Search results for: legitimation

Authors: Carlo Schick

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Legitimacy can be regarded the very fabric of political orders. Up to this point, IR scholarship was particularly interested in the legitimacy of nation-states, international regimes and of non-governmental actors. The legitimacy of collaborative governance comprising public, private and civic actors, however, has not received much attention from an IR perspective. This is partly due to the fact that the concept of legitimacy is difficult to operationalise and measure in settings where there is no clear boundary between political authorities and those who are subject to collaborative governance. In this case, legitimacy cannot be empirically approached in its own terms, but can only be analysed in terms of dialectic legitimation processes. The author develops a three-fold analytical framework based on a dialogical understanding of legitimation. Legitimation first has to relate to public legitimacy demands and contestations of collaborative governance and second to legitimacy claims issued by collaborative governance networks themselves. Lastly, collaborative governance is dependent on constant self-legitimisation. The paper closes with suggesting a discourse analytic approach to further empirical research on the legitimacy of collaborative governance.

Keywords: legitimacy, collaborative governance, discourse analysis, dialectic legitimation

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Authors: Lily Chimuanya, Ehioghae Esther

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Language, a versatile and sophisticated tool, is fundamentally sacrosanct to mankind especially within the realm of politics. In this dynamic world, political leaders adroitly use language to engage in a strategic show aimed at manipulating or mechanising the opinion of discerning people. This nuanced synergy is marked by different rhetorical strategies, meticulously synced with contextual factors ranging from cultural, ideological, and political to achieve multifaceted persuasive objectives. This study investigates the (de)legitimation strategies inherent in African presidential inaugural speeches, as African leaders not only state their policy agenda through inaugural speeches but also subtly indulge in a dance of legitimation and delegitimation, performing a twofold objective of strengthening the credibility of their administration and, at times, undermining the performance of the past administration. Drawing insights from two different legitimation models and a dataset of 4 African presidential inaugural speeches obtained from authentic websites, the study describes the roles of authorisation, rationalisation, moral evaluation, altruism, and mythopoesis in unmasking the structure of political discourse. The analysis takes a mixed-method approach to unpack the (de)legitimation strategy embedded in the carefully chosen speeches. The focus extends beyond a superficial exploration and delves into the linguistic elements that form the basis of presidential discourse. In conclusion, this examination goes beyond the nuanced landscape of language as a potent tool in politics, with each strategy contributing to the overall rhetorical impact and shaping the narrative. From this perspective, the study argues that presidential inaugural speeches are not only linguistic exercises but also viable weapons that influence perceptions and legitimise authority.

Keywords: CDA, legitimation, inaugural speeches, delegitmation

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Authors: Sahar Rasoulikolamaki

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ISIS (also known as DAASH) is an Islamic fundamentalist group that has been known as a global threat to the whole world for their radicalizing approach and application of online platforms as a tool to portray their activities, to disseminate their ideology, and to commit recruiting activities. This study is an attempt to carry out a critical discourse analysis on the argumentative devices by which ISIS legitimizes or delegitimizes positive or negative constructions of social practices in Dabiq. It tries to shed light on how texts in Dabiq as linguistic elements in the micro level of analysis relate to ISIS’ ideology as the higher-up macro level and in other words, how local structures contributed to the construction and transference of a global structure or ideology and vice versa. Therefore, following the relevant analytical frameworks, the study focuses on both micro-level of analysis of arguments (topoi) and macro-structure of legitimation and delegitimation in Dabiq. This purpose is nailed using the analytical categories and tools provided by Wodak’s Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) such as argumentation strategies (topoi), by which the coded language of legitimation/delegitimation and persuasion as used in Dabiq are explored. The ensuing findings demonstrate that Dabiq rigorously relies on the positive representation of the in-group course of actions and justifying its violence and, at the same time, the negative representation of the out-group behavior through implementing various topoi to achieve its desired outcome, which is the ideological manipulation and powerful self-depiction, as well as the supporter recruitment.

Keywords: argumentation, discourse-historical approach, ideology, legitimation and delegitimation, topoi

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Authors: Mengmeng Xiao

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The study examines the proactive promotion of feminist agendas by states experiencing prolonged one-party dominance, with a specific focus on Japan. Through a case study approach, it explores why leaders of the dominant party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), actively endorse women-friendly initiatives. The findings reveal three primary motivations: 1) the adoption of women-friendly policies for legitimation, 2) the establishment or funding of women’s organizations for co-optation, and 3) the enhancement of women’s economic and employment rights for state-building purposes. These findings bridge theories across the democracy/autocracy spectrum, emphasizing the need to restructure the research framework on state feminism beyond the binary categorization of regime types. Additionally, they underscore the significance of acknowledging the discretion exercised by state officials, providing insights into instances where state feminism may fail in certain democratic contexts.

Keywords: state feminism, feminist policies, national machinery, regime types, political parties, Japan

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Authors: Abdul Salim Amin

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This paper focuses on how judiciaries in post-conflict society gain legitimacy through reformation. Legitimacy plays a pivotal role in shaping peoples’ behavior to submit to the law and verifies the rightfulness of an organ for taking binding decisions. Among various dynamics, judicial independence, access to justice and behavioral changes of the judicial officials broadly contribute in legitimation of judiciary in general, and the court in particular. Increasing the independence of judiciary through reform limits the interference of governmental branches in judicial issues and protects basic rights of the citizens. Judicial independence does not only matter in institutional terms, individual independence also influences the impartiality and integrity of judges, which can be increased through education and better administration of justice. Finally, access to justice as an intertwined concept both at the legal and moral spectrum of judicial reform avails justice to the citizen and increases the level of public trust and confidence. Efficient legal decisions on fostering such elements through holistic reform create a rule of law atmosphere. Citizens do not accept illegitimate judiciary and do not trust its decisions. Lack of such tolerance and confidence deters the rule of law and, thus, undermines the democratic development of a society.

Keywords: legitimacy, judicial reform, judicial independence, access to justice, legal training, informal justice, rule of law

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Authors: Jason Chen, Jennifer Chen, Shiyu Li

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We examine whether managerial ability (MA), the passing of Sarbanes-Oxley in 2002 (SOX), and corporate operational complexity affect the accuracy of environmental capital expenditure projections of the environmentally sensitive industries (ESI). Prior studies found that firms in the ESI manipulated their projected environmental capital expenditures as a tool to achieve corporate legitimation and suggested that human factors must be examined to determine whether they are part of the determinants. We use MA to proxy for the latent human factors to examine whether MA affects the accuracy of financial disclosures in the ESI. To expand Chen and Chen (2020), we further investigate whether (1) SOX and (2) firms with complex operations and financial reporting in conjunction with MA affect firms’ projection accuracy. We find, overall, that MA is positively correlated with firm’s projection accuracy in the annual 10-Ks. Furthermore, results suggest that SOX has a positive, yet temporary, effect on MA, and that leads to better accuracy. Finally, MA matters for firms with more complex operations and financial reporting to make less projection errors than their less-complex counterparts. These results suggest that MA is a determinant that affects the accuracy of environmental capital expenditure projections for the firms in the ESI.

Keywords: managerial ability, environmentally sensitive industries, sox, corporate operational complexity

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Authors: J. Scott Kenney

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Not all pain is created equal. In recent decades, the concept of Illegitimate pain has begun to shed light on the phenomena of emotional and physical pain that is misunderstood, neglected, or stigmatized, broadly conceptualized along dimensions of relative legitimation and physicality. Yet, beyond a pioneering study of the suffering of closeted LGBTQ + individuals, along with an analysis of the pains experienced by students at a religious boarding school, there has been insufficient attention to what lies behind such marginalized suffering beyond the original claim that it relates to broad interpretive standards and structured power relations, mediated through interaction in various groups/settings. This paper seeks to delve theoretically into this underdeveloped terrain. Building on earlier work, it takes direct aim at the definitional aspect that lies analytically prior to such matters, theoretically unpacking the role of ideology. Following a general introduction focused on theoretical relationships between social structure, power, and ideas, the paper reviews a range of sociological literature on relevant matters. After condensing the insights from these various literatures into a series of theoretical statements, the paper analytically engages with these to articulate a series of theoretical and methodological elaborations intended to practically assist researchers in empirically examining such matters in today's complex social environment.

Keywords: deviance, ideology, illegitimate pain, social theory, victimization

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Authors: Lina M. Vidal

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This paper discusses yoga practices involvement in both self-transformation and social transformations by means of an embodied ethnographic approach to different initiatives for social change in Medellín. In the context of gradual popularization of embodied spiritualities, yoga practices have opened their way in calls for social change in a performative perspective which involves collective experiences, reflections and production of embodied knowledge. Through the reflection on bodily dimension and corporal experience, this ethnographic approach acknowledges inter-corporality and somatic modes of attention during observations and personal experiences. In social change initiatives that include yoga practices were identified transformations of common understanding on social issues such as it is produced by institutionalized education, health system and other fields of knowledge. This is clearly visible in yoga projects for children in vulnerable conditions, homeless people, prisoners, and young people recovering from drug addiction. These projects are often promoted by organizations and networks, which incorporate individual life stories into collective experiences. Dissemination of yoga is heading to a broad institutional and cultural legitimation of yoga and of spirituality that impact different fields of social work and everyday life in general. This way, yoga is becoming an embodied activist way of life and a legitimate field for social work.

Keywords: embodied ethnography, Medellin, social transformation, embodied spiritualities, yoga practices

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Authors: Sonia Bernardo Correia

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This paper is part of ongoing research that aims to understand the role of gender in the composition of the Portuguese contemporary art world and the possibilities and limits to the success of the professional paths of women and men artists. The field of visual arts is gender-sensitive as it differentiates the positions occupied by artists in terms of visibility and recognition. Women artists occupy a peripheral space, which may hinder the progression of their professional careers. Based on the collection of data on the participation of artists in Portuguese exhibitions, art fairs, auctions, and art awards between 2012 and 2019, the goal of this study is to portray female artists’ participation as a condition of professional, social, and cultural visibility. From the analysis of a significant sample of institutions from the artistic field, it was possible to observe that the works of female authors are under exhibited, never exceeding one-third of the total of exhibitions. Male artists also enjoy a comfortable majority as gallery artists (around 70%) and as part of institutional collections (around 80%). However, when analysing the younger age cohorts of artists by gender, it appears that there is representation parity, which may be a good sign of change. The data shows that there are persistent gender inequalities in accessing the artist profession. Women are not yet occupying positions of exposure, recognition, and legitimation in the market similar to those of their male counterparts, suggesting that they may face greater obstacles in experiencing successful professional trajectories.

Keywords: inequalities, invisibility of the woman artist, gender, visual arts

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Authors: Mónica Catarina Soares

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Neoliberal rationality is currently changing the ways concepts like freedom or equality are framed. As an omnipresent and context-sensitive paradigm, homo oeconomicus is continuously taking place in realms of life previously insulated from economic and market-driven principles. This presentation is based on the argument that, more than ever, this paradigm is nowadays framing institutional and everyday discourses in regard to social problems. Although neoliberal rationality is based on the putative ideological basis that everyone is equal, equality seems to be reshaped by specific meanings apprehended by this rationality. In this sense, an illusion of equality seems to be relevant to legitimize different social inequalities (e.g., access to health care or to habitation). Political psychology has studied how ideology is relevant to legitimize market and unequal systems, but still the specific relation between markets, (in)equality and neoliberal languages is not widely addressed. The goal is to discuss the smithereens of the neoliberal rationality when it comes to legitimizing social inequalities by contesting the arguments of meritocracy, progressive freedom and minimal guarantees obeying to market-rules and principles. This analysis can be helpful to grasp for instance the continuously dismantlement of the welfare-state in different countries of the global north and how it is turning the regulation/emancipation tension inside out. The ultimate goal is to contribute to the breaking up of a paradigm that is still too big to capture, too depoliticized and chameleonic to fully acknowledge the biopolitics of power that is helping to create it.

Keywords: discourses, legitimacy, neoliberal rationality, social inequality

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Authors: Giulia Dal Maso

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Within the contemporary financial capitalist configuration, the interplay of Chinese statecraft and financialization has shaped a new ‘ecology of financial expertise.’ This indicates the emergence of a new financial technocratic governance; that is increasingly changing the Chinese economy, reducing the state’s administrative and fiscal functions and increasing state assets in accordance with a new shareholder logic. In this shift, the creation of the stock market by the state was conceived not only as a new redistributor of wealth but as a ‘clearing house’ for social discontent resulting from work casualization, wage repression and a lack of social welfare. Since its inception in the wake of Deng Xiaoping’s reforms, the Chinese state has used the stock market as a means of securing social legitimation by providing a prearranged space where the disaggregated and vulnerable subjects left behind by the dismantlement of the collective work units of the Maoist period (danwei) can congregate. However, fieldwork which included both participant observation as well as interviews with investors in brokerage rooms in Shanghai (where one of only two mainland Chinese stock exchanges is situated) reveals that both new formal and informal financial experts—namely the haigui (Chinese returnees with a financial degree abroad) and sanhu (individual Chinese scattered players), are equally dissatisfied with their investing activities. They express discontent with the state, which they hold responsible for the summer 2015 financial crisis and for the financial turmoil that jeopardizes China’s financial and political project. What the investors want is a state that will guarantee the continuation of the current gupiaore ‘stock fever’. This paper holds that, by embracing financialization, the state is undermining the contract at the base of its legitimacy.

Keywords: Chinese state, Deng Xiaoping, financial capitalism, individual investors

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Authors: Suci Lestari Yuana, Shofi Fatihatun Sholihah, Derarika Ensta Jesse

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Textile is one of buyer-driven industry which rely on label trust from the consumers. Most of textile manufacturers produce textile and textile products based on consumer demands. The company’s policy is highly depend on the dynamic evolution of consumers behavior. Recently, ecofriendly has become one of the most important factor of western consumers to purchase the textile and textile product (TPT) from the company. In that sense, companies from developing countries are encouraged to follow western consumers values. Some examples of ecolabel certificate are ISO (International Standard Organisation), Lembaga Ekolabel Indonesia (Indonesian Ecolabel Instution) and Global Ecolabel Network (GEN). The submission of national company to international standard raised a critical question whether this is a reflection towards the legitimation of global norms into national policy or it is actually a practical strategy of the company to gain global consumer. By observing one of the prominent textile company in Indonesia, this research is aimed to discuss what kind of impetus factors that cause a company to use ecolabel and what is the meaning behind it. Whether it comes from normative power or the strategy of the company. This is a qualitative research that choose a company in Sukoharjo, Central Java, Indonesia as a case study in explaining the pratice of ecolabelling by textitle company. Some deep interview is conducted with the company in order to get to know the ecolabelling process. In addition, this research also collected some document which related to company’s ecolabelling process and its impact to company’s value. The finding of the project reflected issues that concerned several issues: (1) role of media as consumer information (2) role of government and non-government actors as normative agency (3) role of company in social responsibility (4) the ecofriendly consciousness as a value of the company. As we know that environmental norms that has been admitted internationally has changed the global industrial process. This environmental norms also pushed the companies around the world, especially the company in Sukoharjo, Central Java, Indonesia to follow the norm. The neglection toward the global norms will remained the company in isolated and unsustained market that will harm the continuity of the company. So, in buyer-driven industry, the characteristic of company-consumer relations has brought a fast dynamic evolution of norms and values. The creation of global norms and values is circulated by passing national territories or identities.

Keywords: ecolabeling, waste management, CSR, normative power

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Authors: Myriam Benraad

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On 5 July 2016, just days before the bloody terrorist attack on the Promenade des Anglais in Nice, the Al-Hayat media centre, one of the official propaganda branches of the Islamic State, broadcast a French nasheed which paid tribute to the Paris and Brussels attacks of November 2015 and March 2016. Entitled 'My Revenge', the terrorist anthem was of rare vehemence. It mentioned, sequentially, 'huddled bodies', in a reference to the civilian casualties of Western air strikes in the Iraqi-Syrian zone, 'explosive belts', 'sharp knives', 'large-calibre weapons' as well as 'localised targets'. France was accused of bearing the responsibility for the wave of attacks on its territory since the Charlie Hebdo massacre of January 2015 due to its 'ruthless war' against the Muslim world. Evoking an 'old aggression' and the 'crimes and spoliations' of which France has made itself guilty, the jihadist hymn depicted the rebirth of the caliphate as 'laudable revenge'. The notion of revenge has always been central to contemporary jihadism, understood both as a revolutionary ideology and a global militant movement. In recent years, the attacks carried out in Europe and elsewhere in the world have, for most, been claimed in its name. Whoever says jihad, says drama, yet few studies, if any, have looked at its dramatic and emotional elements, most notably its tragic vengefulness. This seems all the more astonishing that jihad is filled with drama; it could even be seen as a drama in its own right. The jihadists perform a script and take on roles inspired by their respective group’s culture (norms, values, beliefs, and symbols). The militants stage and perform such a script for a designated audience, either partisan, sympathising or hostile towards them and their cause. This research paper will examine the dramaturgy of jihadism and in particular, the genre that best characterises its violence: revenge tragedy. Theoretically, the research will rely on the tools of social movement theory and the sociology of emotions. Methodologically, it will draw from dramaturgical analysis and a combination of qualitative and quantitative tools to attain valuable observations of a number of developments, trends, and patterns. The choice has been made to focus mainly – however not exclusively – on the attacks which have taken place since 2001 in the European Union and more specific member states that have been significantly hit by jihadist terrorism. The research looks at a number of representative longitudinal samples identifying continuities and discontinuities, similarities, but also substantial differences. The preliminary findings tend to establish the relevance and validity of this approach in helping make better sense of sensitisation, mobilisation, and survival dynamics within jihadist groups, and motivations among individuals who have embraced violence. Besides, they illustrate their pertinence for counterterrorism policymakers and practitioners. Through drama, jihadist groups ensure the unceasing regeneration of their militant cause as well as their legitimation among their partisans. Without drama, and without the spectacular ideological staging of reality, they would not be able to maintain their attraction potential and power of persuasion.

Keywords: Jihadism, dramaturgy, revenge, tragedy

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Authors: Enrico Maria la Forgia

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Since the 80ies, in specific situations, France’s Muslims have enacted political actions to reply to attacks on their identity or assimilation attempts, using their religious affiliation as a resource for the organization and expression of collective claims. Indeed, despite Islam's internal sectarian and ethnic differences, religion may be politicized when minorities’ social and cultural rights are under attack. French Civil Society organizations, in this specific case with an Islamic background (ICSO - Islamic Civil Society Organizations), play an essential role in defending Muslims’ social and cultural rights. As a matter of fact, Civil Society organized on an ethnic or religious base is a way to strengthen minoritarian communities and their role as political actors, especially in multicultural contexts. Since the first 1983’s “Marche des Beurs” (slang word referring to French citizens with foreign origins), which involved many Muslims, the development of ICSO contributed to the strenghtening of Islam in France, here meant as a Social Movement aiming to constitute a French version of Islam, defending minorities’ cultural and religious rights, and change the perception of Islam itself in national society. However, since a visible and stigmatized minority, ICSO do not relate only to protests as a strategy to achieve their goals: on several occasions, pressure on authorities through personal networks and connections, or the introduction into public debates of bargaining through the exploitation of national or international crisis, might appear as more successfully - public discourses on minorities and Islam are generally considered favorable conditions to advance requests for cultural legitimation. The proposed abstract, based on a literary review and theoretical/methodological reflection on the state of knowledge on the topic, aims to open a new branch of studies and analysis of Civil Society and Social Movements in Europe, focusing on the French Islamic community as a political actor relating on ICSO to pressure society, local, and national authorities to improve Muslims' rights. The opted methodology relies on a qualitative approach based on ethnography and face-to-face interviews addressing heads and middle-high level activists from ICSO, in an attempt to individuate the strategies enacted by ICSO for mobilizing Muslims and build relations with, on one hand, local and national authorities; into the other, with actors belonging to the Civil Society/political sphere. The theoretical framework, instead, relies on the main Social Movements Theories (resources mobilization, political opportunity structure, and contentious/non-contentious movements), aiming to individuate eventual gaps in the analysis of Islamic Social Movements and Civil Society in minoritarian contexts.

Keywords: Islam, islamophobia, civil society, social movements, sociology, qualitative methodology, Islamic activism in social movement theory, political change, Islam as social movement, religious movements, protest and politics, France, Islamic civil society

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Authors: Rudy Ralph Martinez

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The 1960s provided us with some of the most iconic protest images of the late-20th century. This was the result of worldwide unrest and the proliferation of filmmaking equipment, which led to a flood of photos and films depicting war and activism. Many of these images and films played a pivotal role in shaping the ever-evolving discussions surrounding the ‘60s. However, too often, radical imagery finds itself subsumed by consumer culture, a degradation that flattens radical imagery and turns it into consumer products. With this in mind, the work that follows is an analysis of one of the little-discussed chapters of the 60s and 70s, and it is that of the New German Cinema movement and its relationship with the Rote Armee Fraktion, or Red Army Faction (RAF), an armed Marxist-Leninist group founded in West Germany in 1970. The RAF arose out of a milieu which included student activists protesting Western military involvement in the Vietnam War, civil rights activists, and third world guerillas. The actions undertaken by the group throughout their first decade in existence, including bombings, and assassinations, would create West Germany’s most dire political crisis since the Nazi era, culminating in a crisis of legitimation remembered as the German Autumn, which saw the suicides of several of the militants and the assassination of SS officer-cum-prominent industrialist, Hans Martin-Schleyer. Throughout the 1970s, young filmmakers associated with the New German Cinema sought to analyze the political situation as it was unfolding, their films contributing to the public discourse in concomitance with the government and the media. Four notable examples of these films are Volker Schlöndorff and Margarethe von Trotta’sDie Verlorene Ehre der Katharina Blum oder: Wie Gewaltentstehen und wohinsieführenkann (The Lost Honour of Katharina Blum, or: How Violence Develops and Where it Can Lead) (1975), a dark drama about the media’s role in forming public opinion, Deutschland im Herbst(Germany in Autumn) (1977), an experimental collective work released mere months after the German Autumn, Rainer Werner Fassbinder’s Die Dritte Generation (The Third Generation) (1979), a satire about an inept cell of radical militants, and Die bleierne Zeit (The Leaden Time, alt. title: Marianne and Juliane) (1981), an intimate portrayal about two sisters whose activism leads them down disparate paths. The filmmakers of the New German Cinema refused to underline their films with the Manichaean claims respectively espoused by the RAF and the government. These complex portrayals found offspring in films such as Christian Petzold’s Die innere Sicherheit(The State I Am In) (2000), a portrait of a family on the run after the reunification of Germany but were countered by glossy high-budget portrayals such as Uli Edel’s Der Baader-Meinhof Komplex(The Baader-Meinhof Complex) (2008). In focusing on the aesthetic structure of these films in relation to the political atmosphere of the late-60s and 70s West Germany, I hope to shed light on questions concerning spectatorship, surveillance, the role of journalism, and how politics disrupts personal relationships, and the kinship between artists and so-called terrorists.

Keywords: new german cinema, film history, red army faction, german cinema

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Authors: Jonathan Adeyemi

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Context: This study focuses on El Anatsui and his global acclaim in the art world despite his origins from the global artworld’s margins. It addresses the disparities in the treatment between Western and non-Western artists and questions whether Anatsui’s consecration is a result of exoticism or the growing consensus on decolonization. Research Aim: The aim of this study is to investigate how El Anatsui achieved global acclaim from the margins of the art world and determine if his consecration represents a mark of decolonization or the typical Western desire for exoticism. Methodology: The study utilizes a case study approach, literature analysis, and in-depth interviews. The artist, the organizers of the Venice Biennale, the relevant curators at Tate Modern London, and the October Gallery in London, and other galleries in Nigeria, which represent the artist were interviewed for data collection. Findings: The study seeks to determine the authenticity of the growing consensus on decolonization, inclusion, and diversity in the global artistic field. Preliminary findings show that domestic socio-economic and political factors debilitated the mechanisms for local validation in Nigeria, weakening the domestic foundation for international engagement. However, alternative systems of exhibition, especially in London and the USA contributed critically to providing the initial international visibility, which formed the foundation for his global acclaim. Out of the 21 winners of the Golden Lion for Lifetime Achievement since its inception at the 47th Venice Biennale in 1997, American artists have dominated with 10 recipients, 8 recipients from Europe, 2 recipients from Africa (2007 and 2015) and 1 from Asia. This aligns with Bourdieu’s concept of cultural and economic capital, which prevented Africa countries from participation until recently. Moreover, while the average age of recipients is 76 years, Anatsui received the award at the age of 71, while Malick Sidibé (Mali) was awarded at 72. Thus, the Venice Biennale award for El Anatsui incline more towards a commitment to decolonisation than exoticism. Theoretical Importance: This study contributes to the field by examining the dynamics of the art world's monopoly of legitimation and the role of national, ethnicity and cultural differences in the promotion of artists. It aims to challenge the Westernized hierarchy of valorization and consecration in the art world. The research supports Bourdieu’s artistic field theory, which emphasises the importance of cultural, economic and social capital in determining agents’ position and access to the field resources (symbolic capital). Bourdieu also established that dominated agents can change their position in the field’s hierarchy either by establishing or navigating alternative systems. Data Collection and Analysis Procedures: The opacity of art world’s operations places the required information within the purview of the insiders (agents). Thus, the study collects data through in-depth interviews with relevant and purposively selected individuals and organizations. The data was/will be analyzed using qualitative methods, such as thematic analysis and content analysis. The interpretive analytical approach adopted facilitated the construction of meanings that may not be apparent in the data or responses. Questions Addressed: The study addresses how El Anatsui achieved global acclaim despite being from the margins, whether his consecration represents decolonization or exoticism, and the extent to which the global artistic field embraces decolonization, inclusion, and diversity. Conclusion: The study will contribute to knowledge by providing insights into the extent of commitment to decolonization, inclusion, and diversity in the global artistic field. It also shed light on the mechanisms behind El Anatsui's rise to global acclaim and challenge Western-dominated artistic hierarchies.

Keywords: decolonisation, exorticism, artistic field, culture game

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