Search results for: american politics

Authors: Priyanka Sharma

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The women voter turnout in India is increasing. The rising female voter turnout is explained in part by men intimidating women in the household to vote. Women are more likely than men to be guided before voting. What is perhaps more significant is that the gender gap has shrunk significantly over the years. However, there are layers and categories of women voters in India. Some women are much more likely than the average woman to follow advice. Against this backdrop, this paper investigates the variation among women voters during the national elections of 2019 in India. The central question of this research paper is whether or not the development of greater political opinion among women would offset guided voting and allow them to emerge as more independent voters. So the independent variable of the study is Indian women’s opinion on politics, and the dependent variable is their voting behavior. The methodology used in this paper is both quantitative and qualitative. This study investigated and examined Lokniti’s election survey data. The sample size used in this survey is 11568. The analysis of this study has revealed that there is a considerable impact of women having a political opinion on their voting behavior. The Bivariate analysis of the variables states that 83% of Indian women who have opinions on political issues do not seek advice while going to vote. This proves the hypothesis of this paper that women with an opinion on politics are more likely to be independent voters. To check the statistical significance of the finding, a chi-square test was done and the p-value found is 0.009737, which shows it is statistically significant. Furthermore, a regression test has been done by controlling certain variables like age, educational qualification, caste, and financial position of the women to probe the influence on the dependent variable. The findings provide worthwhile insights into the relationship between these control variables and the women voting behavior in India.

Keywords: dependent voter, independent voter, political opinion, voting behavior, women voter

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Authors: Nikolai David Blaskow

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Nietzsche's scholarship in the main has never quite resolved its deeply divided, at times self-contradictory responses to what Friedrich Nietzsche might have actually meant by his notion of the 'will to power'. Yet, in the context of the current global pandemic and climate change crisis, never has there been a more urgent need to investigate and resolve that contradiction. This paper argues for the 'will to power' as being a potentially irrational-rational psychopathology, one that can properly be understood only by means of Nietzsche's agonistic insights into another psychopathology—that of ressentiment. The argument also makes a case for the contention that amor fati (Nietzsche’s positive affirmation of life) may prove to be ressentiment's cure. In addition, as an integral part of the case’s methodology, the lens defined as the Mimetic and Scapegoat theory of Rene Girard (1923-2015) is brought to bear on resolving the contradiction. Ressentiment and Mimetic Theory will prove to be key players in the investigation, in as much as they expose the reasons for a modernity in crisis. The major finding of this study is that when the explanatory power of the two theories is applied, an understanding of the dynamics of the crisis in which we find ourselves emerges. The keys to that insight will include: (1) how these two psychopathologies closely resemble the contemporary neurologically defined 'borderline conditions' and their implications for culture (2) how identity politics stifle exemplary leadership, and so create toxic cultures (3) a critical assessment of Achille Mbembe's (2019) re-working of Frantz Fanon's 'ethics of the passerby' and its resonances with Nietzsche's amor fati.

Keywords: agon, amor fati, borderline conditions, ethics of the passer by, exemplary leadership, identity politics, mimesis, ressentiment, scapegoat mechanism

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Authors: Shannon Clayton

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In an effort to explore the potential transformation of North American postwar suburbs, this M.Arch thesis actively engages in the ongoing critique of modernism from the mid 20th century to the present. Contemporary urban design practice has emerged out of the reaction to orthodox modernism. Typically, new suburban development falls into one of two strategies; an attempt to replicate pre-war fabric that never existed, or a reliance on high-density to create instant urbanism. In both cases, the critical role of architecture has been grossly undervalued. Ironically, it is the denial of suburbia’s inherent modernity that has served to prevent genuine place-making. As history demonstrates, modernism is not antithetical to architecture and place. In the postwar years, a critical discussion emerged amongst architects, which sought to evolve modernism beyond functionalism. This was demonstrated through critical discussions on image, experience, and monumentality. As well as increased interest in civic space, and investigations into mat urbanism and the megastructure. The undercurrent within these explorations was a belief that the scale and complexity of modern development could become an opportunity to create urbanism, rather than squander it. This critical discourse has continued through architectural work in the Netherlands and Denmark since the early 1990s, where an emphasis on visual variety, human scale, and public interaction has been given high priority. This thesis applies principles from this ongoing dialogue, and identifies hidden potential within existing North American suburban networks. As a result, the project re-evaluates the legacy of the master plan from a contemporary perspective.

Keywords: urbanism, modernism, suburbia, place-making

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Authors: Demelash Kassaye Debalkie

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The primary objective of this study is to report the tributes that are significantly impeding the Ethiopian police's ability to provide quality services to the people. Policing in Ethiopia started in the medieval period. However, modern policing was introduced instead of vigilantism in the early 1940s. The progress counted since the date police became modernized is, however, under contention when viewed from the standpoint of officers’ development and technologies in the 21st century. The police in Ethiopia are suffering a lot to be set free from any form of political interference by the government and to be loyal to impartiality, equity, and justice in enforcing the law. Moreover, the institutional competence of the police in Ethiopia is currently losing its power derived from the constitution as a legitimate enforcement agency due to the country’s political landscape encouraging ethnic-based politics. According to studies, the impact of ethnic politics has been a significant challenge for police in controlling conflicts between two ethnic groups. The study used qualitative techniques and data was gathered from key informants selected purposely. The findings indicate that governments in the past decades were skeptical about establishing a constitutional police force in the country. This has certainly been one of the challenges of pluralizing the police: building police-community relations based on trust. The study conducted to uncover the obstructions has finally reported that the government’s commitment to form a non-partisan, functionally decentralized, and operationally demilitarized police force is too minimal and appalling. They mainly intend to formulate the missions of the police in accordance with their interests and political will to remain in power. It, therefore, reminds the policymakers, law enforcement officials, and the government in power to revise its policies and working procedures already operational to strengthen the police in Ethiopia based on public participation and engagement.

Keywords: community, constitution, Ethiopia, law enforcement

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Authors: Tina Beyene

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In this paper examines the state of grassroots feminist activism in the backdrop of state feminism in Ethiopia. Specifically, I examine the impact of the Charities and Societies Proclamation (aka CSO law), a 2009 law that banned so-called foreign NGOs—i.e., those receiving more than 10% of its operating budget from non-local sources— from working in the areas of human rights, democracy, governance, and gender equality. Viewed as government retribution for the NGO opposition to the government in the 2005 elections, the law aimed to halt the work groups such as the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA), who were defined as a “foreign” NGO. Based on interviews with prominent Ethiopian women’s rights leaders in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, I assess how grassroots feminist organizing adapts to state suppression on the one hand, and the aggressive entry of the state into women’s rights work on the other hand. While the 2009 law has slowed down the work of women’s rights activism, displaced feminists view feminist advocacy as cyclical and the state as neither fully adversarial nor an ally but rather as an instable entity that at times provides political openings to push ambitious feminist agendas. Grassroots activists are regrouping and developing new political responses strategies such as coding rights issues to fit state mandate; dissembling rights work in permissible social provision language; rechanneling political work into informal spaces and unregistered social clubs; innovating new funding partnerships, and reassembling as privately held research and advocacy companies. my study reveals how grassroots feminist politics operates in the shadow of a hostile state and within the confines of local politics.

Keywords: grassroots feminism, ethiopian feminism, civil society and gender, state feminism

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Authors: Agbana Olaseinde Julius, Opadere Olaolu Stephen

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The concept of cross carpeting is as old as politics itself. Basically, it entails an individual leaving a political party/group, to join another. The reasons for which cross carpeting is embarked upon are diverse: ideological differences; ethnic and/or religious differences; access to actual or perceived better political opportunities; liberty of association; rancor; etc. The current democratic dispensation in Nigeria has experienced renewed and rather alarming rate of cross carpeting, for reasons including those enumerated above and others. Right to cross carpet is inherent in a democratic setting as well as the political stakeholder; so does it also comprise of the constitutional right of ‘freedom of association’. However, the current species of cross carpeting in Nigeria requires scrutiny, in view of some potential legal and moral challenges it poses for both the present and the future. Cross carpeting is considered both legal and constitutional, but the current spate raises the question of expediency, particularly in a nascent democracy. It is considered to have a propensity of negatively impacting political stability in a polity with fragile nerves. Importantly too, cross carpeting is considered a potential damage to the psyche of posterity with regards to a warped disposition to promises, honour and integrity. The perceived peculiar dimension of cross carpeting in Nigeria raises questions on the quality of leadership presently obtainable in the country, vis-à-vis greed, self-centeredness, disregard for the concern and interest of avowed followers/fans, entrenchment of distrust, etc. Thus, the study made use of primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended); judicial decisions; and the Electoral Act, 2010 (as Amended). The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study show that though the act of cross carpeting may not be in breach of any Statute or Law, it however, in most cases, breaches the morals of expediency. The morality thereof is far from justifiable, and should be condemned in the interest of the present and posterity. There is a great and urgent need to embark on a re-entrenchment of the culture of political ideology in the Nigerian polity, as obtainable in developed democracies. In conclusion, the need to exercise the right of cross carpeting with caution cannot be overemphasized. Membership of a political group/party should be backed by commitment to well defined ideologies and values. Commitment to them should be regarded akin to that found in the family, which is not easily or flippantly jettisoned.

Keywords: cross-carpeting, Nigeria, legal, moral issues, politics

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Authors: Gabriele Palumbo

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This research empirically examines some of the reasons behind the fact that recently the number of people giving up their American citizenship for tax purposes has recently increased drastically. The United States Jurisdiction represents a unicum in the practice of taxing worldwide income not only to residents of the United States but also to U.S. citizens living abroad. The worldwide income taxation also affects people defined as “Accidental Americans” who are unaware that they are U.S. citizens. Those people are considered Americans even though they have not been to the United States. American residents abroad can rely on United States income tax treaties and some national law provisions, such as the exclusion of foreign income and foreign tax credits, which are designed specifically to avoid double taxation. However, this mechanism may prove unsatisfactory for people who have not been linked anymore or individuals who have never had relations with the United States. U.S. citizens who are determined to cut all of the ties between themselves and the United States, especially those that involve tax implications, can renounce their U.S. citizenship with the expatriation procedure. The expatriation process represents the extrema ratio and implicates several steps which must be followed carefully. This paper shows the complexity of the procedure that a U.S. citizen who is resident in a foreign country would have to follow to relinquish U.S. citizenship for tax purposes. The mechanism is intended to discourage people from renounce. Going beyond the question of whether U.S. tax regulation is fair or not, this principle nowadays characterizes a popular topic that many scholars and lawyers are discussing. The outcome provides interesting implications that could induce the Congress to rethink the definition of citizenship for both fiscal and nationality law purposes. Indeed, even if a sort of checks and balances has the task of mitigating the renunciation of U.S. citizenship, more and more U.S. citizens desire to get rid of their citizenship.

Keywords: double taxation, expatriation tax, international taxation, relinquishment of United States citizenship

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Authors: Lily Chimuanya, Ehioghae Esther

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Language, a versatile and sophisticated tool, is fundamentally sacrosanct to mankind especially within the realm of politics. In this dynamic world, political leaders adroitly use language to engage in a strategic show aimed at manipulating or mechanising the opinion of discerning people. This nuanced synergy is marked by different rhetorical strategies, meticulously synced with contextual factors ranging from cultural, ideological, and political to achieve multifaceted persuasive objectives. This study investigates the (de)legitimation strategies inherent in African presidential inaugural speeches, as African leaders not only state their policy agenda through inaugural speeches but also subtly indulge in a dance of legitimation and delegitimation, performing a twofold objective of strengthening the credibility of their administration and, at times, undermining the performance of the past administration. Drawing insights from two different legitimation models and a dataset of 4 African presidential inaugural speeches obtained from authentic websites, the study describes the roles of authorisation, rationalisation, moral evaluation, altruism, and mythopoesis in unmasking the structure of political discourse. The analysis takes a mixed-method approach to unpack the (de)legitimation strategy embedded in the carefully chosen speeches. The focus extends beyond a superficial exploration and delves into the linguistic elements that form the basis of presidential discourse. In conclusion, this examination goes beyond the nuanced landscape of language as a potent tool in politics, with each strategy contributing to the overall rhetorical impact and shaping the narrative. From this perspective, the study argues that presidential inaugural speeches are not only linguistic exercises but also viable weapons that influence perceptions and legitimise authority.

Keywords: CDA, legitimation, inaugural speeches, delegitmation

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Authors: Okechukwu B. C. Nwankwo

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The surge of social protests sweeping through the globe is a contemporary phenomenon. Yet the phenomenon in itself is not new. Thus, various scholars have over the years developed conceptual frameworks for evaluating it. Adopting and adapting some of these frameworks this paper begins from a purely theoretical perspective exploring the concept and content of social protest within the specific context of Nigeria. It proceeds to build a typology of the phenomenon in terms of form, actors, origin, character, organisation, goal, dynamics, outcome and a whole lot of other variables that are context relevant for evaluating it in an operationally useful manner. The centrality of the context in which protest evolves is demonstrated. Adopting Easton’s systems theory, the paper builds on the assumption that protests emerge whenever and wherever political institutions and structures prove unable or unwilling to transform inputs in form of basic demands into outputs in form of responsive policies. It argues that protests in Nigeria are simply the crystallisation of opposition in the streets. Protests are thus extra-institutional politics. This is usually the case, as elsewhere, where there is no functional institutionalised opposition. Noting that protest, disruptive or otherwise, is an influence strategy, it argues that every single protest is a new opportunity for reform, for reorganisation of state capacities, for modifying rights and obligation of citizens and government to each other. Each reform outcome is, however, only a temporal antecedent. Its extensity gives signal for the next similar protest event. Through providing evidence on how protests in Nigeria create opportunity for reform, for more accountable, more effective governance, the paper shows the positive impact of protests and its importance even in the consolidation effort for the nation’s nascent democracy. Data on protest events will be based on media reports, especially print media.

Keywords: democracy, dialectics, social protest, reform

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Authors: Muritala Babatunde Hassan

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In the contemporary global political economy, foreign direct investment (FDI) is gaining currency on daily basis. Notably, the end of the Cold War has brought about the dominance of neoliberal ideology with its mantra of private-sector-led economy. As such, nation-states now see FDI attraction as an important element in their approach to national development. Governments and policy makers are preoccupying themselves with unraveling the best strategies to not only attract more FDI but also to attain the desired socio-economic development status. In Nigeria, the perceived development potentials of FDI have brought about aggressive hunt for foreign investors, most especially since transition to civilian rule in May 1999. Series of liberal and market oriented strategies are being adopted not only to attract foreign investors but largely to stimulate private sector participation in the economy. It is on this premise that this study interrogates the politics of FDI attraction for domestic development in Nigeria between 1999 and 2014, with the ultimate aim of examining the nexus between regime type and the ability of a state to attract and benefit from FDI. Building its analysis within the framework of institutional utilitarianism, the study posits that the essential FDI strategies for achieving the greatest happiness for the greatest number of Nigerians are political not economic. Both content analysis and descriptive survey methodology were employed in carrying out the study. Content analysis involves desk review of literatures that culminated in the development of the study’s conceptual and theoretical framework of analysis. The study finds no significant relationship between transition to democracy and FDI inflows in Nigeria, as most of the attracted investments during the period of the study were market and resource seeking as was the case during the military regime, thereby contributing minimally to the socio-economic development of the country. It is also found that the country placed much emphasis on liberalization and incentives for FDI attraction at the neglect of improving the domestic investment environment. Consequently, poor state of infrastructure, weak institutional capability and insecurity were identified as the major factors seriously hindering the success of Nigeria in exploiting FDI for domestic development. Given the reality of the currency of FDI as a vector of economic globalization and that Nigeria is trailing the line of private-sector-led approach to development, it is recommended that emphasis should be placed on those measures aimed at improving the infrastructural facilities, building solid institutional framework, enhancing skill and technological transfer and coordinating FDI promotion activities by different agencies and at different levels of government.

Keywords: foreign capital, politics, socio-economic development, FDI attraction strategies

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Authors: Vibhore Bakshi

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This research paper is a step towards understanding the role of governance in the plan preparation process. It addresses the complexities of the peri-urban, historical constructions, politics and policies of sustainability, and legislative frameworks. The paper reflects on the Delhi NCT as one of the classical cases that have happened to witness different structural changes in the master plan around 1981, 2001, 2021, and Proposed Draft 2041. The Delhi Landsat imageries for 1989 and 2018 show an increase in the built-up areas around the periphery of NCT. The peri-urbanization has been a result of increasing in-migration to peri–urban areas of Delhi. The built-up extraction for years 1981, 1991, 2001, 2011, and 2018 highlights the growing peri-urbanization on scarce land therefore, it becomes equally important to research the history of the land and its legislative measures. It is interesting to understand the streaks of changes that have occurred in the land of Delhi in accordance with the different master plans and land legislative policies. The process of masterplan process in Delhi has experienced a lot of complexities in juxtaposition to other metropolitan regions of the world. The paper identifies the shortcomings in the current master planning process approach in regard to the stage of the planning process, traditional planning approach, and lagging ICT-based interventions. The metropolitan governance systems across the globe and India depict diversity in the organizational setup and varied dissemination of functions. It addresses the complexity of the peri-urban, historical constructions, politics and policies of sustainability, and legislative frameworks.

Keywords: governance, land provisions, built-up areas, in migration, built up extraction, master planning process, legislative policies, metropolitan governance systems

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Authors: Jiaqi XU, Qingru Sun

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Accent plays a crucial role in second language (L2) learners’ performance in the schooling context in the era of globalization, where English is adopted as a lingua franca (ELF). Previous studies found that Chinese mainland students prefer American English accents, whereas the young generations in Hong Kong prefer British accents. However, these studies neglect the non-native accents of English and fail to elaborate much about why the L2 learners differ in accent preferences between the two regions. Therefore, this research aims to bridge the research gap by 1) including both native and non-native varieties of English accents: American accent, British accent, Chinese Mandarin English accent, and Hong Kong English accent; and 2) uncovering and comparing the deeper reasons for the similar or/and different accent preferences between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong speakers. This research designed a questionnaire including objective and subjective questions to investigate the students’ accent inclinations and the attitudes and reasons behind their linguistic choices. The questionnaire was distributed to eight participants (4 Chinese mainland students and 4 Hong Kong students) who were postgraduate students at a Hong Kong university. Based on the data collection, this research finds out one similarity and two differences between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong students’ attitudes. The theories of identity construction and standard language ideology are further applied to analyze the reasons behind the similarities and differences and to evaluate how language attitudes intertwine with their identity construction and language ideology.

Keywords: accent, language attitudes, identity construction, language ideology, ELF communication

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Authors: Zhihua Xu

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In the era of globalization, the urban question is increasingly being posed in the form of a scale question. Scale theory provides a new perspective for analyzing various dynamics and their influences on urban development. After the reunification, how the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) interacts with the actors at various scales and carries out state rescaling are the keys to exploring the issue of urban development and governance in Hong Kong. This paper examines the entire planning process of the Hong Kong Section of the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong Express Rail Link, from project conception, design, to consultation, and fund application, to identify the actors at different scales involved in the process, and analyze the modes and consequences of their interaction. This study shows that after the reunification, the Hong Kong SAR Government takes the initiative to scale up to expand its hinterland. Intergovernmental institutional cooperation is an important mode of state rescaling for the Hong Kong SAR government. Meanwhile, the gradually growing civil society plays an important role in the rescaling of urban development. Local actors use scalar politics to construct discourses and take actions at multiple scales to challenge the government’s proposal and trigger a discussion on the project throughout the Hong Kong society. The case study of Hong Kong can deepen the understanding of state rescaling of territorial organizations in the context of institutional transformation and enrich the theoretical connotation of state rescaling. It also helps the Mainland government to better understand the case of Hong Kong and formulate appropriate.

Keywords: Hong Kong, state rescaling, scalar politics, Hong Kong section of the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong express rail link, urban governance

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Authors: Kamen Kirov

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In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Britain dominated global trade and finance in large part due to its maritime superiority. Germany, a land power, sought to undermine Britain’s position as the primary hegemon but ultimately could not challenge Britain’s maritime position or capabilities. This drove Germany to seek alternative strategies to weaken Britain’s position. Notably, it pushed Germany to create a reliable overland link through the Balkans to the Middle East via railroad. This article will seek to draw parallels between the German-British hegemonic conflict of the early 20th century and the Chinese-American hegemonic conflict taking place today using both secondary historical sources and current scholarly discussions of the changing international sphere. In doing so, it will provide useful insights into how China might attempt to outflank American power. The article will demonstrate that in many ways, the strategic positions and approaches of the early-20th century Germany and modern China are similar. Both countries were faced with a vastly superior foe with respect to maritime and economic power, and in both cases, their response was to undermine their rival hegemon by creating new overland infrastructure. Furthermore, in both cases, a major goal of creating new overland links was to gain further access to and control over Middle Eastern energy markets. It seems that in the modern day, China is conducting such a policy on a much grander scale than Germany did in the early 20th century—which may result in negative consequences for the US strategic position.

Keywords: belt and road Initiative, hegemonic conflict, maritime power, realism

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Authors: Shahzada Gulfam

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Islamism was considered as a new phenomenon in Muslim World to revolt against static Religious Traditionalists and the Imperialists. Islamist political parties viewed the establishment of an Islamic state within the limits of Sharia’h as their destination. The Islamists movements like Ikhwan-ul Muslimun, Jamaat-i-Islami etc. did appear with revolutionary agenda but were contained by military forces and the secular modernists of Muslim World. The Muslim rulers, historically could not respect the democratic and moral norms and equally emerged as dictators in democracies, military rule as well as in monarchies. The Arab Spring did not follow the Islamists agenda but gathered the common masses against the corrupt rulers to have a just democratic political system. The Islamic State and Sharia’h were not their immediate targets but the achievement of moral norms in Muslim societies and eradication of dictatorial rule were the basic aims. This phenomenon is named as post-Islamism. The political struggle of PAT (Pakistan Awami Tehreek) and the PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf) has been following the footsteps of Arab Spring and can be noted as the extension of Arab Spring in Muslim World. The results of this struggle would define the fate of Post-Islamism in Pakistan. Has Jamaat-i-Islami got the potential to reform its agenda accordingly? This paper intends to study the Jamaat’s struggle and tries to predict Jamaat’s role in post-Islamism scenario. There is a clear distinction between the people of religion and the people following the popular materialistic westernized value system. This division is also evident in political parties. Pakistan has been ruled mostly by the secular parties and rulers. The inability to establish Islamic system by replacing the imperial system has created militancy and revolt which requires the establishment of a sound model Islamic based system in the country. The political parties of Pakistan could not device a modernize agenda, equally acceptable in modernized world and addressing the prevailing issues and also having the indigenous religious and cultural roots. The inability of Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan to transform its agenda accordingly to serve the post-Islamism has made it irrelevant in Pakistan’s politics. Once Jamaat leaves behind its hard position as an Islamist party and accepts the post-Islamism as beginning to create its idealized state and society, it can pursue its agenda gradually. The phenomenon of post-Islamism does not make Islamists irrelevant but invites them to listen to the priorities of masses rather than insisting on the agenda of their respective ideologues to be followed for all times. The ruling Muslim democrats and military dictators of Pakistan have been following unfair means to sustain their political power which gave rise to space for the new political parties to emerge and organize agitation successfully in Pakistani Politics. Jamaat-i-Islami could not fill that space to be an agent of Post-Islamism and could not break their chains which had been tying them to the prevailing failed democracy of Pakistan. Post-Islamists are the addressers of the rulers corruption and are struggling for reforms in system. Jamaat due to its ideological compulsions could not transform its agenda accordingly. The new scenario indicates that the Post-Islamism which emerged in Arab World can be taken as first step to establish democracy and justice in state and society and then the establishment of Islamic law and the establishment of an Islamic state should have been the next targets. This gradual agenda would have delivered public support to the Jamaat which deserved that but PTI & PAT have cashed this opportunity in Pakistani politics by strengthening their respective vote banks.

Keywords: arab spring, islamic state, islamic political parties, muslim world, post-islamism

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Authors: Virginia Andrea Garrido Meirelles

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Noah Webster was a lexicographer and a language reformer and is considered the ‘Father of American Scholarship and Education’ because of the exceptional contributions he made as a teacher and grammarian. The goal of this study is to show that the success of his plan can be explained by the fact that it matched the language-in-education policies of his time. To accomplish that goal the present study analyzes the Massachusetts School Laws of 1642, 1647 and 1648 and compares them to the preface of the first edition of The Grammatical Institute of the English Language. The referred laws were three legislative acts enacted in the Massachusetts Colony and replicated almost identically in the other New England colonies. The purpose of those laws was to eradicate pauperism and poverty, on the one side, and to disseminate the idea of right citizenship, on the other. However, until the Declaration of Independence in 1776, all the primers used in the colony were printed in Britain. In 1783, Noah Webster published the first part of his Grammatical Institute of the English Language. In this book, the author states that his goal is to promote the republican principles that guide the civil rights of that time. The material included many texts taken from the Bible to inspire aversion to inadequate behavior and preference for service and good manners. In addition, its goal was to present ‘a new plan of reducing the pronunciation of our language to an easy standard,’ and in that way, create a unified language to abolish ignorance and language corruption. The comparison between the laws and Webster’s Spelling Book shows that the book is the result of the historical and political situation when it was conceived and it satisfied the requirements of the language-in-education policies of the time.

Keywords: American English, language policy, the Massachusetts school laws, webster's spelling book

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Authors: Rubina Waseem

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The research focuses on the major crises and major effects, largely unforeseen, to counter international security concerns. At the close of 2019, the Covid-19 pandemic broke out in the city of Wuhan in Hubei province, China. The coronavirus was initially seen as an inchoate danger, aimed at striking people randomly. Owing to the extraordinary transmissibility of the virus and the highly knitted nature of the international political world, the Covid-19 soon became a formidable global challenge. The once hustling and bustling avenues, city centers, and market places became deserted. Lockdown, self-isolation, hygiene and safety, social-distancing, and job losses became a new norm. The national economies gradually plunged into crisis. The pandemic has so far caused over 33 million cases and one million deaths. The virus continues to devastate social life, as there is yet no therapeutic available. While the world was preoccupied addressing the human and social toll, the pandemic has exacerbated despair, mistrust, and friction in international relations, diplomacy, and strategy. The research will discuss how the coronavirus has accelerated the trends of transition in the postwar security order constructed by the United States. China, Russia, European Union, and other lesser regional players are now increasingly changing their security orientations to undermine the United States standing and authority in world politics. The systemic level analyses will be adopted as a methodology to broaden the lens of the study, and the research will analyze the prevalent global power distribution, whether vulnerable or exposed. The trends of parochial nationalism and isolationism are increasingly replacing multilateralism and collectivism. Yet worse, military posturing is assuming a greater role in international interactions. Taken together, the pandemic has worsened the prospects of international peace and stability by mounting equal pressure across the channels of international relations, diplomacy, and strategy. It is yet unclear which country or collectivity will face the real brunt. Despite this jaded and pessimistic view, the lingering pandemic has the potential to reinforce cooperation, multilateralism, and collectivism in the realm of international politics. There is a renewed momentum for global efforts against the pandemic. States and societies are coming closer to act as a whole. Equally important, the world leaders are feeling tempted to revisit the traditional conception of national security. In this regard, they are exploring the possibility of according preference to non-traditional security issues. In essence, the research concludes that Covid-19 has put the international political system under a great trial.

Keywords: covid-19, global challenges, international politics, international security

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Authors: Hong Beom Hur

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Politics in America is polarized. The best illustration of this is the 2016 presidential election result map. States with megacities like California, New York, Illinois, Virginia, and others are marked blue to signify the color of the Democratic party. States located in inland and south like Texas, Florida, Tennesse, Kansas and others are marked red to signify the color of the Republican party. Such a stark difference between two colors, red and blue, combined with geolocations of each state with their borderline remarks one central message; America is divided into two colors between urban Democrats and rural Republicans. This paper seeks to defy the visualization by pointing out its limitations and search for alternative ways to visualize the 2016 election result. One such limitation is that geolocations of each state and state borderlines limit the visualization of population density. As a result, the election result map does not convey the fact that Clinton won the popular vote and only accentuates the voting patterns of urban and rural states. The paper seeks whether an alternative narrative can be observed by factoring in the population number into the size of each state and manipulating the state borderline according to the normalization. Yet another alternative narrative may be reached by factoring the size of each state by the number of the electoral college of each state by voting and visualize the number. Other alternatives will be discussed but are not implemented in visualization. Such methods include dividing the land of America into about 120 million cubes each representing a voter or by the number of whole population 300 million cubes. By exploring these alternative methods to visualize the politics of the 2016 election map, the public may be able to question whether it is possible to be free from the narrative of the divide-conquer when interpreting the election map and to look at both parties as a story of the United States of America.

Keywords: 2016 U.S. presidential election, data visualization, population scale, geo-political

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Authors: Agnieszka P. Regiec

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Capital companies are based on monetary capital. In the traditional model, the capital is the sum of the nominal values of all shares issued. For a few years within the European countries, the limited liability companies’ (LLC) regulations are leaning towards liberalization of the capital structure in order to provide higher degree of autonomy regarding the intra-corporate governance. Reforms were based primarily on the legal system of the USA. In the USA, the tradition of no-par shares is well-established. Thus, as a point of reference, the American legal system is being chosen. Regulations of Germany, Great Britain, France, Netherlands, Finland, Poland and the USA will be taken into consideration. The analysis of the share capital is important for the development of science not only because the capital structure of the corporation has significant impact on the shareholders’ rights, but also it reflects on relationships between creditors of the company and the company itself. Multi-level comparative approach towards the problem will allow to present a wide range of the possible outcomes stemming from the novelization. The dogmatic method was applied. The analysis was based on the statutes, secondary sources and judicial awards. Both the substantive and the procedural aspects of the capital structure were considered. In Germany, as a result of the regulatory competition, typical for the EU, the structure of LLCs was reshaped. New LLC – Unternehmergesellschaft, which does not require a minimum share capital, was introduced. The minimum share capital for Gesellschaft mit beschrankter Haftung was lowered from 25 000 to 10 000 euro. In France the capital structure of corporations was also altered. In 2003, the minimum share capital of société à responsabilité limitée (S.A.R.L.) was repealed. In 2009, the minimum share capital of société par actions simplifiée – in the “simple” version of S.A.R.L. was also changed – there is no minimum share capital required by a statute. The company has to, however, indicate a share capital without the legislator imposing the minimum value of said capital. In Netherlands the reform of the Besloten Vennootschap met beperkte aansprakelijkheid (B.V.) was planned with the following change: repeal of the minimum share capital as the answer to the need for higher degree of autonomy for shareholders. It, however, preserved shares with nominal value. In Finland the novelization of yksityinen osakeyhtiö took place in 2006 and as a result the no-par shares were introduced. Despite the fact that the statute allows shares without face value, it still requires the minimum share capital in the amount of 2 500 euro. In Poland the proposal for the restructuration of the capital structure of the LLC has been introduced. The proposal provides among others: devaluation of the capital to 1 PLN or complete liquidation of the minimum share capital, allowing the no-par shares to be issued. In conclusion: American solutions, in particular, balance sheet test and solvency test provide better protection for creditors; European no-par shares are not the same as American and the existence of share capital in Poland is crucial.

Keywords: balance sheet test, limited liability company, nominal value of shares, no-par shares, share capital, solvency test

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Authors: Alexander Rosenblatt

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The musical culture of the city of Los Angeles, as it is seen today, developed not without the influence of outstanding musicians who came from Europe during the period between the world wars. The combination of European modernist ideas with American musical culture, which differed in many ways from European musical culture, led to unique results. During the 1920s and even more so in the 1930s, members of the Austrian-German artistic intelligentsia, particularly those of Jewish origin who felt insecure in their homeland, began to look for a safer place. The United States has become such a place for many, and many of them chose the second largest metropolis—Los Angeles. The most notable figure in this group was the modernist composer Arnold Schoenberg. Other famous musicians were conductors Otto Klemperer and Bruno Walter. The study focused on how these people acclimated to a city whose culture and business revolved around film production; what place the conductors Klemperer and Walter occupied in the city, state, and country; how Schoenberg, whose musical style was little understood by the American public, was able to realize himself; what path he took when he was accepted to two universities as a professor of counterpoint and composition; and whether he revised his own views on the development of Western music. Another aspect was the study of how the composer’s memory was preserved in the universities where he taught. The study is based primarily on materials found in four libraries of two universities located in Los Angeles, UCLA and USC, during my tenure as a visiting scholar at USC Thornton School of Music (August 2023), to be completed during my upcoming visit there in August-September 2024, as well as on interviews with people active in efforts to keep Schoenberg’s memory alive on the USC Campus.

Keywords: los angeles, filmmaking, immigrant musicians, arnold schoenberg, otto klemperer, bruno walter

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Authors: Mattia Testuzza

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Public health is a social endeavour, which involves many different actors: from extremely stratified, structured health systems to unofficial networks of people and knowledge. Health and diseases are an intertwined individual and social experiences. Both patients and health workers navigate this public space through relations of trust. Trust in healthcare goes from the personal trust between a patient and her/his doctor to the trust of both the patient and the health worker in the medical knowledge and the healthcare system. Trust it is not a given, but it is continuously negotiated, given and gained. The key to understand these essential relations of trust in health is to recognise them as a social practice, which therefore implies agency and power. In these terms, health is constantly public and made public, as trust emerges as a meaningfully political phenomenon. Trust as a power relation can be observed at play in the implementation of public health policies such as the WHO’s Directly-Observed Theraphy Short-course (DOTS), and with the increasing concern for drug-resistance that tuberculosis pose, looking at the role of trust in the healthcare delivery system and implementation of public health policies becomes significantly relevant. The ethnographic fieldwork was carried out in four months through observation of the daily practices at the National Tuberculosis Center of Nepal, and semi-structured interviews with MultiDrug-Resistant Tuberculosis (MDR-TB) patients at different stages of the treatment, their relatives, MDR-TB specialised nurses, and doctors. Throughout the research, the role which trust plays in tuberculosis treatment emerged as one fundamental ax that cuts through all the different factors intertwined with drug-resistance development, unfolding a tension between the DOTS policy, which undermines trust, and the day-to-day healthcare relations and practices which cannot function without trust. Trust also stands out as a key component of the solutions to unforeseen issues which develop from the overall uncertainty of the context - for example, political instability and extreme poverty - in which tuberculosis treatment is carried out in Nepal.

Keywords: trust, tuberculosis, drug-resistance, politics of health

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Authors: Jocelyn D. Perreault

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An exploratory study has been launched in 2013-2014 in the province of Quebec, the state of Vermont (USA) and the region of Zaer in Morocco. We have realized three first case studies in order to better understand the marketing strategies of starting up vineries, which are defined as having a maximum of five years of operations. The methodology used consisted of visiting the vineyards; conducting semi-directed interviews with owner-managers; visiting points-of-sale of the wines and analysing the web sites using an assessment grid. The results indicate many differences between the three firms in their use of their web sites. More precisely, we have noticed that: -The Quebec vineyard uses its web site in collaboration with the touristic actors of its region and the association of the wine makers of the province of Quebec.Positioning is as a touristic attraction. -In comparison,the Moroccan firm limits the content of the web site to itself and its activities and somehow to the wine industry.Positioning is as a wine specialist. -The american firm associated its web site more to farm markets actors and activities of the region.Positioning is as an agricultural actor. -The positionings of the three vineyards are very different from each others and will be discussed more thoroughly during the presentation to better understand the use of web sites, thus contributing to the «brand image». -Improvements to the three web sites have been identified and suggested by more than a hundred of persons using the same grid and comprising students of bachelor and MBA degrees from our university. In general, the web sites have been considered satisfying but requiring several improvements at different levels. Changes or updates have been observed for the Quebec winery web site but practically no changes have been made to the others in the last months. The assessment grid will be presented in more details as well as the global and the partial scores given by the respondents. In conclusion, we have noticed that only one winery is considered as a «heavy and strategic user» of its web site and of Facebook and Twitter.

Keywords: web site, wineries, marketing, positioning, starting up strategies

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Authors: Mohamed Faslan

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This research examines the impact of the politicization of the fishing dispute on India-Sri Lanka relations, particularly the influence of internal and party politics. The maritime border is clearly demarcated between India and Sri Lanka. India and Sri Lanka signed bilateral agreements on maritime boundaries in 1974 and 1976 respectively. They signed the United Nations Law of the Sea- III as well. Despite this, fishing disputes persist between the two nations. Tamil Nadu politics is closely linked with Sri Lankan Tamil issues and Tamil Nadu has been playing a significant role in Indo-Lanka relations. This is due to the fact that many Indian trawlers involved in fishing activities in Sri Lankan waters are from Tamil Nadu. The Government of Tamil Nadu is also very concerned about the issue of fishing in Sri Lankan waters. During the ethnic war, Sri Lankan fishermen were restricted on fishing activities in the Northern sea by the Sri Lankan Government and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE). This created a vacuum in the Northern sea of Sri Lanka, and Indian trawlers filled the vacuum with the support of the LTTE. After the end of the war, Northern fishermen of Sri Lanka recommenced their fishing activities and realized that the Tamil Nadu trawlers had scooped their fishing resources. The Northern fishermen started to protest the invasion of Indian trawlers and pushed the Sri Lankan Government to stop the Indian trawlers. When Sri Lanka arrested Indian fishermen and confiscated their fishing boats, the Tamil Nadu Government used this as an opportunity to accuse Sri Lanka as having a Sinhalese government, to express feelings of hatred towards Sri Lanka due to the ethnic war against Tamils and tried to increase the voting bank by selling Tamil feelings. Thus, this research finds that Tamil Nadu does not associate this fishing dispute with Tamils in Sri Lanka but with the Sinhalese despite the status quo. This research has covered the Northern fishermen and stakeholders of Sri Lanka and could not do any field research in India due to visa restrictions. However, the researcher tries to balance the gap by referring to secondary sources and a few interviews with Indian scholars.

Keywords: Indo Lanka relations, fishing dispute, maritime border, Tamil Nadu & Sri Lankan waters

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Authors: Nigar Sultanova

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Facial morphology is a constant topic of concern for clinicians. When anthropometric methods were introduced into clinical practice to quantify changes in the craniofacial framework, features distinguishing various ethnic group were discovered. Normative data of facial measurements are indispensable to precise determination of the degree of deviations from normal. Establish the reference range of facial proportions in Azerbaijan population by anthropometric measurements of craniofacial complex. The study group consisted of 350 healthy young subjects, 175 males and 175 females, 18 to 25 years of age, from 7 different regions of Azerbaijan. The anthropometric examination was performed according to L.Farkas's method with our modification. In order to determine the morphologic characteristics of seven regions of the craniofacial complex 42 anthropometric measurements were selected. The anthropometric examination. Included the usage of 33 anthropometric landmarks. The 80 indices of the facial proportions, suggested by Farkas and Munro, were calculated: head -10, face - 23, nose - 23, lips - 9, orbits - 11, ears - 4. The date base of the North American white population was used as a reference group. Anthropometric measurements of facial proportions in Azerbaijan population revealed a significant difference between mеn and womеn, according to sexual dimorphism. In comparison with North American whites, considerable differences of facial proportions were observed in the head, face, orbits, labio-oral, nose and ear region. However, in women of the Azerbaijani population, 29 out of 80 proportion indices were similar to the proportions of NAW women. In the men of the Azerbaijani population, 27 out of 80 proportion indices did not reveal a statistically significant difference from the proportions of NAW men. Estimation of the reference range of facial proportions in Azerbaijan population migth be helpful to formulate surgical plan in treatment of congenital or post-traumatic facial deformities successfully.

Keywords: facial morphology, anthropometry, indices of proportion, measurement

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Authors: Mohsen Masoomi, Fazel Asadi Amjad, Monireh Arvin

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According to Naturalistic principles, human destiny in the form of blind chance and determinism, entraps the individual, so man is a defenceless creature unable to escape from the ruthless paws of a stoical universe. In Naturalism; nonetheless, melodrama mirrors a conscious alternative with a peculiar function. A typical American Naturalistic character thus cannot be a subject for social criticism of American society since they are not victims of the ongoing virtual slavery, capitalist system, nor of a ruined milieu, but of their own volition, and more importantly, their character frailty. Through a Postmodern viewpoint, each Naturalistic work can encompass some entropic trends and changes culminating in an entire failure and devastation. Frank Norris in McTeague displays the futile struggles of ordinary men and how they end up brutes. McTeague encompasses intoxication, abuse, violation, and ruthless homicides. Norris’ depictions of the falling individual as a demon represent the entropic dimension of Naturalistic novels. McTeague’s defeat is somewhat his own fault, the result of his own blunders and resolution, not the result of sheer accident. Throughout the novel, each character is a kind of insane quester indicating McTeague’s decadence and, by inference, the decadence of Western civilisation. McTeague seems to designate Norris’ solicitude for a community fabricated by the elements of human negative demeanours and conducts hauling acute symptoms of infectious dehumanisation. The aim of this article is to illustrate how one specific negative human disposition gradually, like a running fire, can spread everywhere and burn everything in itself. The author applies the concept of entropy metaphorically to describe the individual devolutions that necessarily comprise community entropy in McTeague, a dying universe.

Keywords: animal imagery, entropy, Gypsy, melodrama

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Authors: Aaron Derner

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Unlike the histories of France, the UK, or even Spain, the Russian colonial past often dissolves before the seemingly more salient Cold War figurations or Soviet dissolution. The obvious explanation behind Caucasian states’ roles—that of Russian-propped governments obeying the whims of their patron—is but the latest instance of such oversight. Where the results of colonial social and cultural interactions are indelibly stamped across France, Algeria, and every other former (and current) French holding, so to are the Muscovite and Russian colonial ambitions embedded within the modern politics and cultures of both Russia and the Caucasus. Russian colonial artefacts are enhanced and perhaps granted an additional social explanatory edge over those of the ‘typical’ colonizers, by the cyclical adoration for and noisy rejection of European cultural markers over the centuries, along with the somewhat unusual composition of the Cossacks: Russia’s main agents of colonialization within the Caucasian frontier. The story of Russia and Chechnya, of all the Caucasus, is of the manufacture of social and individual identity through “modes of subjectification” inherent within the region’s colonial history and driven by the triangular interactions between three main groups: the Cossacks, the Caucasian Mountain Tribes, and the Russian Metropol. Together, interactions between these social groups worked to shape and transform the lifestyles and institutional pathologies that constitute the Russian and Chechen states and the politics between them. At the core of this (Western) state-building is the simultaneous and seemingly contradictory desire to be more Western and emulate Western cultural and political practices while also desperately grasping for a uniquely Russian identity. This sits somewhat ironically against the backdrop that Russia hosted a frontier-based settler society and had established that distinctly European feature of settler colonialism early in its history—arguably establishing a claim to being the most “colonial” of the colonial powers. There is no doubt that these forces worked to shape contemporary Russian political and social identity—apparent in the mythic popularity of the Cossack in Russian literature, politics, and academic discourse. What needs to be expanded from the current narrative, however, is that beyond the Cossack identity’s attractiveness on the grounds of its tones of freedom and resistance to unjust authority, the identity is rooted in the imperial ambitions and colonial experiences of the Russian state, and is, therefore, a direct marker of domination and subjectification. Adding an unusual dimension to this not-uncommon cultural progression, the Russian state needed to colonize both the Caucases and the Russian Cossacks, appropriating them in much the same way they appropriated the Circassian mountain tribes. The focus of this paper is not to tell yet another story of how one culture entered an area to overpower another but how a ‘powerful,’ ‘modern,’ ‘Western(ish)’ culture was profoundly and continually changed through its contact with a group of tribal ‘savages’ and ‘braves.’

Keywords: Russia, chechnya, subjectification, caucasus, cossacks, Ukraine

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Authors: Ilona Copik

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The aim of this study is to analyze the representation of memories of the forced displacement of Poles and Germans from the eastern territories in 1945 as depicted by Polish and German feature films between the years 1945-1960. The aftermath of World War II and the Allied agreements concluded at Yalta and Potsdam (1945) resulted in changes in national borders in Central and Eastern Europe and the large-scale transfer of civilians. The westward migration became a symbol of the new post-war division of Europe, new spheres of influence separated by the Iron Curtain. For years it was a controversial topic in both Poland and Germany due to the geopolitical alignment (the socialist East and capitalist West of Europe), as well as the unfinished debate between the victims and perpetrators of the war. The research premise is to take a comparative view of the conflicted cultures of Polish and German memory, to reflect on the possibility of an international dialogue about the past recorded in film images, and to discover the potential of film as a narrative warning against totalitarian inclinations. Until now, films made between 1945 and 1960 in Poland and the German occupation zones have been analyzed mainly in the context of artistic strategies subordinated to ideology and historical politics. In this study, the intention is to take a critical approach leading to the recognition of how films work as collective memory media, how they reveal the mechanisms of memory/forgetting, and what settlement topoi and migration myths they contain. The main hypothesis is that feature films about forced displacement, in addition to the politics of history - separate in each country - reveal comparable transnational individual experiences: the chaos of migration, the trauma of losing one's home, the conflicts accompanying the familiar/foreign, the difficulty of cultural adaptation, the problem of lost identity, etc.

Keywords: forced displacement, Polish and German cinema, war victims, World War II

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Authors: Rahul Ranjan

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Using gender as a category to cull out historical analysis, feminist scholars have produced plethora of literature on the sexual symbolics and carnal practices of modern European empires. At a symbolic level, the penetration and conquest of faraway lands was charged with sexual significance and intrigue. The white male’s domination and possession of dark and fertile lands in Africa, Asia and the Americas offered, in Anne McClintock’s words, ‘a fantastic magic lantern of the mind onto which Europe projected its forbidden sexual desires and fears’. The politics of rape were also symbolically a question significant to the politics of empire. To the colonized subject, rape was a fearsome factor, a language that spoke of violent and voracious nature of imperial exploitation. The colonized often looked at rape as an act which colonizers used as tool of oppression. The rape as act of violence got encoded into the legal structure under the helm of Lord Macaulay in the so called ‘Age of Reform’ in 1860 under IPC (Indian penal code). Initially Lord Macaulay formed Indian Law Commission in 1837 in which he drafted a bill and defined the ‘crime of rape as sexual intercourse by a man to a woman against her will and without her consent , except in cases involving girls under nine years of age where consent was immaterial’. The modern English law of rape formulated under the colonial era introduced twofold issues to the forefront. On the one hand it deployed ‘technical experts’ who wrote textbooks of medical jurisprudence that were used as credential citation to make case more ‘objective’, while on the other hand the presumptions about barbaric subjects, the colonized women’s body that was docile which is prone to adultery reflected in cases. The untrustworthiness of native witness also remained an imperative for British jurists to put extra emphasis making ‘objective’ and ‘presumptuous’. This sort of formulation put women down on the pedestrian of justice because it disadvantaged her doubly through British legality and their thinking about the rape. The Imperial morality that acted as vanguards of women’s chastity coincided language of science propagated in the post-enlightenment which not only annulled non-conformist ideas but also made itself a hegemonic language, was often used as a tool and language in encoding of law. The medico-legal understanding of rape in the colonial India has its clear imprints in the post-colonial legality. The onus on the part of rape’s victim was dictated for the longest time and still continues does by widely referred idea that ‘there should signs, marks of resistance on the body of the victim’ otherwise it is likely to be considered consensual. Having said so, this paper looks at the textual continuity that had prolonged the colonial construct of women’s body and the self.

Keywords: body, politics, textual construct, phallocentric

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Authors: Taoues Hadour

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Twitter has become a popular means of communication used in a variety of fields, such as politics, journalism, and academia. This widely used online platform has an impact on the way people express themselves and is changing language usage worldwide at an unprecedented pace. The language used online reflects the linguistic battle that has been going on for several decades in French society. This study enables a deeper understanding of users' linguistic behavior online. The implications are important and allow for a rise in awareness of intercultural and cross-language exchanges. This project investigates the mixing of French-English language usage among French users of Twitter using a topic analysis approach. This analysis draws on Gumperz's theory of conversational switching. In order to collect tweets at a large scale, the data was collected in R using the rtweet package to access and retrieve French tweets data through Twitter’s REST and stream APIs (Application Program Interface) using the software RStudio, the integrated development environment for R. The dataset was filtered manually and certain repetitions of themes were observed. A total of nine topic categories were identified and analyzed in this study: entertainment, internet/social media, events/community, politics/news, sports, sex/pornography, innovation/technology, fashion/make up, and business. The study reveals that entertainment is the most frequent topic discussed on Twitter. Entertainment includes movies, music, games, and books. Anglicisms such as trailer, spoil, and live are identified in the data. Change in language usage is inevitable and is a natural result of linguistic interactions. The use of different languages online is just an example of what the real world would look like without linguistic regulations. Social media reveals a multicultural and multilinguistic richness which can deepen and expand our understanding of contemporary human attitudes.

Keywords: code-switching, French, sociolinguistics, Twitter

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Authors: Seon-Young Lee, Harkiran Sagoo, Reem Farwana, Katharine Whitehurst, Alex Fowler, Riaz Agha

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Background/Aims: Systematic reviews and meta-analysis are becoming increasingly important way of summarizing research evidence. Researches in ophthalmology may represent further challenges, due to their potential complexity in study design. The aim of our study was to determine the reporting quality of systematic reviews and meta-analysis in ophthalmology with the PRISMA statement, by assessing the articles published between 2010 and 2015 from five major journals with the highest impact factor. Methods: MEDLINE and EMBASE were used to search systematic reviews published between January 2010 and December 2015, in 5 major ophthalmology journals: Progress in Retinal and Eye Research, Ophthalmology, Archives of Ophthalmology, American Journal of Ophthalmology, Journal of the American Optometric Association. Screening, identification, and scoring of articles were performed independently by two teams, followed by statistical analysis including the median, range, and 95% CIs. Results: 115 articles were involved. The median PRISMA score was 15 of 27 items (56%), with a range of 5-26 (19-96%) and 95% CI 13.9-16.1 (51-60%). Compliance was highest in items related to the description of rationale (item 3,100%) and inclusion of a structured summary in the abstract (item 2, 90%), while poorest in indication of review protocol and registration (item 5, 9%), specification of risk of bias affecting the cumulative evidence (item 15, 24%) and description of clear objectives in introduction (item 4, 26%). Conclusion: The reporting quality of systematic reviews and meta-analysis in ophthalmology need significant improvement. While the use of PRISMA criteria as a guideline before journal submission is recommended, additional research identifying potential barriers may be required to improve the compliance to the PRISMA guidelines.

Keywords: systematic reviews, meta-analysis, research methodology, reporting quality, PRISMA, ophthalmology

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