Search results for: election law

Authors: Shola H. Adeosun, Lekan M. Togunwa, Kolawole Z. Amos

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This paper appraises ‘Newspaper Coverage of 2015 General Election: A study of The Punch and Guardian Newspapers’. The objectives of the study were to examine how credible newspaper reports of 2015 election were and to examine the significant role Nigeria Newspapers played in the 2015 general elections. Also this study examined the extent at which the print media contributed to the success of 2015 general election and to ascertain the extent at which print media reports serve as a tool for sensitizing the masses. The research questions that guided this research include: How credible was newspaper report of 2015 general election? To what extent did the print media contributed to the success of 2015 general elections? To what extent did the print media reports serve as a tool for sensitizing the masses? The research work was given solid theoretical foundation with the review of Agenda-setting theory, Media System Dependency Theory and Normative theories. This study was given solid theoretical foundation with the review of Agenda-setting theory, Media Dependency Theory and Normative theories. The theory was conducted using content analysis method of research and 30 publications of both The Guardian and Punch Newspaper between January 1st and March 30, 2015 forms the population for this research work. Selection of the dates and editions of Newspaper under study were done using the composite week sampling technique. All the days of the week were used for the newspapers because they (The Punch and The Guardian) are published all the days of the week. Coding sheet was the tool of data collection for the content analysis of this study. Findings of the study revealed that by the Punch newspaper and Guardian has played a significant role in eradicating election malpractices in Nigeria. It therefore concludes that media is metaphoric when we termed it to be a watchdog of the nation as well the mirror through which the nation see and recognize itself. The study also recommends that Nigerian media should strike balance between entertainment stories, crisis stories, economic stories, law story, education stories, terrorism stories, health stories, sport stories, metropolitan stories instead of portraying the country as being crime oriented.

Keywords: newspaper, coverage, general elections, impact

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Authors: Temitope Abiodun Balogun

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Political interviews are one of the ways by which political office-seekers in Nigeria sell themselves to the electorates. Extant studies have examined the discourse of political interviews from conversational, philosophical, rhetorical, stylistic and pragmatic perspectives with insufficient attention paid to grammatical forms and communicative intentions of the interviews granted by the two presidential aspirants in the 2015 Nigerian general election. This study fills this scholarly gap to unmask their grammatical forms and communicative styles, intention and credibility. The paper adopts Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar, specifically interpersonal function coupled with Searle’s Model of Speech Acts Theory as a theoretical framework. A total of six interviews granted by the two presidential aspirants in media serve as the source of data. It is discovered that, in most cases, politicians’ communicative intention is to “pull-down” their political opponents. While declarative and interrogatives are simple, direct and straightforward, the intention is to condemn, lambast and castigate their opponents. This communicative style does not allow the general populace to decipher the political manifestoes of the political aspirants and the party they represent. The paper recommends that before Nigeria can boast of any sustainable growth and development, there is the need for her political office-seekers to adopt effective communication strategies and styles to unveil their intention and manifestoes so that electorates can evaluate their performance after their tenure of office.

Keywords: general election, grammatical forms and function, political interviews, presidential aspirants

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Authors: Arvind Salem

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Voters across the country are transferring the power of redistricting from the state legislatures to commissions to secure “fairer” districts by curbing the influence of gerrymandering on redistricting. Gerrymandering, intentionally drawing distorted districts to achieve political advantage, has become extremely prevalent, generating widespread voter dissatisfaction and resulting in states adopting commissions for redistricting. However, the efficacy of these commissions is dubious, with some arguing that they constitute a panacea for gerrymandering, while others contend that commissions have relatively little effect on gerrymandering. A result showing that commissions are effective would allay these fears, supplying ammunition for activists across the country to advocate for commissions in their state and reducing the influence of gerrymandering across the nation. However, a result against commissions may reaffirm doubts about commissions and pressure lawmakers to make improvements to commissions or even abandon the commission system entirely. Additionally, these commissions are publicly funded: so voters have a financial interest and responsibility to know if these commissions are effective. Currently, nine states place commissions in charge of redistricting, Arizona, California, Colorado, Michigan, Idaho, Montana, Washington, and New Jersey (Hawaii also has a commission but will be excluded for reasons mentioned later). This study compares the degree of gerrymandering in the 2022 election (“after”) to the election in which voters decided to adopt commissions (“before”). The before-election provides a valuable benchmark for assessing the efficacy of commissions since voters in those elections clearly found the districts to be unfair; therefore, comparing the current election to that one is a good way to determine if commissions have improved the situation. At the time Hawaii adopted commissions, it was merely a single at-large district, so it is before metrics could not be calculated, and it was excluded. This study will use three methods to quantify the degree of gerrymandering: the efficiency gap, the percentage of seats and the percentage of votes difference, and the mean-median difference. Each of these metrics has unique advantages and disadvantages, but together, they form a balanced approach to quantifying gerrymandering. The study uses a Wilcoxon Signed-Rank Test with a null hypothesis that the value of the metrics is greater than or equal to after the election than before and an alternative hypothesis that the value of these metrics is greater in the before the election than after using a 0.05 significance level and an expected difference of 0. Accepting the alternative hypothesis would constitute evidence that commissions reduce gerrymandering to a statistically significant degree. However, this study could not conclude that commissions are effective. The p values obtained for all three metrics (p=0.42 for the efficiency gap, p=0.94 for the percentage of seats and percentage of votes difference, and p=0.47 for the mean-median difference) were extremely high and far from the necessary value needed to conclude that commissions are effective. These results halt optimism about commissions and should spur serious discussion about the effectiveness of these commissions and ways to change them moving forward so that they can accomplish their goal of generating fairer districts.

Keywords: commissions, elections, gerrymandering, redistricting

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Authors: Syed Muhammad Wajih ul Hassan

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This research looks at the perception of first-time voters in Pakistan on the political dynamics of the country. This paper shall review the researches that were conducted by Gallup Pakistan and compare it with our findings regarding the voter behavior and factors that affect the priorities of the voters. A country where democracy has just completed its 2 consecutive tenures for the first time, one would always want to know about the voting trends among youth where young population makes 60% of the population in the country. In that case, it is not only a big task to find out voter patterns and trends voters might adhere to while a general election is approaching. Also, the paper discovers the psychology of young Pakistani voters on the upcoming election of 2018 but also the factors that influence the voting decisions of a voter. This research tries to study the relations among voters and how they view each other in general. The paper also explores the views of voters on the factors that impact decision making of a voter while casting his/her vote in Pakistan. The paper thoroughly studies the expectations of the voters from the current system that prevails in the country. The reason this research was conducted is that this kind of positive approach towards finding out the voter perception is heavily untouched in Pakistani academia. This study can benefit a lot of institutions and professions in the future too. The constraints and obstacles that came while this research was being conducted are also identified in the paper. The mode of research is primary research as it was impossible to find out the perceptions of first-time voters without going on the field and carrying out the research. The research was conducted in one of the most reputable and liberal educational institutions of Pakistan. This research is based on a survey that was conducted through questionnaires where responses were collected through a mix process of random and convenient sampling. The major findings of the study show that young voters have a realistic perspective about the electoral process in the country. The research also articulates the factors that affect the priorities of young voters, and also how young voters view other voters that belong from other sections of the society. To conclude, we can say that this research will give us a perspective that can define and identify the voter priorities of the future in Pakistan.

Keywords: first time voters, general election 2018, Pakistan, young

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Authors: Volker Mittendorf, Andre Schmale

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In this case study, we want to explore the Twitter-use of candidates during the state parliamentary elections-year 2018 in Bavaria, Germany. This paper focusses on the seven parties that probably entered the parliament. Against this background, the paper classifies the use of language as populism which itself is considered as a political communication style. First, we determine the election campaigns which started in the years 2017 on Twitter, after that we categorize the posting times of the different direct candidates in order to derive ideal types from our empirical data. Second, we have done the exploration based on the dictionary of concerned citizens which contains German political language of the right and the far right. According to that, we are analyzing the corpus with methods of text mining and social network analysis, and afterwards we display the results in a network of words of concerned citizen communication style (CCCS).

Keywords: populism, communication style, election, text mining, social media

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Authors: Tracy-Ann Johnson-Myers

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Since the early 1990’s voter turnout in Jamaica has been abysmal. More troubling, the group less interested in voting are the ‘articulate minority’ (educated youths, aged 18-35). Using surveys, media commentaries and data from the Electoral Commission of Jamaica, this study explores the relationship between educated youths and traditional politics in Jamaica. Specifically, it raises questions about why the ‘articulate minority’ did not vote in the 2016 general election. This will be done by highlighting the political and socio-economic reasons affecting their participation in the electoral process, their opinions of who is responsible for low voter turnout in Jamaica, and what they think needs to be done to encourage people in general to vote. The findings reveal that lack of interest in the democratic and electoral process by the ‘articulate minority’ is due to their growing distrust of politicians and political parties, and lack of confidence in the political process.

Keywords: articulate minority, Jamaica, voter apathy, voter turnout

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Authors: Ahmet Ekinci

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The new government system of Turkey can be described as hyper-presidentialism, this is because the president then becomes the arbiter of all powers. In another word, the power to enact decrees, appoint bureaucrats and judicial officials into offices, and the power to dissolve a parliament belongs solely to the president. As a strong presidency fuse with a disciplined party system as well as concurrent elections and 10 percent electoral threshold, the president possibly poses a great danger to the separation of powers. Additionally, with regards to the presidential term, the president constitutionally holds the power to be elected only for two terms in Turkey. However, Erdoğan and his supporters believe that the 2017 constitutional amendments that changed the system of government have reset the agenda. Thus, the 2017 amendments offered Erdoğan a secret opportunity to join the presidential election race for a third and even a fourth term.

Keywords: hyper-presidentialism, Turkish presidentialism, presidential decree, concurrent election, Erdogan’s term limit, Turkish government system

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Authors: S. Zev Kalifon

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The question of polygamy for Moslem minorities in Western nations has often been raised in the political and social discourse. Can polygamy be tolerated as a religious or human right in the West. For example, before the 2015 election in Israel, changes were made in the electoral system, which encouraged three small Arab parties to merge into one list. This “Unity List” included the socially liberal Communist list and a socially conservative Islamist list. Two members of the Islamist list were polygamists. Some rival politicians called for the election board to disqualify these men (and even the whole list) from the election process. This request was denied by the courts, and the men were elected to the parliament. Their subsequent seating in the parliament was questioned by many on both the liberal and conservative sides of the political spectrum. Some political commentators went so far as to describe polygamy as a “mark of disgrace” (a term usually reserved for people convicted on corruption charges). There are also problems in other areas of society; these include the rights of these families for welfare and social services (public policy issues) and residence in Israel. Using qualitative methods (primarily historical and archival data), this paper will analyze at the historic and cultural processes which created the intense opposition to polygamy in Judaism (for Israel) and Christianity (for the Western world). It will look at the debate over the "religious right" of polygamy for Moslem citizens in Israel and other Western cultures. Finally, it will examine the political, cultural, and demographic pressures which encourage polygamy in these minorities. This paper will demonstrate that the debate over polygamy is more than a question of religious freedom or human rights or multi-culturalism. It is a central symbol of modernity and the Western worldview.

Keywords: human rights, Judaism, multi-culturalism, polygamy, western values

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Authors: Chan Eang Teng, Tang Mui Joo

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With the viral factor on social media, the sense of persuasion is generated by repetition and popularity. When users’ interest is captured, political awareness increases to spark political enthusiasm, but, the level of user’s political participation and political attitude of those active users is still questionable. An online survey on 250 youth and in-depth interview on two politicians are conducted to answer the main question in this paper. The result shows that Facebook significantly increases political awareness among youths. Social media may not be the major trigger to political activism among youths as most respondents opined that they would still vote without Facebook. Other factors could be political campaigning, political climate, age, peer pressure or others. Finding also shows that majority of respondents did not participate in online political debates or political groups. Many also wondered if the social media was the main power switch that triggers the political influx among young voters. The research finding is significant to understand how the new media, Facebook, has reshaped the political landscape in Malaysia, creating the Social Media Election that changed the rules of the political game. However, research finding does not support the ideal notion that the social media is the major trigger to youth’s political activism. This research outcome has exposed the flaws of the Social Media Election. It has revealed the less optimistic side of youth political activism. Unfortunately, results fall short of the idealistic belief that the social media have given rise to political activism among youths in the 13^th General Election in Malaysia. The research outcome also highlights an important lesson for the democratic discourse of Malaysia which is making informed and educated decisions takes more commitment, proactive and objective attitude.

Keywords: social media, political participation, political activism, democracy, political communication

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Authors: Robin Turner

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In the context of the strengthening conservative movements such as “Brexit” and the election of US President Donald Trump, the global political stage was shaken up by the election of Emmanuel Macron to the French presidency, defeating the far-right candidate Marine Le Pen. The election itself was a first for the Fifth Republic in which neither final candidate was from the traditional two major political parties: the left Parti Socialiste (PS) and the right Les Républicains (LR). Macron, who served as the Minister of Finance under his predecessor, founded the centrist liberal political party En Marche! in April 2016 before resigning from his post in August to launch his bid for the presidency. Between the time of the party’s creation to the first round of elections a year later, Emmanuel Macron and En Marche! had garnered enough support to make it to the run-off election, finishing far ahead of many seasoned national political figures. Now months into his presidency, the youngest President of the Republic shows no sign of losing fuel anytime soon. His unprecedented success raises a lot of questions with respect to international relations, economics, and the evolving relationship between the French government and its citizens. The effectiveness of Macron’s campaign, of course, relies on many factors, one of which is his manner of communicating his platform to French voters. Using data from oral discourse and primary material from Macron and En Marche! in sources such as party publications and Twitter, the study categorizes linguistic instruments – address, lexicon, tone, register, and syntax – to identify prevailing patterns of speech and communication. The linguistic analysis in this project is two-fold. In addition to these findings’ stand-alone value, these discourse patterns are contextualized by comparable discourse of other 2017 presidential candidates with high emphasis on that of Marine Le Pen. Secondly, to provide an alternative approach, the study contextualizes Macron’s discourse using those of two immediate predecessors representing the traditional stronghold political parties, François Hollande (PS) and Nicolas Sarkozy (LR). These comparative methods produce an analysis that gives insight to not only a contributing factor to Macron’s successful 2017 campaign but also provides insight into how Macron’s platform presents itself differently to previous presidential platforms. Furthermore, this study extends analysis to supply data that contributes to a wider analysis of the defeat of “traditional” French political parties by the “start-up” movement En Marche!.

Keywords: Emmanuel Macron, French, discourse analysis, political discourse

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Authors: Isaac Kofi Mensah

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The manual system of voting has been the most widely used system of electing representatives around the globe, particularly in Africa. Due to the known numerous problems and challenges associated with the manual system of voting, many countries are migrating to the electronic voting system as a suitable and credible means of electing representatives over the manual paper-based system. This research paper therefore investigated the factors influencing adoption and use of an electronic voting system in Ghana. A total of 400 Questionnaire Instruments (QI) were administered to potential respondents in Ghana, of which 387 responded representing a response rate of 96.75%. The Technology Acceptance Model was used as the theoretical framework for the study. The research model was tested using a simple linear regression analysis with SPSS. A little of over 71.1% of the respondents recommended the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana to adopt an electronic voting system in the conduct of public elections in Ghana. The results indicated that all the six predictors such as perceived usefulness (PU), perceived ease of use (PEOU), perceived free and fair elections (PFFF), perceived credible elections (PCE), perceived system integrity (PSI) and citizens trust in the election management body (CTEM) were all positively significant in predicting the readiness of citizens to adopt and use an electronic voting system in Ghana. However, jointly, the hypotheses tested revealed that apart from Perceived Free and Fair Elections and Perceived Credible and Transparent Elections, all the other factors such as PU, Perceived System Integrity and Security and Citizen Trust in the Election Management Body were found to be significant predictors of the Willingness of Ghanaians to use an electronic voting system. All the six factors considered in this study jointly account for about 53.1% of the reasons determining the readiness to adopt and use an electronic voting system in Ghana. The implications of this research finding on elections in Ghana are discussed.

Keywords: credible elections, Election Management Body (EMB), electronic voting, Ghana, Technology Acceptance Model (TAM)

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Authors: Joy Olayemi Gbala, Fatai Olatokunbo, Philip Cloud

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Catastrophic dictatorship has been discovered to be the major leadership challenge that orchestrates stagnated and contrasted economy with dysfunctional democracy in Africa through willful misappropriation of resources and egregious subversion of the rule of law. Almost invariably, most African leaders inexplicably often become power drunk and addicted which usually leads to abuse of state power, abdication of constitutional duties, unjustly withdrawal of business license of operation, human right violation, election malpractices, financial corruption, disruptions of policies of democratic government transition, annulment of free and fair election, and disruptions of legal electoral procedures and unachievable dividends of democracy and many more. Owing to this, most African nations have gone and still go through political unrest and insurgencies leading to loss of lives and property, violent protests, detention of detractors and political activists and massive human displacement. This research work is concerned with, and investigates the causes, menace, consequences and impacts of subverting the rule of law in Africa on the economy and the development of the continent with a suggested practical solution to the plights.

Keywords: corruption, law, leadership, violation

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Authors: Abdulmalik Adamu

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This study is premised on the assumption that language, particularly, English plays a significant role in the acquisition of power in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the fact that for the first time in the political history of Nigeria, an opposition party succeeded in dethroning an incumbent President and ruling political party in an election. Therefore the main objective was to investigate the role of language, particularly English in the acquisition of political power in Nigeria. The corpus generated for this study consisted of excerpts from the media exchange between the spokespersons of the two dominant political parties at the time of the elections in 2015; Olisa Metuh of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Lai Mohammed of the All Progressive Party (APC). The excerpts were analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a research tool. The findings revealed the acceptance of the first proposition that English facilitates the acquisition of political power in Nigeria and the rejection of the second proposition that English is an instrument for the exclusion of the populist from political events in Nigeria. The study, therefore, concluded that language, particularly English played a significant role in the acquisition of political power in Nigeria.

Keywords: language, power, politics, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)

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Authors: Azza Habibullah

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The principal objective of this paper is to show the use of participatory culture in the parliamentarian campaign. The use of this method has always been non-popular amongst the parliamentarian candidates due to the amount of times and energy that they need to spent with the constituents. However, due to many parliamentarian corruption cases in the last five years period, some political party have been losing peoples trust. That political party trust lost had also affecting the parliamentarian candidates electability, so they invent some creative campaign method that involving their constituent with more intimates and friendly environment. In this paper, an observation is done to a parliamentarian candidate from Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party) in Bandung and Cimahi City area, West Java. This Parliamentraian candidate is known for her personal-approach campaign method such as a puppet show, hanging out with group of ex-bike gang leaders, and going fishing with the constituent. This paper will compare her method with other parliamentarian candidates from the same party as her that mostly use mainstream campaign method such as open speech, print media, an other one way campaign method. While the other parliamentarian candidates failed to reach the parliamentarian threshold, the participatory method had proven as an effective method.

Keywords: participatory culture, Indonesian parliamentary election, Prosperous Justice Party, electability

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Authors: Aleksandra Chiniaeva

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The following paper describes the activity of national and international parliamentary assemblies of the European region in protection and promotion of human rights. It may be said that parliamentarians have a “double mandate” — as members of the international assembly and of their respective national parliaments. In other words, parliamentarization at both international and national level provides a situation for parliamentarians, where they link people, national governments and international organizations. The paper is aimed towards demonstrating that the activity of the main international parliamentary assemblies of the European region have a real positive impact on the human rights situation in the European region. In addition, the paper describes the assemblies that include protection of human rights in their Agenda as one of the main subjects: the EP, the PACE, the OSCE PA and the IPA CIS. Co-operation activities such as joint election observation; participation in inter-parliamentary associations, such as the IPU; conclusion agreements allow assemblies to provide observation of human right situation in the states that are not members of the particular organization and as consequence make their impact broader.

Keywords: human rights, international parliamentary assembly, IPU, EP, PACE, OSCE, international election observation

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Authors: Pankaj Dhiman, Simranjeet Kaur

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This research paper presents a comprehensive sentiment analysis of social media responses to videos on Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, and Instagram during the 2024 Indian general elections. The study focuses on the sentiment patterns of voters towards the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and The Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) on these platforms. The analysis aims to understand the impact of social media on voter sentiment and its correlation with the election outcome. The study employed a mixed-methods approach, combining both quantitative and qualitative methods. With a total of 200 posts analysed during general election-2024 final phase, the sentiment analysis was conducted using natural language processing (NLP) techniques, including sentiment dictionaries and machine learning algorithms. The results show that NDA received significantly more positive sentiment responses across all platforms, with a positive sentiment score of 47% compared to INDIA's score of 38.98 %. The analysis also revealed that Twitter and YouTube were the most influential platforms in shaping voter sentiment, with 60% of the total sentiment score coming from these two platforms. The study's findings suggest that social media sentiment analysis can be a valuable tool for understanding voter sentiment and predicting election outcomes. The results also highlight the importance of social media in shaping public opinion and the need for political parties to engage effectively with voters on these platforms. The study's implications are significant, as they indicate that social media can be a key factor in determining the outcome of elections. The findings also underscore the need for political parties to develop effective social media strategies to engage with voters and shape public opinion.

Keywords: Indian Elections-2024, NDA, INDIA, sentiment analysis, social media, democracy

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Authors: Kiran Bala

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Health, education and employment opportunities available for a common citizen reflect the development status of a country. Health of an individual affects the growth of a country in every aspect. According to a study by WHO, India is estimated to lose more than $237 billion of its GDP over the period 2006-15 on account of premature death and morbidity from Non-communicable diseases alone. Each year 37 million people fall below poverty line due to high expenditure on health services they have to incur. Falling sick puts a double burden on them in terms of loss of income and expenditure on health care which pushes them further into debt and poverty. Adding to the gravity of situation, public spending on health in India has itself declined after liberalization from 1.3% of GDP in 1990 to 0.9% in 1999. The Approach Paper of the Government of India to the Twelfth Five Year Plan indicated that health expenditure alone as a per cent of GDP was about 1.4 per cent (B.E.) in 2011-12. It also mentioned that if one included expenditure on rural water supply and sanitation, the figure would be about 1.8 per cent. Given the abysmally low level of priority accorded to health in Indian economic policy, it becomes rather important to study the representation of health in the Indian public sphere. To this end, this study examines the prioritization of health in the public policy agenda of the national/regional political parties as evidenced in their election manifestos at a time when the nation is poised to go for the General Elections. The paper also focuses attention on the prioritization of health in the public perception as evidenced in their reasons for their preferences for a particular party or individual contestant. To arrive at the reasons for the priority level accorded by the political actors and the citizens, the study uses Focus groups of health policy makers, media persons, medical practitioners and voters. Collected data will be analysed in the theoretical framework of spiral of silence and agenda setting theory.

Keywords: health, election manifestos, public perception, policies

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Social media is among the most important means of communication. Social media offers individuals and groups with an opportunity for participatory socialization over the internet, which is free of any time and place restrictions. Social media is a kind of interactive communication and bilateral social network. Various communication contents can be shared and put into mass circulation easily and quickly through social media. These sharings are not only limited to individuals but also happen to groups, institutions, and different constitutions. Their contents consist of any type of written message, audio and video files. We are living in the social media era now. It is not surprising that social media which has extensive communication facilities and massive prevalence is used in politics. Therefore, the use of social media (Facebook) by political parties during the Turkish general elections held on June 7, 2015, has been chosen as our research subject. Four parties namely, AKP, CHP, MHP and HDP who have the majority of votes in Turkey and participate in elections in Konya have been selected for our study. Their provincial centers’ and parliamentary candidates` use of social media (Facebook) on the last three days prior to the election have been examined and subjected to a qualitative analysis by means of content analysis.

Keywords: social media, June 7 general elections, politics, Facebook

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Authors: K. Gomathi

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Mobile Ad hoc Networks (MANET) is defined as collection of routable wireless mobile nodes with no centralized administration and communicate each other using radio signals. Especially MANETs deployed in hostile environments where hackers will try to disturb the secure data transfer and drain the valuable network resources. Since MANET is battery operated network, preserving the network resource is essential one. For resource constrained computation, efficient routing and to increase the network stability, the network is divided into smaller groups called clusters. The clustering architecture consists of Cluster Head(CH), ordinary node and gateway. The CH is responsible for inter and intra cluster routing. CH election is a prominent research area and many more algorithms are developed using many different metrics. The CH with longer life sustains network lifetime, for this purpose Secondary Cluster Head(SCH) also elected and it is more economical. To nominate efficient CH, a Enhanced Distributed Weighted Clustering Algorithm (EDWCA) has been proposed. This approach considers metrics like battery power, degree difference and speed of the node for CH election. The proficiency of proposed one is evaluated and compared with existing algorithm using Network Simulator(NS-2).

Keywords: MANET, EDWCA, clustering, cluster head

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Authors: Pranav Gunhal

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This paper presents an analysis of sentiment on Twitter towards the Karnataka elections held in 2023, utilizing transformer-based models specifically designed for sentiment analysis in Indic languages. Through an innovative data collection approach involving a combination of novel methods of data augmentation, online data preceding the election was analyzed. The study focuses on sentiment classification, effectively distinguishing between positive, negative, and neutral posts while specifically targeting the sentiment regarding the loss of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or the win of the Indian National Congress (INC). Leveraging high-performing transformer architectures, specifically IndicBERT, coupled with specifically fine-tuned hyperparameters, the AI models employed in this study achieved remarkable accuracy in predicting the INC’s victory in the election. The findings shed new light on the potential of cutting-edge transformer-based models in capturing and analyzing sentiment dynamics within the Indian political landscape. The implications of this research are far-reaching, providing invaluable insights to political parties for informed decision-making and strategic planning in preparation for the forthcoming 2024 Lok Sabha elections in the nation.

Keywords: sentiment analysis, twitter, Karnataka elections, congress, BJP, transformers, Indic languages, AI, novel architectures, IndicBERT, lok sabha elections

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Authors: Verónica Arredondo, Miguel Martínez-Panero, Teresa Peña, Victoriano Ramírez

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The Mexican Chamber of Deputies is composed of 500 representatives: 300 of them elected by relative majority and another 200 ones elected through proportional representation in five electoral clusters (constituencies) with 40 representatives each. In this mixed-member electoral system, the seats distribution of proportional representation is not independent of the election by relative majority, as it attempts to correct representation imbalances produced in single-member districts. This two-fold structure has been maintained in the successive electoral reforms carried out along the last three decades (eight from 1986 to 2014). In all of them, the election process of 200 seats becomes complex: Formulas in the Law are difficult to understand and to be interpreted. This paper analyzes the Mexican electoral system after the electoral reform of 2014, which was applied for the first time in 2015. The research focuses on contradictions and issues of applicability, in particular situations where seats allocation is affected by ambiguity in the law and where asymmetrical treatment of political parties arises. Due to these facts, a proposal of electoral reform will be presented. It is intended to be simpler, clearer, and more enduring than the current system. Furthermore, this model is more suitable for producing electoral outcomes free of contradictions and paradoxes. This approach would allow a fair treatment of political parties and as a result an improved opportunity to exercise democracy.

Keywords: electoral mathematics, electoral reform, Mexican electoral system, political asymmetry, proportional representation

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Authors: Anwar Hasan Abdullah Othman, Ahamed Kameel, Hasanuddeen Abdul Aziz

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In this study, an attempt has been made to investigate the relationship specifically the causal relation between fund unit prices of Islamic equity unit trust fund which measure by fund NAV and the selected macro-economic variables of Malaysian economy by using VECM causality test and Granger causality test. Monthly data has been used from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2012 for all the variables. The findings of the study showed that industrial production index, political election and financial crisis are the only variables having unidirectional causal relationship with fund unit price. However, the global oil prices is having bidirectional causality with fund NAV. Thus, it is concluded that the equity unit trust fund industry in Malaysia is an inefficient market with respect to the industrial production index, global oil prices, political election and financial crisis. However, the market is approaching towards informational efficiency at least with respect to four macroeconomic variables, treasury bill rate, money supply, foreign exchange rate and corruption index.

Keywords: fund unit price, unit trust industry, Malaysia, macroeconomic variables, causality

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Authors: Masoud Shahmanzari

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The aim of this paper is to present a Variable Neighborhood Search (VNS) with Tabu Search (TS) conditions for the Roaming Salesman Problem (RSP). The RSP is a special case of the well-known traveling salesman problem (TSP) where a set of cities with time-dependent rewards and a set of campaign days are given. Each city can be visited on any day and a subset of cities can be visited multiple times. The goal is to determine an optimal campaign schedule consist of daily open/closed tours that visit some cities and maximizes the total net benefit while respecting daily maximum tour duration constraints and the necessity to return campaign base frequently. This problem arises in several real-life applications and particularly in election logistics where depots are not fixed. We formulate the problem as a mixed integer linear programming (MILP), in which we capture as many real-world aspects of the RSP as possible. We also present a hybrid metaheuristic algorithm based on a VNS with TS conditions. The initial feasible solution is constructed via a new matheuristc approach based on the decomposition of the original problem. Next, this solution is improved in terms of the collected rewards using the proposed local search procedure. We consider a set of 81 cities in Turkey and a campaign of 30 days as our largest instance. Computational results on real-world instances show that the developed algorithm could find near-optimal solutions effectively.

Keywords: optimization, routing, election logistics, heuristics

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Authors: Sean Vincent

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Within the academic community, there is a consensus that political parties in established liberal democracies are facing a myriad of organisational challenges as a result of falling membership, weakening links to grass-roots support and rising voter apathy. During the same period of party decline and growing public disengagement political parties have become increasingly professionalised. The professionalisation of political parties owes much to changes in technology, with television becoming the dominant medium for political communication. In recent years, however, it has become clear that a new medium of communication is becoming utilised by political parties and candidates – New Media. New Media, a term hard to define but related to internet based communication, offers a potential revolution in political communication. It can be utilised by anyone with access to the internet and its most widely used platforms of communication such as Facebook and Twitter, are free to use. The advent of Web 2.0 has dramatically changed what can be done with the Internet. Websites now allow candidates at the constituency level to fundraise, organise and set out personalised policies. Social media allows them to communicate with supporters and potential voters practically cost-free. As such candidate dependency on the national party for resources and image now lies open to debate. Arguing that greater candidate independence may be a natural next step in light of the contemporary challenges faced by parties, this paper examines how New Media is being used by candidates at the constituency level to increase their personal vote. The paper will present findings from research carried out during two elections – the Japanese Lower House election of 2014 and the UK general election of 2015. During these elections a sample of candidates, totalling 150 candidates, from the three biggest parties in each country were selected and their new media output, specifically candidate websites, Twitter and Facebook output subjected to content analysis. The analysis examines how candidates are using new media to both become more functionally, through fundraising and volunteer mobilisation and politically, through the promotion of personal/local policies, independent from the national party. In order to validate the results of content analysis this paper will also present evidence from interviews carried out with 17 candidates that stood in the 2014 Japanese Lower House election or 2015 UK general election. With a combination of statistical analysis and interviews, several conclusions can be made about the use of New Media at constituency level. The findings show not just a clear difference in the way candidates from each country are using New Media but also differences within countries based upon the particular circumstances of each constituency. While it has not yet replaced traditional methods of fundraising and activist mobilisation, New Media is also becoming increasingly important in campaign organisation and the general consensus amongst candidates is that its importance will continue to grow along as politics in both countries becomes more diffuse.

Keywords: political campaigns, elections, new media, political communication

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Authors: Kristof Lukas Heidemann

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In times of democratic backsliding in Western nations, restoring public trust in the electoral process ranks among the most urgent tasks on the public agenda. Addressing the role of money in politics is one major part of this effort; however, such an endeavor might affect the constitutional freedom of expression. Attempts to regulate political spending in the U.S. have in recent decades increasingly been overruled by the U.S. Supreme through an expansion of the protective umbrella of the First Amendment over campaign contributions by private organizations, especially in the decisions Buckley v. Valeo and Citizens United v. FEC. In Germany, on the other hand, this line of argumentation has so far not been submitted to the national Supreme Court. Given that voices calling for stricter and more transparent political financing laws in Germany are growing, it seems only a matter of time until the issue will have to be addressed by the country’s judiciary as well. Therefore, this paper conducts a comparative analysis of the constitutional right to free expression in these two leading democracies to assess whether the problem of a lack of regulatory options to achieve stricter campaign spending laws due to constitutional restrictions will also arise in Germany. Although the list of forms of expression in the wording of Art. 5 of the German constitution is generally considered to be non-exhaustive, the investigation concludes that the subsumption of election campaign donations under it is not justifiable using recognized methods of interpretation, in particular concerning a systematic interpretation in light of the principle of equality in Art. 3 of the German constitution.

Keywords: comparative constitutional law, constitutional justice, constitutional law, election law, freedom of speech, fundamental rights, law reform

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Authors: Okpanachi Linus Odiji, Chris Ogwu Attah

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Election is no doubt widely assumed as one of the most suitable means of resolving political quagmires even though it has never been bereft of conflict which can manifest before, during, or after polls. What, however, advances democracy and promotes electoral integrity is the existence and effectiveness of institutional frameworks for electoral conflict management. Electoral conflicts are no doubt unique in the sense that they represent the struggles of people over the control of public resources. In most cases, the stakes involved are high and emotional that they do not only undermine inter-group relationship but also threaten national security. The need, therefore, for an effectively functional conflict management apparatus becomes imperative. While at the State level, there exist numerous governmental initiatives at various electoral stages aimed at managing conflicts, this paper examines the activities of the mass media, which is another prominent stakeholder in the electoral process. Even though media influence has increased tremendously in the last decade, researchers are yet to agree on its utility in the management of conflicts. Guided by the social responsibility theory of media reporting and drawing data from observed trends in Kogi state, the paper, which context analyses the 2019 gubernatorial election coverage in the state, observes both conflict escalation and de-escalation roles in the media. To mitigate conflict reporting misrepresentation, therefore, a common approach to conflict reporting should be designed and ordered by the National Broadcasting Commission as well as the Nigerian Press Council. This should be garnished with the training of journalists on conflict reporting and development of a standard conflict reporting procedure.

Keywords: conflict management, electoral conflict, mass media, media reporting

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Authors: Harsi Nastiti, Haidar Fikri

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Indonesia has been known for its diversity of cultures, ethnics, religions, and races. This diversity signs as the uniqueness of the country, so tolerance becomes vital point here. As a unitary state, tolerance value is established strongly as the foundation of democracy implementation but recently this tolerance condition facing up some problems after regional election. In this case, religion issue takes a main role for the Indonesian political system which is managed into tolerance breaker especially for local democracy. The election of Jakarta’s Governor 2017 can be said as the momentum for the people to rethink the democracy and tolerance meaning. It begins from one of the governor candidates who makes statement about the majority religion and unfortunately the candidate comes from the minority. The statement emerges into a new social movement based on religiosity. Basically, the social movement which is coordinated by Islamic Defender Front (Front Pembela Islam or FPI) and National Movement to Safeguard the Fatwa-Indonesian Ulama Council (GNPF-MUI) want to demand the justice in the name of blasphemy. The action continuously happens in different names (Action 411, 212, etc.). So, this article analyzes the new phenomenon and how does the impact for the tolerance and democracy life in Indonesia. The method is using qualitative method by review of literature and media content analysis. Results show this phenomenon potentially spreading new conflicts far beyond the goal of the action itself; justice. It makes the conflicts more complex after there are actions such as; Parade Kebhinekaan and Aksi Lilin which contrary reacts to the actions before. These actions and reactions rise up the sensitive issues for Indonesia like religions, Pancasila, unity in diversity, ethnics, and races. At the same time raising skepticism; will it be over after the candidate is getting sentenced or becomes the dangerous latent conflict that will threaten tolerance and democracy in Indonesia.

Keywords: conflict, democracy, religion, tolerance

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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Authors: Wijayanada Rupasinghe, A. H. Dinithi Jayasekara

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In a modern democracy, new media can be used by governments to involve citizens in decision-making, and by civil society to engage people in specific issues. However new media can also be used to broaden political participation by helping citizens to communicate with their representatives and with each other. Arguably this political communication is most important during election campaigns when political parties and candidates seek to mobilize citizens and persuade them to vote for a given party or candidate. The new media must be used by Parliaments, Parliamentarians, governments and political parties as they are highly effective tools to involve and inform citizens in public policymaking and in the formation of governments. But all these groups must develop strategies to deal with a wide array of both positive and negative effects of these rapidly growing media.New media has begun to take precedent over other communication outlets in part because of its heightened accessibility and usability. Using personal website can empower the public in a way that is far faster, cheaper and more pervasive than other forms of communication. They encourage pluralism, reach young people more than other media and encourage greater participation, accountability and transparency. This research discusses the impact politicians’ personal websites has over their overall electability and likability and explores the integration of website is an essential campaign tactic on both the local and national level. This research examined the impact of having personal website have over the way constituents view politicians. This research examined how politicians can use their website in the most effective fashion and incorporate these new media outlets as essential campaign tools and tactics. A mixed-method approach using content analysis. Content analysis selected thirty websites in sri Lankan politicians. Research revealed that politician’s new media usage significantly influenced and enriched the experience an individual has with the public figure.

Keywords: election campaign ministers, new media, parliament, politicians websites

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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