystem by examining AI capability determinants and providing insights on better empowering the healthcare industry to develop AI capabilities. To do so, we base on the technology-organization-environment (TOE) model and will apply a mixed research approach. We will conclude with recommendations based on findings for future practitioners and researchers.

Keywords: artificial intelligence, capability, digital transformation, developing economies, healthcare

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Authors: Mohadese Motahari

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In general, we consider the phenomenon of "fandism" or extreme fandom to be an aspect of fandom for a person, a group, or a collection, which leads to extreme support for them. So, for example, we consider a fan or a "fanatic" (which literally means a "fanatical person") to be a person who is extremely interested in a certain topic or topics and has a special passion and fascination for that issue. It may also be beyond the scope of logic and normal behavior of the society. With the expansion of the media and the advancement of technology, the phenomenon of fandom also underwent many changes and not only became more intense, but a large economy was also formed alongside it, and it is becoming more and more important every day. This economy, which emerged from the past with the formation of the first media, has now taken a different form with the development of media and social networks, as well as the change in the interaction between celebrities and audiences. Earning huge amounts of money with special methods in every social network and every media is achieved through fans and fandoms. In this article, we have studied the relationship between fans and famous people with reference to the economic debates surrounding it.

Keywords: fandism, famous people, social media, new media

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Authors: Oluchukwu P. Obioma, Amarachi R. Dike

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Competition law promotes market competition by regulating anti-competitive conduct by undertakings. There is a need for a third party to regulate the market for efficiency and supervision, since, if the market is left unchecked, it may be skewed against the consumers and the economy. Competition law is geared towards the protection of consumers from economic exploitation. It is the duty of every rational government to optimally manage its economic system by employing the best regulatory practices over the market to ensure it functions effectively and efficiently. The Nigerian government has done this by enacting the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act, 2018 (FCCPA). This is a comprehensive legal framework with the objective of governing competition issues in Nigeria. Prior to its enactment, the competition law regime in Nigeria was grossly inadequate despite Nigeria being the biggest economy in Africa. This latest legislation has become a bold step in the right direction. This study will use the doctrinal methodology in analyzing the FCCPA, 2018 in order to discover the extent to which the Act will guard against anti-competitive practices and promote competitive markets for the benefit of the Nigerian economy and consumers. The study finds that although the FCCPA, 2018 provides for the regulation of competition in Nigeria, there is a need to effectively tackle the challenges to the implementation of the Act and the development of anti-trust jurisprudence in Nigeria. This study concludes that incisive implementation of competition law in Nigeria will help protect consumers and create a conducive environment for economic growth, development, and protection of consumers from obnoxious competition practices.

Keywords: anti-competitive practices, competition law, competition regulation, consumer protection.

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Authors: Adedeji Tejumola Olugboja

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Night markets are physical locations in residential neighbourhoods where market parties interact. It is a kind of market where marketing activities commence by 6pm until after midnight. The problem of the study is to assess marketing activities in the night markets. Specific objectives for this study include determining volume of business activities, numbers of market parties etc in the selected night markets. The purposive sampling technique is adopted for this study and the four night markets in the area of study are selected as sample: Aggregate of 173 retailers and an average of 2583 consumers daily operate in these night markets. The use of tables, simple percentage and descriptive statistics were employed for data analysis and presentation. Findings revealed volume of marketing activities, sales per night, profit per night and savings per day in each of these night markets. Government should erect street lights and repair damaged ones in these night markets to make night markets more lucrative.

Keywords: marketing activities, night markets, Nigerian economy

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Authors: Neslihan Cetin

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In this study, we will aim to analyze how the period of the state of emergency in Turkey lead to gaps in law and the formation of areas in which there was a complete lack of supervision. The state of emergency that was proclaimed following the coup attempt of July 15, 2016, continued until July 18, 2018, that is to say, 2 years, without taking into account whether the initial circumstances persisted. As part of this work, we claim that the state of emergency provided the executive power with important tools for governing, which it took constant use. We can highlight how the concern for security at the center of the basic considerations of the people in a city was exploited as a foundation by the military power in Turkey to interfere in the political, legal, and social spheres. The constitutions of 1924, 1961, and 1982 entrusted the army with the role of protector of the integrity of the state. This became an instrument at the hands of the military to legitimize their interventions in the name of public security. Its interventions in the political field are indeed politically motivated. The constitution, the legislative, and regulatory systems are modified and monopolized by the military power that dominates the legislative, regulatory, and judicial power, leading to a state of exception. With the political convulsions over a decade, the government was able to usurp the instrument called the state of exception. In particular, the decree-laws of the state of emergency, which the executive makes frequent and generally abusive use, became instruments in the hands of the government to take measures that it wishes to escape from the rules and the pre-established control mechanisms. Thus the struggle against the political opposition becomes more unbalanced and destructive. To this must also be added the ineffectiveness of ex-post controls and domestic remedies. This research allows us to stress how a legal concept, such as ‘the state of emergency’ can be politically exploited to make it a legal weapon that continues to produce victims.

Keywords: constitutional law, state of emergency, rule of law, instrumentalization of law

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Authors: Riikka Elina Kallio

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“The walls have ears” phrase is defining the era of dictatorship in Portugal (1926–1974) and political unrest decades in Finland (1917–1948). The phrase is referring to the policing of the political, secret police, PIDE (Policia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado 1933–1969) in Portugal and VALPO (Valtiollinen Poliisi 1939–1948) in Finland. Free speech at any public space and even in private events could be fatal. The members of the PIDE/VALPO or informers/collaborators could be listening. Strict censorship under the Salazar´s regime was controlling media for example newspapers, music, and the film industry. Similarly, the politically affected censorship influenced the media in Finland in those unrest decades. This article examines the similarities and the differences in the images of the political police in Finland and Portugal, by analyzing Finnish and Portuguese films from the nineteen-thirties to nineteensixties. The text addresses two main research questions: what are the common and different features in the representations of the Finnish and Portuguese political police in films between the 1930s and 1960s, and how did the national censorship affect these representations? This study approach is interdisciplinary, and it combines film studies and criminology. Close reading is a practical qualitative method for analyzing films and in this study, close reading emphasizes the features of the police officer. Criminology provides the methodological tools for analysis of the police universal features and European common policies. The characterization of the police in this study is based on Robert Reiner´s 1980s and Timo Korander´s 2010s definitions of the police officer. The research material consisted of the Portuguese films from online film archives and Finnish films from Movie Making Finland -project´s metadata which offered suitable material by data mining the keywords such as poliisi, poliisipäällikkö and konstaapeli (police, police chief, police constable). The findings of this study suggest that even though there are common features of the images of the political police in Finland and Portugal, there are still national and cultural differences in the representations of the political police and policing.

Keywords: censorship, film studies, images, PIDE, political police, VALPO

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Authors: Nilufer Turksoy

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Social media tools successfully connect people from different milieu to each other. This easy access allows politicians with populist attitude to circulate any kind of political opinion or message, which will hardly appear in conventional media. Populism is a relevant concept, especially, in political communication research. In the last decade, populism in social media has been researched extensively. The present study focuses on how social media is used as a playground by Turkish Cypriot politicians to perform populism in Northern Cyprus. It aims to determine and understand the relationship between politicians and social media, and how they employ social media in their political lives. Northern Cyprus’s multi-faced character provides politicians with many possible frames and topics they can make demagogy about ongoing political deadlock, international isolation, economic instability or social and cultural life in the north part of the island. Thus, Northern Cyprus, bizarrely branded as a 'no man's land', is a case par excellence to show how politically and economically unstable geographies are inclined to perform populism. Northern Cyprus is legally invalid territory recognized by no member of the international community other than Turkey and a phantom state, just like Abkhazia and South Ossetia or Nagorno-Karabakh. Five ideological key elements of populism are employed in the theoretical framework of this study: (1) highlighting the sovereignty of the people, (2) attacking the elites, (3) advocacy for the people, (4) excluding others, and (5) invoking the heartland. A qualitative text analysis of typical Facebook posts was conducted. Profiles of popular political leaders who occupy top positions (e.g. member of parliament, minister, chairman, party secretary), who have different political views, and who use their profiles for political expression on daily bases are selected. All official Facebook pages of the selected politicians are examined during a period of five months (1 September 2017-31 January 2018). This period is selected since it was prior to the parliamentary elections. Finding revealed that majority of the Turkish Cypriot politicians use their social media profile to propagate their political ideology in a populist fashion. Populist statements are found across parties. Facebook give especially the left-wing political actors the freedom to spread their messages in manipulative ways, mostly by using a satiric, ironic and slandering jargon that refers to the pseudo-state, the phantom state, the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus state. While most of the political leaders advocate for the people, invoking the heartland are preferred by right-wing politicians. A broad range of left-wing politicians predominantly conducted attack on the economic elites and ostracism of others. The finding concluded that different politicians use social media differently according to their political standpoint. Overall, the study offers a thorough analysis of populism on social media. Considering the large role social media plays in the daily life today, the finding will shed some light on the political influence of social media and the social media usage among politicians.

Keywords: Northern Cyprus, populism, politics, qualitative text analysis, social media

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Authors: Zoaib Mirza

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Half of the Muslim countries in the world have declared Islam the state religion in their constitutions. Yet, none of these countries have implemented authentic Islamic laws in line with the Quran (Holy Book), practices of Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) called the Sunnah, and his four successors known as the Rightly Guided - Khalifa. Since their independence, these countries have adopted different government systems like Democracy, Dictatorship, Republic, Communism, and Monarchy. Instead of benefiting the people, these government systems have put these countries into political, social, and economic crises. These Islamic countries do not have equal representation and membership in worldwide political forums. Western countries lead these forums. Therefore, it is now imperative for the Muslim leaders of all these countries to collaborate, reset, and implement the original Islamic form of government, which led to the prosperity and success of people, including non-Muslims, 1400 years ago. They should unite as one nation under Khalifat, which means establishing the authority of Allah (SWT) and following the divine commandments related to the social, political, and economic systems. As they have declared Islam in their constitution, they should work together to apply the divine framework of the governance revealed by Allah (SWT) and implemented by Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) and his four successors called Khalifas. This paper provides an overview of the downfall and the end of the Khalifat system by 1924, the ways in which the West caused political, social, and economic crises in the Muslim countries, and finally, a summary of the social, political, and economic systems implemented by the Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) and his successors, Khalifas, called the Rightly Guided – Hazrat Abu Bakr (RA), Hazrat Omar (RA), Hazrat Usman (RA), and Hazrat Ali (RA).

Keywords: khalifat, khilafat-e-Rashida, the rightly guided, colonization, capitalism, neocolonization, government systems

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Authors: A. Nawaz

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The present study uses Halliday’s transitivity model to analyze and interpret ideological stance in PM Nawaz Sharif’s political discourse. His famous speech at the 71st UN assembly was analyzed qualitatively using clausal analysis approach to investigate the communicative functions of the linguistic choices made in the address. The study discovers that among the six process types under the transitivity model, material, relational and mental processes appear most frequently in the speech, making up almost 86% of the whole. Verbal processes rank 4th, whereas existential and behavioral are the least occurring processes covering only 2 and 1 percent respectively. The dominant use of material processes suggests that Nawaz Sharif and his government are the main actors working on several concrete projects to produce a sense of developmental progression and continuity. Using relational and mental processes the PM, along with establishing proximity with masses and especially Kashmiri, gives guarantees and promises. The linguistic analysis concludes Kashmir dispute as being the central theme of the address, since it covers more than half of the discourse. The address calls for a strong action instead of formal assurances and wishful thoughts. The study establishes that language structures can yield certain connotations and ideologies which are not overt for readers. This is in affirmation to the supposition that language form performs a communicative function and is not merely fortuitous.

Keywords: Hallidian perspective on language, implicit meanings, Nawaz Sharif, political ideologies, political speeches, transitivity, UN Assembly

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Authors: Ahmad Alsolami, Darren Mundy, Manuel Hernandez-Perez

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Social media networks, such as Twitter, offer the perfect opportunity to either positively or negatively affect political attitudes on large audiences. A most important factor contributing to this effect is the existence of influential users, who have developed a reputation for their awareness and experience on specific subjects. Therefore, knowledge of the mechanisms to identify influential users on social media is vital for understanding their effect on their audience. The concept of the influential user is based on the pioneering work of Katz and Lazarsfeld (1959), who created the concept of opinion leaders' to indicate that ideas first flow from mass media to opinion leaders and then to the rest of the population. Hence, the objective of this research was to provide reliable and accurate structural mechanisms to identify influential users, which could be applied to different platforms, places, and subjects. Twitter was selected as the platform of interest, and Saudi Arabia as the context for the investigation. These were selected because Saudi Arabia has a large number of Twitter users, some of whom are considerably active in setting agendas and disseminating ideas. The study considered the scientific methods that have been used to identify public opinion leaders before, utilizing metrics software on Twitter. The key findings propose multiple novel metrics to compare Twitter influencers, including the number of followers, social authority and the use of political hashtags, and four secondary filtering measures. Thus, using ratio and percentage calculations to classify the most influential users, Twitter accounts were filtered, analyzed and included. The structured approach is used as a mechanism to explore the top ten influencers on Twitter from the political domain in Saudi Arabia.

Keywords: twitter, influencers, structured mechanism, Saudi Arabia

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Authors: Josie West

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This paper focuses on the conflicts and utility of Marxist Feminist frames for sex work research, drawing on findings uncovered through in-depth interviews with online sex workers, alongside critical discourse analysis of media and political commentary. It brings the critical perspective of women into digital workerism and gig economy dialogue who, despite their significant presence within online work, have been overlooked. The autonomist Marxist concept of class composition is adopted to unpack the social, technical and political composition of this often-invisible segment of the service sector. Autonomism makes visible the perspective of workers engaged in processes of mobilization and demobilizaiton. This allows researchers to find everyday forms of resistance which occur within and outside trade unions. On the other hand, Marxist feminist arguments about invisibility politics can generate unhelpful allegories about sex work as domestic labour within the reproductive sphere. Nick Srnicek’s development of Marx’s notion of infrastructure rents helps theorize experiences of unpaid labour within online sex work. Moreover, debates about anti-work politics can cause conflict among sex workers fighting for the labour movement and those rejecting the capitalist work ethic. This illuminates’ tensions caused by white privilege and differing experiences of sex work. The monopolistic and competitive nature of sex work platforms within platform capitalism, and the vulnerable position of marginalised workers within stigmatized/criminalised markets, complicates anti-work politics further. This paper is situated within the feminist sex wars and the intensely divisive question of whether sex workers are victims of the patriarchy or symbols of feminist resistance. Camgirls are shown to engage in radical tactics of resistance against their technical composition on popular sex work platforms. They also engage in creative acts of resistance through performance art, in an attempt to draw attention to stigma and anti-criminalization politics. This sector offers a fascinating window onto grassroots class-action, alongside education about ‘whorephobia.’ A case study of resistance against Only Fans, and a small workers co-operative which emerged during the pandemic, showcases how workers engage in socialist and political acts without the aid of unions. Workers are victims of neoliberalism and simultaneous adopters of neoliberal strategies of survival. The complex dynamics within unions are explored, including tensions with grass-roots resistance, financial pressures and intersecting complications of class, gender and race.

Keywords: autonomist marxism, digital labor, feminism, neoliberalism, sex work, platform capitalism

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Authors: Zoaib Mirza

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Pakistan is an Islamic country that got its partition from India in 1947 so that the people could practice the religion of Islam. The ideology of Pakistan was based on the notion that sovereignty only belonged to God Almighty (in Arabic, God means “Allah”), and Muslims will live in accordance with Islam principles. The Quran (Holy Book) and Sunnah (authentic practices of Prophet Mohammad, Peace Be Upon Him, that explains the application of the Quran) are foundations of the Islamic principles. It has been over 75 years, but unfortunately, Pakistan, due to its own political, social, and economic mistakes, is responsible for not being able to become a true Islamic nation to justify its partition from India. The rationale for writing this paper is to analyze the factors that led to changes in the democratic movements impacting the country's political, social, and economic growth. The methodology to examine the historical and political context of Pakistan’s history is by referencing the scholarly work of Israr Ahmed, a Pakistani Islamic theologian, philosopher, and Islamic scholar. While from a Western perspective, Karl Marx, Mar Weber, Hannah Arendt, Sheldon Wolin, Paulo Freire, and Jacques Ranciere's philosophies specific to totalitarianism, politics, military rule, religion, capitalism, and superpower are used as the framework to analyze Pakistan’s democracy. The study's findings conclude that Pakistan's democracy is unstable and has been impacted by military and civilian governance, which led to political, social, and economic downfall. To improve the current situation, the citizens of Pakistan have to realize that the success of a nation is only dependent on the level of consciousness of the leader and not the political system. Therefore, it is the responsibility of every citizen to be conscious of how they select their leader and take responsibility for the current situation in Pakistan.

Keywords: Pakistan, Islam, democracy, totalitarianism, military, religion, capitalism

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Authors: Abdulvahab Forati

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Religious intellectualism is the only stream of consciousness in Iran that its religious theories formed Democracy. The theory of Religious intellectualism was utilized in Constitutional Revolution and Islamic Revolution. To instate Democracy in Iran, in compare with West and sunnis, the theory of Religious Intellectualism is being used differently. Unlike Democracy in the west that has started with the concept of Individualism and Natural Rights or in Sunni world that has started with the concept of consultation, it has started in Iran with mima-la-nas-fih (what we don’t have any proof for)or mantaqa-alfiraq-altashri’ (area of vacuum from reason). Shia scholars first acquainted with the concept of Democracy through theories of Sheikh Mortiza Ansari, and later some of his followers, including Akhund-e-khorasani and Mirzaye naeini, regarding Sheikh Ansari’s thoughts, began to analyze its Constitutional system and Democratic elements. But Imam Khomeini, the great founder of Islamic Republic of Iran, with respect to RAKHS (religious permission for having a choice)could make connection between Islam and Democracy. Instead of focusing on Civil contracts, he relied on Sirah Ughala (Tradition) and accepted many of the current conducts, e.g. Democracy and Political Parties and acknowledged the authority (Hujiat) of them even in absence of Infallibles. These two are the most notable experiences of shia political thoughts about Democracy within the last 100 years. In this article, the author tries to explain the second experience in Imam Khomeini’s thoughts and Sirah.

Keywords: Shia school, Islamic revolution, democracy, political order

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Authors: Martin Surya Mulyadi, Rosinta Ria Panggabean

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The terms of intellectual capital emerge as the economic activity shift from the agricultural economy to knowledge economy and it will allow corporations to earn competitive advantage to its competitors. Considering its importance, many researches have a focus on how corporations disclose its intellectual capital. This intellectual capital research mainly focuses on developed country with only several researchers conducted this research in developing the country. While there are several intellectual capital researches in developing country, to authors’ best knowledge, there is no intellectual capital reporting research in Indonesia published internationally. This research will focus on two industries that acknowledge having a high reliance on intellectual capital: finance industry and the pharmaceutical industry. Our research found that Indonesian corporations in these industries are aware of the importance of intellectual capital, and variations of this disclosure exist within the industry.

Keywords: Developed country, Indonesia, Intellectual Capital, Intellectual Capital Reporting

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