Search results for: cosmopolitan democracy

Authors: Carlos Marden Cabral Coutinho, Jose Luis Bolzan de Morais

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The article proposed intends to analyze the possibility (and conditions) of a media regulation law in a democratic rule of law in the twenty-first century. To do so, will be presented initially the idea of the public sphere (by Jürgen Habermas), showing how it is presented as an interface between the citizen and the state (or the private and public) and how important is it in a deliberative democracy. Based on this paradigm, the traditional perception of the role of public information (such as system functional element) and on the possibility of media regulation will be exposed, due to the public nature of their activity. A critical argument will then be displayed from two different perspectives: a) the formal function of the current media information, considering that the digital age has fragmented the information access; b) the concept of a constructive democracy, which reduces the need for representation, changing the strategic importance of the public sphere. The question to be addressed (based on the comparative law) is if the regulation is justified in a polycentric democracy, especially when it operates under the digital age (with immediate and virtual communication). The proposal is to be presented in the sense that even in a twenty-first century the media in a democratic rule of law still has an extremely important role and may be subject to regulation, but this should be on terms very different (and narrower) from those usually defended.

Keywords: constructive democracy, media, digital age, public sphere

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Authors: Woraya Som-Indra

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This article purposes to decode the notion of democracy embedded in the political speeches of Aung San Su Kyi by adopting critical discourse analysis approach, using Systemic Function Linguistics (SFL) and transitivity as a vital analytical tool. Two main objectives of the study are 1) to analyze linguistic strategies constituted the crucial characteristics of Su Kyi's political speeches by employing SFL and transitivity and 2) to examine ideology manifested the notion of democracy behind Su Kyi’s political speeches. The data consists of four speeches of Su Kyi delivering in different places within the year 2011 broadcasted through the website of US campaign for Burma. By employing linguistic tool and the concept of ideology as an analytical frame, the word choice selection found in the speeches assist explaining the manifestation of Su Kyi’s ideology toward democracy and power struggle. The finding revealed eight characters of word choice projected from Su Kyi’s political speeches, as follows; 1) support, hope and encouragement which render the recipients to uphold with the mutual aim to fight for democracy together and moving forwards for change and solution in the future, 2) aim and achievement evoke the recipients to attach with the purpose to fight for democracy, 3) challenge and change release energy to challenge the present political regime of Burma to change to the new political regime of democracy, 4) action, doing and taking signify the action and practical process to call for a new political regime, 5) struggle represents power struggle during the process of democracy requesting and it could refer to her long period of house arrest in Burma, 6) freedom implies what she has been long fighting for- to be released from house arrest, be able to access to the freedom of speech related to political ideology, and moreover, be able to speak out for the people of Burmese about their desirable political regime and political participation, 7) share and scarify call the recipients to have the spirit of shared value in the process of acquiring democracy, and 8) solution and achievement remind her recipients of what they have been long fighting for, and what could lead them to reach out the mutual achievement of a new political regime, i.e. democracy. Those word choice selections are plausible representation of democracy notion in Su Kyi’s terms. Due to her long journey of fighting for democracy in Burma, Suu Kyi’s political speeches always possess tremendously strong leadership characteristic, using words of wisdom and moreover, they are encoded with a wide range of words related to democracy ideology in order to push forward the future change into the Burma’s political regime.

Keywords: Aung San Su Kyi’s speeches, critical discourse analysis, democracy ideology, systemic function linguistics, transitivity

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Authors: Monika Zalewska

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Hans Kelsen was a versatile legal thinker whose achievements in the fields of legal theory, international law, and the theory of democracy are remarkable. All of the fields tackled by Kelsen are regarded as part of his “pure theory of law.” While the link between international law and Kelsen’s pure theory of law is apparent, the same cannot be said about the link between the theory of democracy and his pure theory of law. On the contrary, the general thinking concerning Kelsen’s thought is that it can be used to legitimize authoritarian regimes. The aim of this presentation is to address this concern by identifying the common ground between Kelsen’s pure theory of law and his theory of democracy and to show that they are compatible in a way that his pure theory of law and authoritarianism cannot be. The conceptual analysis of the purity of Kelsen’s theory and his goal of creating ideology-free legal science hints at how Kelsen’s pure theory of law and the theory of democracy are brought together. The presentation will first demonstrate that these two conceptions have common underlying values and meta-ethical convictions. Both are founded on relativism and a rational worldview, and the aim of both is peaceful co-existence. Second, it will be demonstrated that the separation of law and morality provides the maximum space for deliberation within democratic processes. The conclusion of this analysis is that striking similarities exist between Kelsen’s legal theory and his theory of democracy. These similarities are grounded in the Enlightenment tradition and its values, including rationality, a scientific worldview, tolerance, and equality. This observation supports the claim that, for Kelsen, legal positivism and the theory of democracy are not two separate theories but rather stem from the same set of values and from Kelsen’s relativistic worldview. Furthermore, three main issues determine Kelsen’s orientation toward a positivistic and democratic outlook. The first, which is associated with personality type, is the distinction between absolutism and relativism. The second, which is associated with the values that Kelsen favors in the social order, is peace. The third is legality, which creates the necessary condition for democracy to thrive and reveals that democracy is capable of fulfilling Kelsen’s ideal of law at its fullest. The first two categories exist in the background of Kelsen’s pure theory of law, while the latter is an inherent part of Kelsen’s concept of law. The analysis of the text concerning natural law doctrine and democracy indicates that behind the technical language of Kelsen’s pure theory of law is a strong concern with the trends that appeared after World War I. Despite his rigorous scientific mind, Kelsen was deeply humanistic. He tried to create a powerful intellectual weapon to provide strong arguments for peaceful coexistence and a rational outlook in Europe. The analysis provided by this presentation facilitates a broad theoretical, philosophical, and political understanding of Kelsen’s perspectives and, consequently, urges a strong endorsement of Kelsen’s approach to constitutional democracy.

Keywords: hans kelsen, democracy, legal positivism, pure theory of law

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Authors: Muhammad Khubaib

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The Holy Quran purport is to establish a democratic system in which Allah has the right to special authority and He who has the supreme power or sovereignty. The supreme leader, Allah ceded the right to govern to his prophet and whoever would ever rule he would have to govern as a deputy of Prophet of Allah and he will not have the right to deviate from the basic rules of law and constitution. Centuries before the birth of prevailing democracy, Muslim scholars and researchers continuously keep using the term of “Jamhür” (majority) in their books. Islam gives the basic importance to the public opinion to establish a government and make the public confidence necessary for the government. The most effective way to gain the trust of the people in the present to build national institutions is through the vote. Vote testifies in favor of the candidate and majority tells us who is more honest and talented. Each voter stands at the position of trustworthy. To vote a cruel person would be tantamount to treason and even not to vote would be considered as a national offence. After transparent process, the selected member of government would be seemed a fine example of the saying of Muhammad (S.A.W) in which he said; the majority of my people will never be agreed at misleading. In short in this article, there would be discussed democracy in the Islamic perception, while elaborating the western democracy so that it can be cleared that in which way the Holy Quran supported the democracy and what gestures Muhammad (S.A.W) made to spread the democracy and on the basis of those gestures, and how come those gestures are being followed to choose the sacred caliphate. It's hoped that this research would be helpful to refine the democratic system and support to meet the challenges Muslim world are facing.

Keywords: democracy, modern democratic system, respect of majority opinion, vote casting

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Authors: Talib Jan Abasindhi

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Democracy has reached almost every nuke & corner of the globe. It is well embedded in the political systems found in the majority of the countries in the world. Political parties, their manifestos, and programs are educating their people for better democracy and good governance, as well as service delivery in many countries around the globe. Although democracy in Pakistan by itself is in its infancy stage, yet, there is a region consisting of three districts (administrative units) lying in the North of the country where democracy is yet unknown to a wide range of population bounded into a series of mountains from Himalayan and Karakuram ranges. Political parties are struggling now to get their roots in the area while disrupting the traditional and tribal electoral system prevailing in the region. This paper will shed light on an interesting subject of casting lots for nomination as candidatures for general and local bodies’ elections in Kohistani region in Pakistan. The people of wisdom and knowledge in the modern world deem such societies as uncivilized where these practices are found. No one can believe it in today’s world, yet, this practice has been common in Kohistani region over the past many decades, and there have been many reasons for this too. Through this paper, we shall not only make others aware of the process and procedure practiced in casting the lots in elections in democratic Pakistan, but rather we shall also talk about its very basic reasons and suggestions as a solution for this menace to be eliminated.

Keywords: democracy, casting lots, governance, Kohistani region

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Authors: Harsi Nastiti, Haidar Fikri

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Indonesia has been known for its diversity of cultures, ethnics, religions, and races. This diversity signs as the uniqueness of the country, so tolerance becomes vital point here. As a unitary state, tolerance value is established strongly as the foundation of democracy implementation but recently this tolerance condition facing up some problems after regional election. In this case, religion issue takes a main role for the Indonesian political system which is managed into tolerance breaker especially for local democracy. The election of Jakarta’s Governor 2017 can be said as the momentum for the people to rethink the democracy and tolerance meaning. It begins from one of the governor candidates who makes statement about the majority religion and unfortunately the candidate comes from the minority. The statement emerges into a new social movement based on religiosity. Basically, the social movement which is coordinated by Islamic Defender Front (Front Pembela Islam or FPI) and National Movement to Safeguard the Fatwa-Indonesian Ulama Council (GNPF-MUI) want to demand the justice in the name of blasphemy. The action continuously happens in different names (Action 411, 212, etc.). So, this article analyzes the new phenomenon and how does the impact for the tolerance and democracy life in Indonesia. The method is using qualitative method by review of literature and media content analysis. Results show this phenomenon potentially spreading new conflicts far beyond the goal of the action itself; justice. It makes the conflicts more complex after there are actions such as; Parade Kebhinekaan and Aksi Lilin which contrary reacts to the actions before. These actions and reactions rise up the sensitive issues for Indonesia like religions, Pancasila, unity in diversity, ethnics, and races. At the same time raising skepticism; will it be over after the candidate is getting sentenced or becomes the dangerous latent conflict that will threaten tolerance and democracy in Indonesia.

Keywords: conflict, democracy, religion, tolerance

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Authors: Boukrida Rafiq

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Democracy is based on the notion that all citizens have the right to participate in the managing of political affairs and that every citizens input is of equal importance. This basic assumption clearly places emphasis on public participation in maintaining a stable democracy. The level of public participation, however is highly contested with many theorists arguing that too much public participation would overwhelm and ultimately cripple democratic systems. On the other hand, others who favor high levels of participation argue that more citizen involvement leads to greater representation. Regardless of these disagreements over the utopian level of participation, there is widespread agreement amongst scholars that, at the very least, some participation is necessary to maintain democratic systems. The ways in which citizens participate vary greatly and depending on the method used, influence political decision making at varying levels. The method of political participation is a key in controlling public influence over political affairs and therefore is also an integral part of maintaining democracy, whether it be "thin" (low levels of participation) or "Robust" (high levels of participation). High levels of participation or "robust" democracy are argued by some theorists to enhance democracy through providing the opportunity for more issues to be represented during decision making. The notion of widespread participation was first advanced by classical theorists.

Keywords: assumption clearly places emphasis, ultimately cripple, influence political decision making at varying, classical theorists

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Authors: Martin Plener

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Developmental and democratization research has a long tradition of focusing on the relationship between democratization and economic development. However, recent studies have shown that economic development is not adequate to measure the actual living conditions of civilian people. In consequence, it is unclear if a democratization process helps to improve people’s quality of life. This work addresses this issue by investigating the influence of democratization on the Human Development Index (HDI) created by the United Nations. The main objective is to study the relationship between democracy and human development and whether democratization positively impacts the living conditions of the population over time. The main mechanism which supports a positive impact is that democratic structures promote participation and political involvement of people from all social classes resulting in a better articulation of interests and thus accountability to the government. To study this issue, a panel regression with Fixed-Effects is conducted. By that, it is examined if democracy has a positive impact on the HDI (Hypothesis 1) and secondly if the same effect weakens in more developed democracies compared to less developed democracies (Hypothesis 2). The results do not reveal a direct positive relationship between the democratization of a country and its development of the HDI, not supporting H1 which denies the first hypothesis. In contrast to the assumption of H2, the effect of democratization on human development seems to be negatively correlated in countries in which democracy is barely developed. Therefore, both hypotheses must be discarded. The results indicate rather a positive correlation between economic development on human development. Therefore, the impact of democracy on the well-being of countries’ citizens needs to be reinvestigated in order to create a better understanding of how improved human development can be achieved.

Keywords: democracy, human development, modernization theory, HDI, TSCS

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Authors: Serges Djoyou Kamga, Gerard Emmanuel Kamdem Kamga

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Any serious constitutionalism entails a system of government characterised by the separation of powers between the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. The latter is generally in charge of upholding the rule of law and the respect for human rights which are vital for the functioning of any democracy. Therefore, for the judiciary to play its role as a watchdog, it should be independent from other branches of government. The aim of this paper is to examine the independence of the judiciary in South Africa after 20 of democracy. Defining judicial independence as the courts’ ability ‘to decide cases on the basis of established law and the merits of the case, without interference from other political or governmental agents’, the paper examines the extent to which the South African judiciary is independent after twenty years of democracy. As part of assessing the independence of the judiciary, the paper begins by looking at the situation during apartheid, then proceeds with an examination of the post-apartheid legal order. It also examines the institutional independence of the judiciary by looking into its day to day activities which revolve around its self-governance, or administrative and financial independence. In addition, the paper assesses the judges’ individual independence by examining whether judicial appointment, security of tenure, judges’ remuneration and disciplinary actions and the removal of judges from office do not contain loopholes that can hinder judicial independence. Ultimately, the chapter argues that although the South African model of judicial independence is yet to be perfect, it is a good practice that can be emulated by other African countries.

Keywords: judical independence, South Africa, democracy, separation of powers

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Authors: Natasha Perez

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This autobiographical narrative inquiry explores the relationship between religious practice, identity, language and literacy in the author’s life experience as a second-generation Cuban-American growing up in the bilingual spaces of South Florida. The author describes how the social practices around language, including the flexibility to communicate in English and Spanish simultaneously, known as translanguaging, were instrumental to developing a biliterate cosmopolitan identity, along with a greater sense of Latinidad through interactions with diverse Latinx church members. This narrative study involved cycles of writing, reading, and reflection within a three-dimensional narrative inquiry space in order to discover the ways in which language and literacy development in the relationship between the personal and the social, across time and space, as historically situated phenomena. The findings show that Catholic faith practices have always been a source and expression of Cuban-ness, a means of sustaining Cuban identity, as well as a medium for bilingual language and literacy practice in the author’s life. Despite lacking formal literacy education in Spanish, she benefitted from the Catholic Church’s response to the surge of Spanish-speaking immigrants in South Florida in the 1980s and the subsequent flexibility of language practice in church-sponsored youth groups. The faith-sharing practices of the youth group created a space to use Spanish in more sophisticated ways that served to build confidence as a bilingual speaker and expand bilingual competence. These experiences also helped the author develop a more salient identity as Cuban-American and a deeper connection to her Cuban-ness in relation to the Nicaraguan, Venezuelan, and first-generation Cuban identities of my peers. The youth group also fostered cosmopolitan identity building through interactions with pan-ethnic Spanish speakers, with Catholicism as a common language and culture that served as a uniting force. Interaction with these peers also fostered cosmopolitan understandings that deepened the author’s knowledge of the geographical boundaries, political realities, and socio-historical differences between these groups of immigrants. This narrative study opens a window onto the micro-processes and socio-cultural dynamics of language and identity development in the second generation, with the potential to deepen our understanding of the impact of religious practice on these.

Keywords: literacy, religion, identity, comopolitanism, culture, language, translanguaging

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Authors: Agnieszka Szczudlińska-Kanoś

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Nowadays the participation of citizens in public life increasingly effect on management at all levels of public authority. Today, however, democratic systems in many countries, also in Poland, based on the first - on the institutions of representative democracy, which is mainly on elections, party activity, on the other hand - on the basic instruments of direct democracy, which, in particular, we can include a referendum or initiative of citizenship - although these are often rather complementary. Other forms of participatory democracy, such as deliberative democracy, participatory budgeting, public consultation in practice in many countries are still rare. Appropriate use of the potential invested in participatory democracy can bring enormous and multilateral benefits. On the one hand, local and regional communities taking an active part in public life express their needs, point out problems and thus affect the decisions of public authorities. Authorities using knowledge acquired from the citizens also implement the policy tailored to their needs, thus obtaining support in the next election. The purpose of this study is to show how the Polish citizens affect to resolve issues of social policy pursued at different levels of government. This problem is very important because today the observed changes seen in virtually all fields of life create new social problems, which nowadays are no longer only the problems of the region, the country but they are international, global issues. From such this perspective we should talk about them, discuss, try to solve at all levels. Article will be useful not only theorists involved in the management of the public, local government, or social but also practitioners - local government acting as their functions at different levels of government. Conclusions drawn from the publication will also be useful to politicians and those directly affecting for: functioning social security systems, the scope and quality of public services and the overall shape of the contemporary social policy in different countries.

Keywords: social policy, local government, social participation, social services

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Authors: Minakshi Jain, Sachin Yadav

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Gram Panchayat is the smallest unit of Democracy in India. Grassroots Democracy has been further strengthened by implementation of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment act (CAA) in 1992. To analyse the impact of grassroots democracy the three villages are selected, which have the representation of each section of the society. The selected villages belongs to the same block and district of Haryana state. Villages are selected to access the marginalized group such as women and other backward class. These groups are isolated and do not participate in the grassroots level development process. The caste continue to be a relevant factor in determining the rural leadership. The earlier models of Panchayati Raj failed to benefit the marginalized groups of the society. The 73rd CAA, advocates a uniform three tier system of Panchayat at District level (Zilla Panchayat), Taluka/Block level (Block Panchayat), and village level (Gram Panchayat). The socio-economic profile of representatives in each village is important factor in rural development. The study will highlight the socio-economic profile of elected members at gram Panchayat level, Block Level and District level. The analysis reveals that there is a need to educate and develop the capacity and capability of the elected representative. Training must be imparted to all of them to enable them to function as per provision in the act. The paper will analyse the impact of act on rural development than propose some measures to further strengthen the Panchayati Raj Institution (PRI’s) at grassroots level.

Keywords: democracy, rural development, marginalized people, function

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Authors: Adekunle Saheed Ajisebiyawo

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This paper examines the influence of identity politics on the development of electoral democracy in Nigeria. The paper was anchored on a theory of African democracy adopted the qualitative methodology and deployed data from secondary sources to evaluate the 2023 presidential election, and found that ethnicity, religion, and regional sentiments played a major role in the election. The practical implications of this paper are that while Nigeria’s democracy is tending towards consolidation, if the unexpected does not happen, e.g., military takeover, religious and ethnic identities can mar the country’s development as competent candidates that have good policies will be voted out based on religious and ethnic sentiments. Thus, there is a need to de-emphasize religion and ethnicity in the Nigerian polity. Candidates and parties that campaign based on racial or religious narratives should be barred from contesting elective positions. The paper concluded that identity politics is inimical to Nigeria’s democratization process as well as efforts aimed at uniting and integrating the country; it, therefore, recommended that to establish a sound electoral democracy and a strong united country, the menace of ethnic, religious, and regional cleavages should be addressed. To achieve this, efforts should be intensified towards providing a set of principles for nation-building which should be included in the constitution. In addition, the paper urges the media to support the formation of an inclusive government, cutting across tribes and religions in the country to reduce the negative impact of ethnicity and religion in the country.

Keywords: cleavages, democracy, ethnicity, election, identity politics, religion

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Authors: Inka Maria Vilhelmiina Hiltunen

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The crisis of liberal democracy has been recognized from many sites of political literature; scholars of Marxist critical political economy and deliberative democracy, as well as critics of neoliberalism, have become concerned about how either the rise of populism and authoritarianism, institutional decline or the overarching economic rationality erode political democratic citizenship in favor of economic technocracy or conservative protectionism. However, even if these bodies of literature recognize the generalized crisis that haunts Western democracies, dialogue between them has been very limited. That said, drawing from contemporary Marxist perspectives, this article aims at bridging the gap between the criticism of neoliberalism and theories of deliberative democracy. The first section starts by outlining what is meant by neoliberalism, liberal democracy, and the crisis of liberal democracy. The next section explores how contemporary capitalism acts upon society and transforms it. It introduces Jurgen Habermas’ thesis of the ‘colonization of the lifeworld’, Wendy Brown’s analysis of neoliberal rationality and Étienne Balibar’s concepts of ‘absolute capitalism’ and ‘total subsumption,’ that the essay aims at connecting in the last section. The third section is concerned with the deliberative democratic theory and practice. The section highlights the qualitative socio-political impacts of deliberation, as predicted by theorists and shown by empirical studies. The last section draws from contemporary Marxist perspectives to examine the question if deliberative democratic theories and practices can resolve the crisis of liberal democracy in the current financially driven era of neoliberal capitalism. By asking this question, the essay aims to consider what is required to reverse the current global trend of rising inequality. If liberal democracy has declined towards commodified and reactionary forms of politics and if ‘market rationality’ has shaped social agency to the extent that politicians and the public struggle to imagine ‘any alternatives’, the most urgent political task is to bring to life a new political imagination based on democratic ideals of equality, inclusivity, reciprocity, and solidarity, that thereby enables the revision of the transnational institutional design. This part focuses on the hegemonic role of finance and money. The essay concludes by stating that the implementation of substantive global democracy must start from the dissolution of the hegemony of finance, centered on U.S., and from the remaking of the conditions of socioeconomic reproduction world-wide. However, given the still present overarching neoliberal status quo, the essay is skeptical of the ideological feasibility of this remaking.

Keywords: deliberative democracy, criticism of neoliberalism, marxist political economy, crisis of liberal democracy

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Authors: Felix O. Akinboyewa

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To say that Nigeria is faced with the problem of domestic terrorism is to say the obvious. The spate of political assassination during the fourth republic (1999-2010) is representative of what has become a growing trend. In this research, an attempt was made to examine the problems of political assassination within the context of significant categories of domestic-related terrorism in Nigeria Democracy. The central questions are: What exactly are the nature of political violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria nascent democracy? Was there any factor responsible for the politics of violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria democracy? What implications can the political violence and terrorist act have on democratic consolidation, national peace, and security? What solutions can be proffered to eradicate terrorist act and political violence in the Nigeria democracy? The study adopted a descriptive survey design which falls within the empirical research methodology. The sample size of the study consisted of 220 subjects randomly selected. The main instruments used were questionnaire and interview schedule. Data generated from the study were analyzed using descriptive statistics such as percentage and tables. The research findings showed that unemployed youths and the members of Nigeria Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) were the major actors in political violence in Nigeria. They have access to weapons and ammunitions which they use to terrorize the populace. The research showed that factors responsible for the political violence and terrorism in Nigeria are: poor electoral administration; election rigging; poor security system; religious and ethnic sentiment; problems of poverty and unemployment; over-exuberance and low level of education. The study also showed that electoral violence affects smooth running democracy in Nigeria. On the measures to be taken to eradicate political violence and terrorism in Nigeria, the research showed that provision of employment opportunities would go a long way to solving the problem. Civil society as an important institution can help to reduce incidence of political violence in Nigeria. Also, government has greater role to play. The study concludes that adherence to the proffered suggestions would reduce the level of political violence and terrorist act in Nigeria.

Keywords: consolidation, democracy, peace, security, terrorism, violence

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Authors: Najmuddin Najmuddin

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The purpose of this study is to determine whether media usage and change of citizenship norms influence political participation. The focus of this study is to examine citizenship norms in the context of the development of information, and communication technology and how it will impact political participation in the context of Indonesia's transition to democracy. The study use survey method. The main theoretical framework is media and political participation. The results of this study reveal that gender, age and educational background of the respondents did not influence significantly media usage and citizenship norms. The Results also show that educational background is not a factor that distinguishes media usage but it becomes differentiating factor in citizenship norms. The results further show that the media usage has a significant correlation with citizenship norms and citizenship norms has a significant relationship with political participation. In addition, media usage and citizenship norms impact significantly to political participation. The sub-dimensions of citizenship norms (compliance, duty, and engaged citizen) provides a significant contribution to the sub-dimensions of political participation (traditional political participation, modern political participation, civic political participation). Based on the findings it can be concluded that the political euphoria in the era of transition to democracy has changed pattern media usage and citizenship norms of among the young generation.

Keywords: media, citizenship, norms, political, participation, democracy

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Authors: Tom Hickey

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It is difficult to conceive of a case that might more starkly bring the arguments concerning judicial review to the fore than State (Ryan) v Lennon. Small wonder that it has attracted so much scholarly attention, although the fact that almost all of it has been in an Irish setting is perhaps surprising, given the illustrative value of the case in respect of a philosophical quandary that continues to command attention in all developed constitutional democracies. Should judges have power to invalidate legislation? This article revisits Ryan v Lennon with an eye on the importance of the idea of “democracy” in the case. It assesses the meaning of democracy: what its purpose might be and what practical implications might follow, specifically in respect of judicial review. Based on this assessment, it argues for a particular institutional model for the vindication of constitutional rights. In the context of calls for the drafting of a new constitution for Ireland, however forlorn these calls might be for the moment, it makes a broad and general case for the abandonment of judicial supremacy and for the taking up of a model in which judges have a constrained rights reviewing role that informs a more robust role that legislators would play, thereby enhancing the quality of the control that citizens have over their own laws. The article is in three parts. Part I assesses the exercise of judicial power over legislation in Ireland, with the primary emphasis on Ryan v Lennon. It considers the role played by the idea of democracy in that case and relates it to certain apparently intractable dilemmas that emerged in later Irish constitutional jurisprudence. Part II considers the concept of democracy more generally, with an eye on overall implications for judicial power. It argues for an account of democracy based on the idea of equally shared popular control over government. Part III assesses how this understanding might inform a new constitutional arrangement in the Irish setting for the vindication of fundamental rights.

Keywords: constitutional rights, democracy as popular control, Ireland, judicial power, republican theory, Ryan v Lennon

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Authors: Gloria Ebere Amadi, Emeka Promise Ugwunwotti

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The study was carried out to determine the strategies for managing fake news for sustainable democracy in Enugu State, Nigeria. Two research questions and two null hypotheses guided the study. A survey research design was used for the study. The population for the study consisted of 100 respondents (from Enugu state House of Assembly). Of the entire population, 24 elected law makers and 76 staff were used; hence there was no sampling since the population was manageable. A 28-item structured questionnaire developed by the researcher was used for data collection. The instrument entitled Managing Fake News Questionnaire (MFNQ) was validated by three experts, two from the Department of Computer Science and one from the Department of Maths and Statistics, all from Enugu State University of Science and Technology. Cronbach Alpha was used to determine the reliability coefficient of the two sections of the instrument, and they are 0.67 and 0.82, while the reliability coefficient of the whole instrument gave a value of 0.81. Mean with standard deviation was used to answer research questions, while the null hypotheses at 0.5 level of significance at 98 degrees of freedom were tested with a t-test. The findings of the study revealed that the respondents agreed that government and citizens-related strategies improve the management of fake news for sustainable democracy in Enugu State. Again, there was no significant difference between the mean response of the lawmakers and staff on government and citizens-related strategies for managing fake news for sustainable democracy in Enugu State. Based on the findings, it was recommended, among others, that there should be regular workshops on the management of fake news for citizens.

Keywords: fake news, sustainability, democracy, management

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Authors: Oluwasaanmi Lawrence Adesuyi, Igbekoyi Kayode Emmanuel

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This study examined vote - commercialization during elections among the voters in Nigeria, a series of elections in Ekiti State, Southwestern Nigeria. Democracy in Nigeria that came to replace the unwanted ruling and dictating mission of the military government has been facing a societal terror “crime of votes commercialization” that stands in jeopardy against its sustainability in Nigeria. Social exchange and action-bound theories were employed as the theoretical framework. Forty-Eight in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, and case studies were conducted with purposively selected respondents in the three senatorial districts that captured the sixteen local governments of the state. The results show that really commercialization of votes has become the order of the day in all series of electioneering among Ekiti people. Also, it was recorded that true democracy is no longer allowed to triumph as a result of vote buying that allows the highest bidder to be the winner. The result also shows that this attitude is not limited to only one political party or one candidate but involved all the political parties that participated in Election. It has become a frequent idea among the electorates during every festive period of election in Ekiti State. The tyrannical attitude has been given a nickname to suit the conditional situation of votes commercialization - (Diboki o se obe), which means vote and have a pot of soup, this implies that you will get money to take care of yourself and the family when you vote and collect money on the vote you cast, notwithstanding the money is being collected from all candidates that participated in the election, but the highest bidder has the day. The main challenge this has on democracy is that the contestants challenge the result of the election results based on the act of vote commercialization. Also, those that bought people’s votes with a huge amount of money relent on their democratic promises. The study showed that the crime of vote commercialization that threatens democracy must be addressed for sustainability.

Keywords: crime, democracy, jeopardy, military, sustainability, votes-commercialization

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Authors: Çisem Gündüz Arabacı

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Deliberation has been seen one of the most important components of democratic ideals especially since liberal democratic attributions have been under fire. Deliberative democracy advocates that people should participate in collective decision-making processes by other mechanisms rather than conventional ones in order to reach legitimate decisions. Deliberative democratic theory makes emphasis on deliberative communication between people and encourages them not to merely express their political opinions (through surveys and referendum) but to form those opinions through public debates. This paper focuses on deliberative democratic visions of Gezi Park Public Forums by taking deliberative democracy as theoretical basis and examining Gezi Park Public Forums in the light of core elements of deliberative democracy. Gezi Movement started on 28 May 2013 in İstanbul as a reaction to local government's revision plans for Taksim Gezi Park, spread throughout the country and created new zones in public sphere which are called Public Park Forums. During the summer of 2013, especially in İstanbul but also in other cities, people gathered in public parks, discussed and took collective decisions concerning actions which they will take. It is worth to mention that since 3 and half years some Public Park Forums are still continuing their meetings regularly in city of İzmir. This paper analyzes four 'Public Park Forums' in İzmir which are called Bornova Public Forum; Karşıyaka Public Forum, Foça Public Forum and Güzelyalı Public Forum. These Forums are under investigation in terms of their understanding of democracy and the values that support that understanding. Participant observation and in-depth interview methods are being used as research methods. Core element of deliberative democracy are being collected under three main category: common interest versus private interest, membership, rational argument and these values are being questioning within one of each Forum in order to draw an overall picture and also make comparison between them. Discourse analysis is being used in order to examine empirical data and paper aims to reveal how participants of public forums perceive deliberative democratic values and whether they give weight to these values.

Keywords: deliberative democracy, Gezi Park movement, public forums, social movement

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Authors: John Ibanga

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Since May 1999, when Nigeria returned to uninterrupted democratic rule, there have been various attempts by successive governments at committing themselves to democratic ideals. Such efforts include a revision of communication policies after repeated calls by civil society organisations, development partners, researchers, and academics to allow not only the commencement of campus radio broadcasting but also the takeoff of community radio broadcasting. Thus, in 2015, operating licenses were granted to several communities spread across the six geopolitical zones in the country for the establishment of community radio stations culminating in the establishment of the first community radio in Nigeria on July 17, 2015. And, since citizens’ involvement in policy matters and governance is one of the tenets of participatory democracy, it becomes imperative to investigate how the emerging community radio sector in Nigeria is facilitating participatory democracy among Nigerians, even in the face of attempts by the present government to silence all dissenting voices. This study, therefore, examines how residents in Ondo State, Southwest Nigeria, are utilising programmes on Ejule Nen and Kakaaki community radio stations in Ondo State, Nigeria, to deepen participatory democracy. Much of the existing studies on the role of community radio in participatory democracy and citizens' engagement efforts miss out on Nigeria because of the delayed implementation of community radio policy in Nigeria being Africa’s most populous nation as well as a major player in the affairs of the African continent. While the participatory communication and communication infrastructure theories were used as framework, data were collected from in-depth interviews with staff of the community radio station and community leaders, focus group discussions with the community residents, and qualitative content analysis of programmes on the station. The residents used the community radio stations as platforms for demanding accountability from government, mobilising resources for the execution of a number of community projects, promoting credible electoral practices, and influencing the implementation of free education policy in their communities. Hence the community radio stations became the reliable and authoritative voices of residents for participating in the public sphere and, generally, the democratic process.

Keywords: community, community radio, democracy, participatory democracy

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Authors: Collins Nkapnwo Formella

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The democratic wave of the 1980s and 1990s brought a lot of hopes to the politics of African states as many nation-states adopted ‘democracy.’ The end of the Cold War ushered in, with a lot of rush, pro-democracy movements, which led to multi-party politics, following constitutional reviews. For the very first time since independence, Africans revolted against personalized dictatorship and adopted the idea of limited office terms for the presidents. This paper dives deep into the history of Africa post-independence with the aim of allowing the readers to understand the nature of the differences in the political setups that currently govern the continent and the central region in particular. Time has proven the euphoria that characterized post-Cold War African politics at least for many countries short-lived, as their leaders were unable to re-design the institutions of governance from the compromise and interest-oriented structures handed down after independence. The result has been that politics in many of the countries have been tailored down along the lines of winner takes all approach, with the accumulation of state power being the sole objective of the leaders. The paper contends that 21ˢᵗ Century African politics is exactly the politics of inclusion/exclusion based on ethnic and interest groups, leading to the flourishing of patrimonial authoritarian regimes. It also puts to the test, whether authoritarian responses to delivering growth (economic, political, social) and peace as has been the model adopted by many leaders is superior compared to democracy. This paper then concludes by adding that the practice of democracy in the Central African region in its current form is inherently flawed from its foundations, thus incapable of rooting out the crises faced in the region.

Keywords: authoritarianism, democracy, development, power, institutions

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Authors: Nirmala Gopal, Sheetal Bhoola, Audecious Mugwagwa

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This paper discusses the continued infringement and exploitation of data by non-state actors for destructive purposes, emphasizing radical terrorist organizations. It will discuss how terrorist organizations access and use data to foster their nefarious agendas. It further examines how cybersecurity, designed as a tool to curb data exploitation, is ineffective in raising global citizens' concerns about how their data can be kept safe and used for its acquired purpose. The study interrogates several policies and data protection instruments, such as the Data Protection Act, Cyber Security Policies, Protection of Personal Information(PPI) and General Data Protection Regulations (GDPR), to understand data use and storage in democratic states. The study outcomes point to the fact that international cybersecurity and cybercrime legislation, policies, and conventions have not curbed violations of data access and use by radical terrorist groups. The study recommends ways to enhance cybersecurity and reduce cyber risks using democratic principles.

Keywords: cybersecurity, data exploitation, terrorist organizations, data democracy

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Authors: Kuldeep Singh

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The present paper is an attempt for tracing the changes in the welfare state in Indian democracy from the starting point till now and aims to critical analyse the social-welfare programmes in India with respect to welfare state. After getting independence from Britishers, India became a welfare state and is aiming towards the upliftment of its citizens. Indian democracy is considered to be the largest amongst democratic countries, instead of this after forty-five years of independence, Panchayati Raj Institution became one of the branches of democratic decentralization institutions in India by 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment in 1992. Unfortunately, desired purpose of introducing Panchayati Raj Institution is not achieved after all these delayed efforts. The basic problem regarding achievement of welfare state in India in true sense is unawareness and non-implementation of these social-welfare programmes. Presently, Indian government is only focusing on economic growth of the country but lacking from the social point. The doctrinal method of research is used in this research paper. In the concluding remarks, researcher is partly favoring the government in introducing welfare programmes as there are abundant of welfare schemes and programmes, but majority are facing implementation problem. In last, researcher has suggested regarding programmes and schemes that these should be qualitative in nature and power would be given to effective machinery for further check upon their proper implementation and aware the citizens regarding their rights so that welfare state would be achieved.

Keywords: democratic decentralization, Indian democracy, Panchayati Raj institution, social-welfare programmes, welfare state

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Authors: Eleni Volonaki

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In Athenian forensic speeches, the argumentation on punishment of the wrongdoers constitutes a fundamental ideal of exacting justice in court. The present paper explores the variation of approaches to punishment as a means of reformation, revenge, correction, education, example, chance to restoration of justice. As it will be shown, all these approaches reflect the social and political ideology of Athenian justice in the classical period and enhances the role of the courts and the importance of rhetoric in the process of decision-making. Punishment entails a wide range of penalties but also of ideological principles related to the Athenian constitution of democracy.

Keywords: punishment, athenian forensic speeches, justice, athenian democracy

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Authors: Hajnalka Szarvas

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The research examines the effectiveness of e-participation tools and methods from a point of view of cultural fitting to the Hungarian community traditions. Participation can have very different meanings depending on the local cultural and historical traditions, experiences of the certain societies. Generally when it is about e-democracy or e-participation tools most of the researches are dealing with its technological sides and novelties, but there is not much said about the cultural and social context of the different platforms. However from the perspective of their success it would be essential to look at the human factor too, the actual users, how the certain DMS or any online platform is fitting to the way of thought, the way of functioning of the certain society. Therefore the paper will explore that to what extent the different online platforms like Loomio, Democracy OS, Your Priorities EVoks, Populus, miutcank.hu, Liquid Democracy, Brain Bar Budapest Lab are compatible with the Hungarian mental structures and community traditions, the contents of collective mind about community functioning. As a result the influence of cultural embeddedness of the logic of e-participation development tools on success of these methods will be clearly seen. Furthermore the most crucial factors in general which determine the efficiency of e-participation development tools in Hungary will be demonstrated.

Keywords: cultural embeddedness, e-participation, local community traditions, mental structures

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Authors: Shahid Imran

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'Mediatization' has influenced the politics by shaping and transforming the attitudes and practices of political actors. It is a serious challenge to democracy in today’s era. This study aims to analyze the dynamics of media politics interplay in Pakistan and the contextual factors which govern this interplay. It will also address the perceived influence of media on the practices of politicians from the perspectives of the actors. The objectives have been achieved qualitatively through Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). The phenomenological data have been collected using semi-structured interviews of journalists and politicians of Pakistan. The findings depict that politics in Pakistan is more driven by media logic than political or democratic logic. Media and politics have a ‘Tom and Jerry’ relationship. Political ecology is highly media-induced: politicians strategically adopt and adapt the media logic to be in the ‘media spotlight’; journalists, on the other hands, do not practice ‘fair journalism rather a more politically parallelized. The mediatized political communication behaviours of the actors are the undermining the public service logic and affecting the spirit of democracy in Pakistan. The study offers some valued implications for media, politicians and policy makers.

Keywords: medialization, media logic, politics, political logic

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Authors: Vahid Asadzadeh, Amin Ataee

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Since the advent of social media, there has been a wave of optimism among researchers and civic activists about the influence of virtual networks on the democratization process, which has gradually waned. One of the lesser-known concerns is how to increase the possibility of hearing the voices of different minorities. According to the theory of media logic, the media, using their technological capabilities, act as a structure through which events and ideas are interpreted. Social media, through the use of the learning machine and the use of algorithms, has formed a kind of structure in which the voices of minorities and less popular topics are lost among the commotion of the trends. In fact, the recommended systems and algorithms used in social media are designed to help promote trends and make popular content more popular, and content that belongs to minorities is constantly marginalized. As social networks gradually play a more active role in politics, the possibility of freely participating in the reproduction and reinterpretation of structures in general and political structures in particular (as Laclau‎ and Mouffe had in mind‎) can be considered as criteria to democracy in action. The point is that the media logic of virtual networks is shaped by the rule and even the tyranny of the majority, and this logic does not make it possible to design a self-foundation and self-revolutionary model of democracy. In other words, today's social networks, though seemingly full of variety But they are governed by the logic of homogeneity, and they do not have the possibility of multiplicity as is the case in immanent radical democracies (influenced by Gilles Deleuze). However, with the emergence and increasing popularity of Clubhouse as a new social media, there seems to be a shift in the social media space, and that is the diminishing role of algorithms and systems reconditioners as content delivery interfaces. This has led to the fact that in the Clubhouse, the voices of minorities are better heard, and the diversity of political tendencies manifests itself better. The purpose of this article is to show, first, how social networks serve the elimination of minorities in general, and second, to argue that the media logic of social networks must adapt to new interpretations of democracy that give more space to minorities and human rights. Finally, this article will show how the Clubhouse serves the new interpretations of democracy at least in a minimal way. To achieve the mentioned goals, in this article by a descriptive-analytical method, first, the relation between media logic and postmodern democracy will be inquired. The political economy popularity in social media and its conflict with democracy will be discussed. Finally, it will be explored how the Clubhouse provides a new horizon for the concepts embodied in radical democracy, a horizon that more effectively serves the rights of minorities and human rights in general.

Keywords: algorithmic tyranny, Clubhouse, minority rights, radical democracy, social media

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Authors: Ali Zaimi

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Citizen participation in local government is an opportunity given to citizens and government to increase communication between them, create public support for local government plans and most important grow public trust in government. Also, the citizens’ involvement in the political process is an important part of democracy. This study aims to define the strategies for increasing citizen participation in local governance and concentrated in two important mechanisms such as participatory budget and public policy councils. Three strategies that promote more effective citizen involvement in local governance are understanding and using formal institutions of power, collaboration of citizens’ groups and governments officials to jointly formulate programs plans, electing and appointing local officials. A unique aspect of citizen participation to operate effectively is the transparency of government and the inclusion of actors into decision-making. The citizen engagement in local governance enhances accountability and problem solving, promote more inclusive and cohesive communities and enlarge the quality and quantity of initiatives made by communities.

Keywords: accountability, citizen participation, democracy, government

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Authors: Liav Orgad

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This article challenges one of the most fundamental propositions in the democratic theory that the majority culture is protected merely by the forces of democracy and thus needs no special legal protection. By describing changes in the patterns of migration to Europe, in the face of the European society, and in the world as a whole, the Article demonstrates that the majority culture is no longer automatically protected by the forces of democracy. It claims that the changing reality is not adequately addressed by political theory and human rights law and advances the promotion of a new concept—'cultural majority rights'.

Keywords: European migration, European demography, democratic theory, majority rights, integration

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