Search results for: political accountability

Authors: Guanghua Yu

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This article has examined the rise of the UK, US, and China at different historical times to explain the argument that it is open access in the economic sphere, as well as institutional building related to the protection of property rights, contract enforcement, financial market, the rule of law, and human resource accumulation that determine economic and human development. Both the UK, after the Glorious Revolution in the seventeenth century, and China, after its adoption of the open door policy at the end of the 1970s, follow such a path of development. The difference between the UK and China in moving toward that path is the different coordination of elites. While the coordination of elites in the UK through parliament played important roles in forcing the government to consider the wider encompassing interest in society after the Glorious Revolution, the coordination of elites in China has mainly been achieved by the Communist Party of China such that the Chinese Government has started to pay greater deal of attention to the wider encompassing interest in the country from 1978. The article has also examined the rise of the US following colonial settlement to independence and institutional building thereafter. The US case is similarly consistent with the argument that open access in the economic sphere and institutional building matter the most to economic development. More decentralized methods of the coordination of elites in the US among colonies (states), the federal governments, and other political groups similarly shaped the path towards open access in the economic sphere and institutional building. As such, open access in the political sphere plays an indirect role in development at best. If that is correct, there are possibilities that different political systems are able to achieve coordination of elites so that governments will turn their attention to development.

Keywords: open access, interconnected institutions, democracy, development

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Authors: Linh Tong

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This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of key education reforms in Vietnam from 1945 to 2017, which reflects an evolution of socio-political needs of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam throughout this period. It explores the contextual conditions, motivations and ambitions influencing the formation of the education reforms in Vietnam. It also looks, from an applied practical perspective, at the influence of politics on education policy-making. The research methodology includes a content analysis of curriculum designs proposed by the Ministry of Education and Training, relevant resolutions and executive orders passed by the National Assembly and the Prime Minister, as well as interviews with experts and key stakeholders. The results point to a particular configuration of factors which have been inspiring the shape and substance of these reforms and which have most certainly influenced their implementation. This configuration evolves from the immediate needs to erase illiteracy and cultivate socialist economic model at the beginning of Vietnam’s independence in 1945-1975, to a renewed urge to adopt market-oriented economy in 1986 and cautiously communicate with the outside world until 2000s, and to currently a demonstrated desire to fully integrate into the global economy and tackle with rising concerns about national security (the South China Sea Dispute), environmental sustainability, construction of a knowledge economy, and a rule-of-law society. Overall, the paper attempts to map Vietnam’s socio-political needs with the changing sets of goals and expected outcomes in teaching and learning methodologies and practices as introduced in Vietnamese key education reforms.

Keywords: curriculum development, knowledge society, national security, politics of education policy-making, Vietnam's education reforms

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Authors: Shahzada Gulfam

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Islamism was considered as a new phenomenon in Muslim World to revolt against static Religious Traditionalists and the Imperialists. Islamist political parties viewed the establishment of an Islamic state within the limits of Sharia’h as their destination. The Islamists movements like Ikhwan-ul Muslimun, Jamaat-i-Islami etc. did appear with revolutionary agenda but were contained by military forces and the secular modernists of Muslim World. The Muslim rulers, historically could not respect the democratic and moral norms and equally emerged as dictators in democracies, military rule as well as in monarchies. The Arab Spring did not follow the Islamists agenda but gathered the common masses against the corrupt rulers to have a just democratic political system. The Islamic State and Sharia’h were not their immediate targets but the achievement of moral norms in Muslim societies and eradication of dictatorial rule were the basic aims. This phenomenon is named as post-Islamism. The political struggle of PAT (Pakistan Awami Tehreek) and the PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf) has been following the footsteps of Arab Spring and can be noted as the extension of Arab Spring in Muslim World. The results of this struggle would define the fate of Post-Islamism in Pakistan. Has Jamaat-i-Islami got the potential to reform its agenda accordingly? This paper intends to study the Jamaat’s struggle and tries to predict Jamaat’s role in post-Islamism scenario. There is a clear distinction between the people of religion and the people following the popular materialistic westernized value system. This division is also evident in political parties. Pakistan has been ruled mostly by the secular parties and rulers. The inability to establish Islamic system by replacing the imperial system has created militancy and revolt which requires the establishment of a sound model Islamic based system in the country. The political parties of Pakistan could not device a modernize agenda, equally acceptable in modernized world and addressing the prevailing issues and also having the indigenous religious and cultural roots. The inability of Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan to transform its agenda accordingly to serve the post-Islamism has made it irrelevant in Pakistan’s politics. Once Jamaat leaves behind its hard position as an Islamist party and accepts the post-Islamism as beginning to create its idealized state and society, it can pursue its agenda gradually. The phenomenon of post-Islamism does not make Islamists irrelevant but invites them to listen to the priorities of masses rather than insisting on the agenda of their respective ideologues to be followed for all times. The ruling Muslim democrats and military dictators of Pakistan have been following unfair means to sustain their political power which gave rise to space for the new political parties to emerge and organize agitation successfully in Pakistani Politics. Jamaat-i-Islami could not fill that space to be an agent of Post-Islamism and could not break their chains which had been tying them to the prevailing failed democracy of Pakistan. Post-Islamists are the addressers of the rulers corruption and are struggling for reforms in system. Jamaat due to its ideological compulsions could not transform its agenda accordingly. The new scenario indicates that the Post-Islamism which emerged in Arab World can be taken as first step to establish democracy and justice in state and society and then the establishment of Islamic law and the establishment of an Islamic state should have been the next targets. This gradual agenda would have delivered public support to the Jamaat which deserved that but PTI & PAT have cashed this opportunity in Pakistani politics by strengthening their respective vote banks.

Keywords: arab spring, islamic state, islamic political parties, muslim world, post-islamism

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Authors: Adadu Yahaya, Abdullahi Erunke Canice

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The study sets out to examine the interface that tends to exist in the relationship between gender policy and Nigeria’s socio-economic development. Despite Nigeria’s ratification of virtually all international instruments on the protection and promotion of gender rights and equality, it appears that the practice is honored in the breach than in observance; hence, these policies have not been adequately domesticated and implemented. The implication of this is that the women folks have generally been isolated from mainstream politics and their political rights and privileges truncated in the scheme of things. The paper observes that gender inequality and marginalization in Nigeria has practically occasioned the unwholesome subjugation of Nigerian women to the background, hence poses more critical questions and challenges to the national question. The consequence of this, to this paper, is that Nigeria’s development process will be adversely affected if this trend is not checked. The paper sums up with appropriate policy options which are believed to have the potentials of giving women the right pride of place in the socio-economic and political dynamics in the 21st century Nigeria and beyond.

Keywords: development, equality, gender, policy

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Authors: Huang Gui

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The issues of human rights and death penalty are always drawing attentions from international scholars, critics and observers, activities and Chinese scholars, and most of them looking at these problems are just doing with such legal or political from a single perspective, but the real relationship between Chinese political regime and legislation is often ignored. In accordance with the Constitution of P.R.C., Communist Party of China (CPC) does not merely play a key role in political field, but in legislation and law enforcement as well. Therefore, the legislation has to implement the party’s theory and outlook, and realize the party’s policies. So is the death penalty system, though it is only concrete punishment system. Considering this point, basic upon the introducing the relationship between CPC and legislation, this paper would like to explore the shifting of CPC’s outlook on human rights and the death penalty system changes in different eras. In Maoist era, the issue of human rights was rejected and deemed as an exclusion zone, and the death penalty was unjustifiably imposed; human rights were politically recognized and accepted in Deng era, but CPC has its own viewpoints on it. CPC emphasized on national security and stability in that era, and the individual human rights weren’t taken correspondingly and reasonably account of. The death penalty was abused and deemed as an important measure to control crime. In post-Deng, human rights were gradually developed and recognized. The term of ‘state respect and protect human rights’ is contained in Constitution of P.R.C., and the individual human rights are gradually valued, but the CPC still focus on state security, development, and stability, the individual right to life hasn’t been enough valued like the right to substance. Although the steps of reforming death penalty are taking, there are still 46 crimes punishable by death. CPC should change its outlook and pay more attention to the right to life, and try to abolish death penalty de facto and de jure.

Keywords: criminal law, communist party of China, death penalty, human rights, China

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Authors: Varsha Rainson

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Artificial intelligence (AI) has great potential and can be used as a powerful tool of application in various domains and sectors. But with the application of AI, there comes a wide spectrum of concerns around bias, accountability, transparency, and privacy. Hence, there is a need for responsible AI, which can uphold ethical and accountable practices to ensure that things are transparent and fair. The paper is a combination of AI and cultural heritage preservation, with a greater focus on India because of the rich cultural legacy that it holds. India’s cultural heritage in itself contributes to its identity and the economy. In this paper, along with discussing the impact culture holds on the Indian economy, we will discuss the threats that the cultural heritage is exposed to due to pollution, climate change and urbanization. Furthermore, the paper reviews some of the exciting applications of AI in cultural heritage preservation, such as 3-D scanning, photogrammetry, and other techniques which have led to the reconstruction of cultural artifacts and sites. The paper eventually moves into the potential risks and challenges that AI poses in cultural heritage preservation. These include ethical, legal, and social issues which are to be addressed by organizations and government authorities. Overall, the paper strongly argues the need for responsible AI and the important role it can play in preserving India’s cultural heritage while holding importance to value and diversity.

Keywords: responsible AI, cultural heritage, artificial intelligence, biases, transparency

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Authors: May A. Massoud, R. Harissi

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The fundamental principle and overall goal of an Environmental Management System is the concept of continual improvement. The implementation of such a system reveals a commitment to compliance and sustainable development. This research project aims at identifying and evaluating the prospects and challenges facing the adoption of ISO 14001 standard in the higher education system of Lebanon. It examines the corresponding barriers, drivers and incentives associated with the implementation of the standard. For this purpose, primary data were collected using quantitative method. The results revealed a significant lack of knowledge and sense of responsibility towards ISO 14001 standard and environmental accountability. Improving educational and social responsibility, improving environmental performance and enhancing institution image are the most noticeable drivers to adopt ISO 14001. The main perceived barriers for acquiring the standard are unclear benefits of ISO 14001, the lack of government support and the fact that the standard is not seen as a priority by top management. Lebanese Higher Education institutions are far likely to consider ISO 14001 before having proper accreditation programs or until ISO 14001 become widely-known in the Lebanese economic sectors.

Keywords: ISO 14001, higher education institution, environmental management, system

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Authors: Muhammad Emad Feteha

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Cairo has been famous for the unique identity of its medieval architecture, which was formed by multiple dynasties that ruled Egypt. However, only a few researches were done on the identity of its public space. This paper links both the architectural and the socio-political aspects of the Cairene public space and studies how they affected each other. The subject of the study is Maydan Salah al-Din, the main city square of medieval Cairo, which reveals a quite useful information, not only about the architectural identity of the Cairene public space but also about the socio-political patterns that operated within. The analytical framework is based on Lefebvre’s theory, the ‘production of space’, in which he applied 'the Hegelian dialectic' in order to understand how the social practice forms the space, and how, in turn, the space forms the social practice. This framework offers a comprehensive understanding of the identity of the Cairene public space, which does not separate architecture from the social practice.

Keywords: architectural identity, Cairene public space, Islamic architectural history, production of space

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Authors: Ibe Perpetual Nwakaego

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The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), were an integrated project formed to eradicate many unnatural situations the citizens of the third world country may found themselves in. The MDGs, to be a sustainable project for the future depends 100% on the actions of governments, multilateral institutions and civil society. This paper first looks at the political views on the MDGs and relates it to the current electoral situations around the country by underlining the drastic changes over the few months. The second part of the paper presents ICT in tertiary institutions as one of the solutions in terms of the success of the MDGs. ICT is vital in all phases of the educational process and development of the cloud connectivity is an added advantage of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) for sharing a common data bank for research purposes among UNICEF, RED CROSS, NPS, INEC, NMIC, and WHO. Finally, the paper concludes with areas that need twigging and recommendations for the tertiary institutions committed to delivering an ambitious set of goals. A combination of observation and document materials for data gathering was employed as the methodology for carrying out this research.

Keywords: MDGs, ICT, database, politics

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Authors: Mohammed Mutala Surazu

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The origin of Islam is traced back to the time of Prophet Mohammed (SAW), 571 AD, who thought the six main articles of faith and the five pillars of the region. Today, Islam is regarded as one of the fastest growing religions in the world, another peaceful one and very accommodating to other religions. Politics dominates in Islam and, as a result, divisions into various groupings, including the Ahmadiyah, Tijania, Suni and many others. Despite all believing the Qur’an as the only holy book used, they are all affiliated with different types of hadiths, including the al-Nawawi’s. These divisions are the reasons for tension in Islam, and it is necessary to conduct this research to investigate political situations in Islam within the society. Over the past three or two decades, there have been diverse and divided opinions about politics and religion (Islam). Many believe that politics and religion are inherently subjective and should be accepted as such, and the further argument for a relativistic approach is that individuals' and communities’ beliefs and values should be acknowledged and respected since no single political or religious ideology can claim absolute truth and superiority over the other. The perspective view is that emphasis is placed on tolerance and coexistence between different political and religious views; moreover, society is comprised of individuals with different backgrounds, opinions and interests, so it is necessary to find common ground and create space where diverse ideas can peacefully coexist in order to promote dialogue, understanding and mutual respect to maintain social harmony and peaceful relation in the society. Also, some individuals in society argue about the universalism of certain moral principles, which should be certain and agreed upon by all. For example, the Jewish people believe that eating pork is wrong, and if someone of another religion is asked if they agree with that, objectively, the non-Jewish would be comfortable with that. Others still argue that a continuous relativistic approach to politics and religion can lead to a breakdown of shared moral standards, loss of ethical principles, doubting faith or loyalty and uprising against agencies of politics and religion. And within the political groupings, they believe in the same ideologies to propagate their message, likewise the religious belongings (Christianity, Islam, Judaism and others) who also ensure that their religious perspectives or beliefs are deeply rooted in the society. This forms the basis for research about the perspective of politics and religious relativism in this modern era to respond to the questions and the challenges of religious politics in Islam.

Keywords: relativism, religion, universality, politics

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Authors: Olupemi E. Oludare

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This paper investigates the creative practice engaged in Juju music, a Nigerian Neo-traditional genre of the Yoruba, and its influence on the consciousness of societal praxis. It takes a musical and cultural perspective, as representational indices of how the people’s religious, social, educational, and political consciousness is expressed in their music. The study adopts the historical cum descriptive design in its methodology, tracing the historical development of Juju music, the appropriation of musical and cultural materials in its creative process, and a descriptive analysis of its musical practice, in order to substantiate the role and function of Juju music and its musicians in the political, philosophical, and social consciousness of Nigeria’s pre- and post-independence epoch. Data were collected through oral interviews of selected Juju practitioners, stakeholders, and enthusiasts. It also employed the use of discography of Juju musicians. This paper discusses musical factors such as form, melodic and rhythmic patterns, and thematic materials, while highlighting cultural factors such as linguistic elements, with textual analysis, as a conscious avenue of expression. The study revealed that Juju musicians composed their music by engaging both indigenous and foreign musical materials, as a means of creative practice for musical entertainment, while expressing the people’s consciousness of their beliefs, values, and socio-political issues, hence the music functioning as a vehicle for social commentaries. The popularization and commercialization of Juju music brought the musicians national and international accolades, subsequently attracting contributions from contemporary musicians, which led to innovations of new brands, such as ‘Afro-Juju’, ‘Gospel-Juju’, ‘Hip-Hop-Juju’, etc., albeit retaining the basic musical elements of its progenitor, as a conscious music for socio-cultural functions. This study concludes that Juju music and its musicians remain germane in the musical scene of the nation’s social, educational, and political terrain, especially in the current Nigerian democratic climate. This paper recommends the promotion and patronage of the Juju music in its original form, to prevent its decline in current times, since it serves as an enrichment of national identity both in Nigeria, and Internationally.

Keywords: appropriation, consciousness, creative practice, national identity, neo-traditional

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Authors: Morteza Azimi

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In Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic country, there have been ethnic conflicts, especially after 2001. These conflicts are more visible among the four main ethnicities Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, and Uzbek. In this paper, such ethnic conflicts and their roles in the political sphere will be discussed. The distribution of personal electronic ID cards, for example, has been one of the most controversial and unsuccessful projects in Afghanistan. As a result, the lack of clear population statistics has led to several corrupted and unsuccessful presidential elections since 2001. The nation-building process in post-Taliban Afghanistan, as well as the Afghan government’s failure to build a nation, are discussed. By referring to the hybridity theory of Homi Bhabha, it is argued that the process of assimilation for nation-building has not only failed but has deepened ethnic divisions. In the end, some suggestions and solutions for making the most out of ethnic diversity rather than suffering from it will be provided. It will be argued that diversity or difference improves the freedom of choices for groups and individuals; it boosts agency in comparison with life in an assimilated, coherent, and homogeneous society.

Keywords: Afghan identity, ethnicity, nation-building, political system, self and other

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Authors: Pham Quang Huy

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State budget is considered as an effective tool for controlling, adjusting and regulating the market economy of any countries. To ensure that the activities of the state in the fields of politics, economy and society has been efficiency, it requires major sources of certain budget. These financial funds are formed from tax revenues and tax revenues beyond. Therefore, the Governments need to have an accounting regime to manage the receipt, expenditure which are suitable for recording a full range of items. From that, it can help to increase the transparency and accountability in budget system. One of the main requirements in Vietnamese policies is to improve that accounting system of revenues and expenditures which can provide many reports to meet the information required of government and users, as well as directions to the trends of international standards requirements. By using quantitative research methods and analytical models to exploring factors, the main purpose of this article is to identify the factors affecting budget accounting and providing some direction for Vietnamese public sector in the future. The results indicated that Vietnam budget accounting has been impacted by seven factors and aims to implement three main orientations in the public sector units.

Keywords: state budget, accounting, IPSAS, budget management, government, public sector

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Authors: Aklilu Alemu, Tak Cheung Chan

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Following the intensification of secondary education in the developing world, the attention of Ethiopia has currently shifted to its quality education and its management. This study is aimed to explore experts’ perceptions of quality management challenges in secondary education in Ethiopia. The researchers employed a case study design recruiting participating supervisors from the Ministry of Education, region, zone, wereda, and cluster by using a purposeful sampling technique. Twenty-six interviewees took part in this study. The researchers employed NVivo 8 versions together with a thematic analysis process to analyze the data. This study revealed that major problems that affected quality management practices in Ethiopia were: lack of qualified experts at all levels; lack of accountability in every echelon; the changing nature of teacher education; the ineffectiveness of teacher-licensing programs; and lack of educational budget and the problem of utilizing this limited budget. The study concluded that the experts at different levels were not genuinely fulfilling their roles and responsibilities. Therefore, the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development, together with the concerned parties, needs to reconsider budget allocation for secondary education.

Keywords: education quality, Ethiopia, quality challenge, quality management, secondary education

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Authors: Chantal Maille

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This paper is about gender-based analysis plus (GBA+), an intersectional gender policy used in Canada to assess the impact of policies and programs for men and women from different origins. It looks at Canada’s political culture to explain the nature of its gender policies. GBA+ is defined as an analysis method that makes it possible to assess the eventual effects of policies, programs, services, and other initiatives on women and men of different backgrounds because it takes account of gender and other identity factors. The ‘plus’ in the name serves to emphasize that GBA+ goes beyond gender to include an examination of a wide range of other related identity factors, such as age, education, language, geography, culture, and income. The point of departure for GBA+ is that women and men are not homogeneous populations and gender is never the only factor in defining a person’s identity; rather, it interacts with factors such as ethnic origin, age, disabilities, where the person lives, and other aspects of individual and social identity. GBA+ takes account of these factors and thus challenges notions of similarity or homogeneity within populations of women and men. Comparative analysis based on sex and gender may serve as a gateway to studying a given question, but women, men, girls, and boys do not form homogeneous populations. In the 1990s, intersectionality emerged as a new feminist framework. The popularity of the notion of intersectionality corresponds to a time when, in hindsight, the damage done to minoritized groups by state disengagement policies in concert with global intensification of neoliberalism, and vice versa, can be measured. Although GBA+ constitutes a form of intersectionalization of GBA, it must be understood that the two frameworks do not spring from a similar logic. Intersectionality first emerged as a dynamic analysis of differences between women that was oriented toward change and social justice, whereas GBA is a technique developed by state feminists in a context of analyzing governmental policies and aiming to promote equality between men and women. It can nevertheless be assumed that there might be interest in such a policy and program analysis grid that is decentred from gender and offers enough flexibility to take account of a group of inequalities. In terms of methodology, the research is supported by a qualitative analysis of governmental documents about GBA+ in Canada. Research findings identify links between Canadian gender policies and its political culture. In Canada, diversity has been taken into account as an element at the basis of gendered analysis of public policies since 1995. The GBA+ adopted by the government of Canada conveys an opening to intersectionality and a sensitivity to multiculturalism. The Canadian Multiculturalism Act, adopted 1988, proposes to recognize the fact that multiculturalism is a fundamental characteristic of the Canadian identity and heritage and constitutes an invaluable resource for the future of the country. In conclusion, Canada’s distinct political culture can be associated with the specific nature of its gender policies.

Keywords: Canada, gender-based analysis, gender policies, political culture

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Authors: Aklima Jesmin, Ubaidur Rob, M. Ashrafur Rahman

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Rohingya population of Arakan state in Myanmar are one the most persecuted ethnic minorities in this 21st century. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), all human beings are born free, equal in dignity and rights. However, these populations are systematically excluded from this universal proclamation of human rights as they are Rohingya, which signify ‘other’. Based on the accessible and available literatures about Rohingya issue, this study firstly found there are chronological pattern of human rights violations against the ethnic Rohingya which follows the pathology of the Holocaust in this 21st century of human civilization. These violations have been possible due to modern technology, bureaucracy which has been performed through authorization, routinization and dehumanization; not only in formal institutions but in the society as a whole. This kind of apparently never-ending situation poses any author with the problem of available many scientific articles. The most important sources are, therefore the international daily newspapers, social media and official webpage of the non-state actors for nitty-gritty day to day update. Although it challenges the validity and objectivity of the information, but to address the critical ongoing human rights violations against Rohingya population can become a base for further work on this issue. One of the aspects of this paper is to accommodate all the social movements since August 2017 to date. The findings of this paper is that even though it seemed only human rights violations occurred against Rohingya historically but, simultaneously the process of social movements had also started, can be traced more after the military campaign in 2017. Therefore, the Rohingya crisis can be conceptualized within one ‘campaign’ movement for justice, not as episodic events, especially within the Political Process Model than any other social movement theories. This model identifies that the role of international political movements as well as the role of non-state actors are more powerful than any other episodes of violence conducted against Rohinyga in reframing issue, blaming and shaming to Myanmar government and creating the strategic opportunities for social changes. The lack of empowerment of the affected Rohingya population has been found as the loop to utilize this strategic opportunity. Their lack of empowerment can also affect their capacity to reframe their rights and to manage the campaign for their justice. Therefore, this should be placed at the heart of the international policy agenda within the broader socio-political movement for the justice of Rohingya population. Without ensuring human rights of Rohingya population, achieving the promise of the united nation’s sustainable development goals - no one would be excluded – will be impossible.

Keywords: civilization, holocaust, human rights violation, military campaign, political process model, Rohingya population, sustainable development goal, social justice, social movement, strategic opportunity

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Authors: Rui Serôdio, Alexandra Serra, José Albino Lima, Luísa Catita, Paula Lopes

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We will present the outline of the Project SIA (Social Inclusion through Accessibility) focusing in one of its core components: how our applied research model contributes to define community participation as a pillar for strategic and political agenda amongst local authorities. Project ISA, supported by EU regional funding, was design as part of a broader model developed by SIMLab–Social Inclusion Monitoring Laboratory, in which the relation University-Community is a core element. The project illustrates how University of Porto developed a large scale project of applied psychology research in a close partnership with 18 municipalities that cover almost all regions of Portugal, and with a private architecture enterprise, specialized in inclusive accessibility and “design for all”. Three fundamental goals were defined: (1) creation of a model that would promote the effective civic participation of local citizens; (2) the “voice” of such participation should be both individual and collective; (3) the scientific and technical framework should serve as one of the bases for political decision on inclusive accessibility local planning. The two main studies were run in a standardized model across all municipalities and the samples of the three modalities of community participation were the following: individual participation based on 543 semi-structured interviews and 6373 inquiries; collective participation based on group session with 302 local citizens. We present some of the broader findings of Project SIA and discuss how they relate to our applied research model.

Keywords: applied psychology, collective identity, community participation, inclusive accessibility

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Authors: Werner Roux Uys

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The Commissioner for the South African Revenue Service (SARS) holds a high position of trust in South African society and a lack of trust by taxpayers in the Commissioner’s actions or conduct could compromise SARS’ management of public finances. Tax morality – which is implicit in the social contract between taxpayers and the state – includes distinct phenomena that can cause a breakdown if there is a perceived lack of action on the part of the Commissioner to ensure public finances are kept safe. To promote tax morality, the Commissioner must support the judiciary in the exercise of its discretion to punish fraudulent tax activities and corrupt tax practices. For several years the political meddling in the Commissioner’s actions and conduct have caused perceived abuse of power at SARS, and taxpayers believed their hard-earned income paid over to SARS would be fruitless and wasteful expenditure. The purpose of this article is to identify and analyse previous decisions held by the South African judiciary regarding the Commissioner’s actions and conduct in tax matters, as well as consider important political statements and newspaper bulletins for the purpose of this research. The study applies a qualitative research approach and exploratory case study technique. Keywords were selected and inserted in the LexisNexis electronic database to systematically identify applicable case law where the ratio decidendi of the court referred to the actions and/or conduct of the Commissioner. Specific real-life statements, including political statements and newspaper bulletins, were selected to support the topic at hand. The purpose of the study is to educate the public about the perceptions that have transformed taxpayers’ behaviour towards the Commissioner for SARS since South Africa’s fledgling constitutional democracy was inaugurated in 1994. The study adds to the literature by identifying key characteristics or distinct phenomena regarding the actions and conduct of the Commissioner affecting taxpayers’ behaviour, including discretionary decision-making. From the findings, it emerged that SARS must abide by its (own) laws and that there is a need to educate not only South African taxpayers about tax morality, but also the public in general.

Keywords: commissioner, SARS, action and conduct, judiciary, discretionry, decsion-making

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Authors: Victoria C. Valdebenito

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Located within the context of accelerating globalization in the 21^st-century knowledge society, this paper focuses on one selected university in Chile at which radical curriculum policy changes have been taking place, diverging from the traditional curriculum in Chile at the undergraduate level as a section of a larger investigation. Using a ‘policy trajectory’ framework, and guided by the interpretivist approach to research, interview transcripts and institutional documents were analyzed in relation to the meso (university administration) and the micro (academics) level. Inside the case study, participants from the university administration and academic levels were selected both via snow-ball technique and purposive selection, thus they had different levels of seniority, with some participating actively in the curriculum reform processes. Guided by an interpretivist approach to research, documents and interview transcripts were analyzed to reveal major themes emerging from the data. A further ‘bigger picture’ analysis guided by critical theory was then undertaken, involving interrogation of underlying ideologies and how political and economic interests influence the cultural production of policy. The case-study university was selected because it represents a traditional and old case of university setting in the country, undergoing curriculum changes based on international trends such as the competency model and the liberal arts. Also, it is representative of a particular socioeconomic sector of the country. Access to the university was gained through email contact. Qualitative research methods were used, namely interviews and analysis of institutional documents. In all, 18 people were interviewed. The number was defined by when the saturation criterion was met. Semi-structured interview schedules were based on the four research questions about influences, policy texts, policy enactment and longer-term outcomes. Triangulation of information was used for the analysis. While there was no intention to generalize the specific findings of the case study, the results of the research were used as a focus for engagement with broader themes, often evident in global higher education policy developments. The research results were organized around major themes in three of the four contexts of the ‘policy trajectory’. Regarding the context of influences and the context of policy text production, themes relate to hegemony exercised by first world countries’ universities in the higher education field, its associated neoliberal ideology, with accountability and the discourse of continuous improvement, the local responses to those pressures, and the value of interdisciplinarity. Finally, regarding the context of policy practices and effects (enactment), themes emerged around the impacts of the curriculum changes on university staff, students, and resistance amongst academics. The research concluded with a few recommendations that potentially provide ‘food for thought’ beyond the localized settings of this study, as well as possibilities for further research.

Keywords: curriculum, global-local dynamics, higher education, policy, sociology of education

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Authors: Isaac Kofi Mensah, Mi Jianing

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The lack of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) infrastructure in African countries is hampering the successful adoption, development and implementation of e-government in Africa. Electronic government is the use of ICTs to modernize government public administration processes and to provide government services to citizens with a purpose to enhance efficiency, accountability, and transparency in government’s interaction with the citizenry. ICT application in public administration has the potential to modernize and create smarter government and improvement in public service delivery. China’s Internet Plus policy and One Belt One Road strategy present a golden opportunity for countries in Africa to attract the huge financial investment through Chinese IT companies to develop and close Africa’s ICT infrastructure gap. This study recommends the establishment of One Belt One Road ICT Infrastructure Fund for Africa (OBOR ICT Fund for Africa) to enable countries in Africa to source solely for the purpose of ICT infrastructure development in the public sector/government machinery which would in turn promote the adoption and development of e-government in the public sectors of respective countries in Africa.

Keywords: e-government, public service delivery, internet plus, one belt one road initiative, China, Africa

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Authors: Abel Edeowede Abhulimen

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Due to supply irregularity and frequent outages, the need for reliability in power supply has grown unsatisfactorily over time in developing nations, impeding industrialization and fueling insecurity. This article attempts to break down the Nigerian power issue into its numerous sub-sectors in order to pinpoint the industry's ailment and suggest a viable fix. Monthly average performance data were obtained for the various sub-sectors across the industry for eight consecutive quarters. Whereas the amount of energy generated was found to be insufficient to engender industrialization in a nation like Nigeria, the transmission infrastructure was inadequate for the amount of power needed to be wheeled. Additionally, the distribution sub-sector was plagued with problems such as revenue collection inefficiency, severe enough to impede the growth of the entire industry. The country's goal of attaining energy sufficiency and industrialization would significantly be closer to reality with a conscious effort to increase the base of power generation through aggressive investment in Combined Cycle Gas Turbines (CCGT), decentralization of the transmission infrastructure, and strict monitoring of the distribution sub-sector for improved accountability and system reliability.

Keywords: performance, power industry, industrialization, security, energy

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Authors: Khadeeja Munawar, Shamsul Haque

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We examined the plausibility of transition theory suggesting that memories of transitional events, which give rise to a significant and persistent change in the fabric of daily life, are organized around the historically defined autobiographical periods (H-DAPs). 141 Pakistani older adults retrieved 10 autobiographical memories (AMs) each to 10 cue words. As the history of Pakistan is dominated by various political and nationwide transitional events, it was expected that the participants would recall memories with H-DAPs references. The content analysis revealed that 0.7% of memories had H-DAP references and 0.4% memories mentioned major transitional events such as War/Natural Disaster. There was a vivid reminiscence bump between 10 - 20 years of age in lifespan distribution of AMs. There were 67.9% social-focused AMs. Significantly more self-focused memories were reported by individuals who endorsed themselves as conservatives. Only a few H-DAPs were reported, although the history of Pakistan was dominated by numerous political, historical and nationwide transitional events. Memories within and outside of the bump period were mostly positive. The participants rarely used historical/political or nationwide significant events or periods to date the memories elicited. The intense and nationwide (as well as region-wise) significant historical/political events spawned across decades in the lives of participants of the present study but these events did not produce H-DAPs. The findings contradicted the previous studies on H-DAPs and transition theory. The dominance of social-focused AMs in the present study is in line with the past studies comparing the memories of collectivist and individualist cultures (i.e., European Americans vs. Asian, African and Latin-American cultures). The past empirical evidence shows that conservative values and beliefs are adopted as a coping strategy to feel secure in the face of danger when future is dominated with uncertainty and to connect to likeminded others. In the present study, conservative political ideology is somehow assisting the participants in living a stable life midst of their complex social worlds. The reminiscence bump, as well as dominance of positive memories within and outside the bump period, are in line with the narrative/identity account which states that the events and experiences during adolescence and early adulthood assimilate into a person’s lifelong narratives. Hence these events are used as identity markers and are more easily recalled later in life. Also, according to socioemotional theory and the positivity effect, the participants evaluated past events more positively as they grow up and the intensity of negative emotions decreased with time.

Keywords: autobiographical memory, historically defined autobiographical periods, narrative/identity account, Pakistan, reminiscence bump, SMS framework, transition theory

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Authors: Nisar Alungal Chungath

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“No human being is illegal" has become a dictum strongly upheld in the context of global immigration and migration, highlighting the ethical and moral dimensions of how societies and governments treat individuals and communities who have crossed political borders or are living in a country without legal authorization. It seeks to shift the focus from categorizing human beings as illegal immigrants to recognizing their inherent human rights and the complexities of their circumstances. As a complex social phenomenon, law has been a crucial instrument in shaping, regulating and governing human societies and vice versa. The law has now become a humongous political project of the modern majoritarian regimes to democratically illegitimize and illegalize the unpopular sections and minorities. Drawing from the theoretical frameworks of dialectics, the paper explores the philosophical underpinnings of the historical evolution and dynamic nature of modern law. The paper employs a phenomenological approach to analyze the dialectical relations between individuals, societies, and legal systems, aiming to shed light on the ethical and political implications of these interactions. By examining the historical essence of law, its relationship with social and cultural norms, and the role of power dynamics, this article argues for constantly maintaining the dialectics of law—the dynamic interplay between legal norms, social practices, cultural values, and historical contexts through a philosophical and phenomenological lens, in order to bridge the gap between universal principles and particular contexts. The paper will shed light to the dialectics of the law in the context of instances of the legal persecutions of the modern secular democracies such as Citizenship Amendment Act-2019, India.

Keywords: phenomenology, dialectic, modern law, politics, resistance, margins

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Authors: Rajni Singh, Rakesh Mishra, Mukunda Upadhyay

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India is among the nations born out of partition that led to one of the greatest forced migrations that marked the past century. The Indian subcontinent got partitioned into two nation-states, namely India and Pakistan. This led to an unexampled mass displacement of people accounting for about 20 million in the subcontinent as a whole. This exemplifies the socio-political version of displacement, but there are other identified reasons leading to human displacement viz., natural calamities, development projects and people-trafficking and smuggling. Although forced migrations are rare in incidence, they are mostly region-specific and a very less percentage of population appears to be affected by it. However, when this percentage is transcripted in terms of volume, the real impact created by such migration can be realized. Forced migration is thus an issue related to the lives of many people and requires to be addressed with proper intervention. Forced or involuntary migration decimates peoples' assets while taking from them their most basic resources and makes them migrate without planning and intention. This in most cases proves to be a burden on the destination resources. Thus, the question related to their security concerns arise profoundly with regard to the protection and safeguards to these migrants who need help at the place of destination. This brings the human security dimension of forced migration into picture. The present study is an analysis of a sample of 1501 persons by NSSO in India (National Sample Survey Organisation), which identifies three reasons for forced migration- natural disaster, social/political problem and displacement by development projects. It was observed that, of the total forced migrants, about 4/5th comprised of the internally displaced persons. However, there was a huge inflow of such migrants to the country from across the borders also, the major contributing countries being Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Gulf countries and Nepal. Among the three reasons for involuntary migration, social and political problem is the most prominent in displacing huge masses of population; it is also the reason where the share of international migrants to that of internally displaced is higher compared to the other two factors /reasons. Second to political and social problems, natural calamities displaced a high portion of the involuntary migrants. The present paper examines the factors which increase people's vulnerability to forced migration. On perusing the background characteristics of the migrants it was seen that those who were economically weak and socially fragile are more susceptible to migration. Therefore, getting an insight about this fragile group of society is required so that government policies can benefit these in the most efficient and targeted manner.

Keywords: involuntary migration, displacement, natural disaster, social and political problem

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Authors: Stephen Clear

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Brexit, the relationship between devolved administrations, and Westminster, as well as recent Supreme Court judgments, all evidence that traditional paradigms in the divide between legal and political constitutionalism are changing within the United Kingdom. Whilst not mutually exclusive concepts, these latest constitutional developments suggest that the UK is about to embark upon radical constitutional reform over the course of the next decade. Such will systematically redefine the roles and relationships of each of the three arms of the State. In mapping these three latest events, this paper starts by defining constitutionalism as a jurisprudential concept, from the Age of Enlightenment, through to its present day manifestations in 2020. Such thereafter explains why the UK is seeking to move further away from political constitutionalism, and instead towards an increased reliance on newly defined laws and rules, particularly given that the UK now has a government with a stronger working majority following the general election results in 2019. In doing so, this paper concludes by commenting upon recent concerns surrounding the potential for the politicization of the judiciary within the United Kingdom, at a time when the UK Prime Minister is seeking to redefine the country’s constitutional rulebook.

Keywords: United Kingdom, Brexit, constitutionalism, law, politics, constitutional reform, separation of powers

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Authors: Mukunda Upadhyay, Rakesh Mishra, Rajni Singh

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This paper is an attempt to understand the abstract concept of space, citizenship and migration in the north-eastern region. In the twentieth century, researchers and thinkers related citizenship and migration on national models. The national models of jus sulis and jus sangunis provide scope of space and rights to only those who are either born in the territory or either share the common descent. Space ensures rights and citizenship ensures space and for many migrants, citizenship is the ultimate goal in the host country. Migrants with the intention of settling down in the destination region, begin to adapt and assimilate in their new homes. In many cases, migrants may also retain the culture and values of the place of origin. In such cases the difference in the degree of retention and assimilation may determine the chances of conflict between the host society and migrants. Such conflicts are fueled by political aspirations of few individuals on both the sides. The North-Eastern part of India is a mixed community with many linguistic and religious groups sharing a common Geo-political space. Every community has its own unique history, culture and identity. Since the last half of the nineteenth century, this region has been experiencing both internal migration from other states and immigration from the neighboring countries which has resulted in the interactions of various cultures and ethnicities. With the span of time, migration has taken bitter form with problems concentrated around acquiring rights through space and citizenship. Political tensions resulted by host hostility and migrants resistance has ruined the social order in few areas. In order to resolve these issues in this area proper intervention has to be carried out by the involvement of the National and International community.

Keywords: space, citizenship, assimilation, migration, rights

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Authors: Edward Hwang

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The efficiency of public policies depends on customer's satisfaction, and the change directions of public policies hinge on customer's assessment; i.e., the performance of public policies in governments is decided by the citizen's administrative satisfaction! The governments in all levels must heave their efficiency and effectiveness of public services to meet the people's substantially multiple needs in order to make citizens trust the governmental operation styles. To pursue the societal equality and justice, governments should treat people equally and provide more services for the disadvantages. The recent Dapu protest event involves Miaoli county Magistrate Liu cheng-hung who arbitrarily demolished houses and destroyed farmlands, and it shifts his popularity into disaffection. Liu case tells us that the political events are lethal to politicians; it cut almost 20% satisfaction degree for Magistrate Liu and hurt KMT support levels nationally. In terms of administrative satisfaction levels, political factors do matter, especially for the derogated events.

Keywords: local politics, administrative satisfaction, Taiwan, customer satisfaction

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Authors: Nuhu Bitrus Mailabari

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Nigeria is a highly multifarious nation trapped between affluence and affliction. On one hand, the state has vast territorial size, economic strength, relative internal cohesion, and good external linkages. On the other, it is bedeviled with enormous challenges. It is common knowledge that the North-East geo-political zone has suffered colossal destruction for the most part of the last ten years due to the activities of the insurgent group Boko Haram. Several factors (political, economic, religious, socio-cultural) have been credited with the heightened insecurity in the region. Without a doubt, the security crisis in the region has rekindled several discussions critical to Nigeria’s security architecture. However, the debate on finding an enduring solution to the devastation in the North East continually neglects the nexus between cross border migration and national security. Using content analysis, this paper debates two main issues that continue to affect security in the North East. One, the cumulative impact of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) protocol on the free movement of people and goods. Two, the porous nature of Nigeria’s borders. Theoretically, the paper will rely on the systems theory because of its broad focus on structure, linkage, and process. The work concludes in twofold. First, that cross border migration and poor border management processes further worsened the political and socio-economic conditions of a region that is already in a bad state. Secondly, in addition to the existing strategies, Nigeria must develop a holistic approach including new methods of handling cross border movements in solving the security issues.

Keywords: border, cross border, migration, Nigeria, northeast region, security

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Authors: Loide Sambo

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Achieving energy security has, in the past few decades, become one of the main goals in the security agenda of every country around the world. For Southern African Countries (SAC) the aim is not different, yet these countries face a particular challenge in the pursuit of their energy security. More than just secure enough energy sources to fuel their industrial and societal needs, SAC have as well to ensure that they trade their rich energy resources to the global market in a way that promotes and safeguards their economic development objectives. Considering the relevance of this issue to the SAC, the present paper explores the possibility of these countries to achieve energy security through regional cooperation, under the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) platform. It discusses the challenges and opportunities for advancing energy security in this region through cooperation. After analyzing the data through the documentary analysis method, it was found that regional cooperation among SAC to improve energy security is not effective since cooperation in the region is still very susceptible to a plethora of challenges, such as political instability, lack of development of infrastructure and expertise, lack of good governance, lack of sense of cohesiveness, and most important lack of political commitment. It was also found that significant commitment on regional cooperation had been centered on the electricity sub-sector due to the region’s huge electricity deficit. Thus less commitment is dedicated to the development and policy harmonization of the other sub-sectors such as the one of natural gas and oil, for instance. Hence, it is recommended that the leadership of the SAC is fully committed to cooperate and harmonize the policies, the strategic plans, as well as the infrastructure concerning to all the natural energy resources and its respective sub-sectors. This would provide the SAC significant leverage to negotiate for the energy market access, ensuring that the region’s energy commodities are traded, while the countries themselves retain enough energy to sustain their economic growth and development, improving, therefore, their energy security.

Keywords: regional cooperation, energy security, economic development, political commitment

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Authors: Nikoletta G. Karytsioti

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The European Union’s function and effectiveness are still an issue that minds, bringing about division even in the member-states interior. Recently, more serious issues have been added in the Union’s malfunction, which affects not only the Union’s function but also their residents’ safety. One of these issues is the migration crisis, which frustrates the European Union’s balances and the stability. The present paper’s aim to frame and interpret the Greek public opinion in basic migration matters, throughout the political philosophy and specifically via John Rawls ‘Theory of Justice’. The theory is deployed to examine if it may be used in a practical way, on a tangible issue and in a specific area. In order to obtain a real frame of the public opinion about the matter of migration, a questionnaire was addressed to Greek people. The sample was chosen for three main reasons: a) Greeks are experienced in the migration as they had migrated in the past, b) many young people migrated the recent years after the debt crisis, c) Greece is a reception state. Being based in the Theory of Justice and specifically in the ‘veil of ignorance’, is tried to overcome the obstacles of human nature’s subjectivity, while examining the variations in the responses per social group. The questionnaire will have demographic questions and special interest questions, related with the crisis, before and after ‘the veil of ignorance’. The paper’s originality comes from the fact that it is the first time that a philosophical theory is used to examine the migration issue in a practical manner. The main goals of the paper are three: - To examine the differences/similarities in the responses before and after the veil of ignorance, - to reveal opinions on migration crisis from E.U. citizens and - to confirm or not the practical usefulness of the Political Philosophy as a highlighting tool

Keywords: European Union, immigrants, migration crisis, political philosophy, theory of justice, veil of ignorance

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