Search results for: American politics

Authors: Wafaa Kamal Isaac

Abstract:

This paper attempts to shed light upon the stereotypical images of marginalized black women as shown through the poetry of Rita Dove. Meanwhile, it explores how stereotypical images held by the society and public perceptions perpetuate the marginalization of black women. Dove is considered one of the most fundamental African-American poets who devoted her writings to explore the problem of identity that confronted marginalized women in America. Besides tackling the issue of black women’s stereotypical images, this paper focuses upon the psychological damage which the black women had suffered from due to their stripped identity. In ‘Thomas and Beulah’, Dove reflects the black woman’s longing for her homeland in order to make up for her lost identity. This poem represents atavistic feelings deal with certain recurrent images, both aural and visual, like the image of Beulah who represents the African-American woman who searches for an identity, as she is being denied and humiliated one in the newly founded society. In an attempt to protest against the stereotypical mule image that had been imposed upon black women in America, Dove in ‘On the Bus with Rosa Parks’ tries to ignite the beaten spirits to struggle for their own rights by revitalizing the rebellious nature and strong determination of the historical figure ‘Rosa Parks’ that sparked the Civil Rights Movement. In ‘Daystar’, Dove proves that black women are subjected to double-edged oppression; firstly, in terms of race as a black woman in an unjust white society that violates her rights due to her black origins and secondly, in terms of gender as a member of the female sex that is meant to exist only to serve man’s needs. Similarly, in the ‘Adolescence’ series, Dove focuses on the double marginalization which the black women had experienced. It concludes that the marginalization of black women has resulted from the domination of the masculine world and the oppression of the white world. Moreover, Dove’s ‘Beauty and the Beast’ investigates the African-American women’s problem of estrangement and identity crisis in America. It also sheds light upon the psychological consequences that resulted from the violation of marginalized women’s identity. Furthermore, this poem shows the black women’s self-debasement, helplessness, and double consciousness that emanate from the sense of uprootedness. Finally, this paper finds out that the negative, debased and inferior stereotypical image held by the society did not only contribute to the marginalization of black women but also silenced and muted their voices.

Keywords: stereotypical images, marginalized women, Rita Dove, identity

Procedia PDF Downloads 164

Authors: Alfonso J. García Osuna

Abstract:

Background and Significance: The objective of this paper is to analyze the inception and development of identity archetypes in early XX century Latin America, to explore their roots in United States culture, to discuss the influences that came to bear upon Latin Americans as the United States began to export images of standard identity paradigms through its film industry, and to survey how these images evolved and impacted Latin Americans’ ideas of national distinctiveness from the early 1900s to the present. Therefore, the general hypothesis of this work is that United States film in many ways influenced national identity patterning in its neighbors, especially in those nations closest to its borders, Cuba and Mexico. Very little research has been done on the social impact of the United States film industry on the country’s southern neighbors. From a historical perspective, the US’s influence has been examined as the projection of political and economic power, that is to say, that American influence is seen as a catalyst to align the forces that the US wants to see wield the power of the State. But the subtle yet powerful cultural influence exercised by film, the eminent medium for exporting ideas and ideals in the XX century, has not been significantly explored. Basic Methodologies and Description: Gramscian Marxist theory underpins the study, where it is argued that film, as an exceptional vehicle for culture, is an important site of political and social struggle; in this context, it aims to show how United States capitalist structures of power not only use brute force to generate and maintain control of overseas markets, but also promote their ideas through artistic products such as film in order to infiltrate the popular culture of subordinated peoples. In this same vein, the work of neo-Marxist theoreticians of popular culture is employed in order to contextualize the agency of subordinated peoples in the process of cultural assimilations. Indication of the Major Findings of the Study: The study has yielded much data of interest. The salient finding is that each particular nation receives United States film according to its own particular social and political context, regardless of the amount of pressure exerted upon it. An example of this is the unmistakable dissimilarity between Cuban and Mexican reception of US films. The positive reception given in Cuba to American film has to do with the seamless acceptance of identity paradigms that, for historical reasons discussed herein, were incorporated into the national identity grid quite unproblematically. Such is not the case with Mexico, whose express rejection of identity paradigms offered by the United States reflects not only past conflicts with the northern neighbor, but an enduring recognition of the country’s indigenous roots, one that precluded such paradigms. Concluding Statement: This paper is an endeavor to elucidate the ways in which US film contributed to the outlining of Latin American identity blueprints, offering archetypes that would be accepted or rejected according to each nation’s particular social requirements, constraints and ethnic makeup.

Keywords: film studies, United States, Latin America, identity studies

Procedia PDF Downloads 298

Authors: Ikenna Emmanuel Idoko

Abstract:

Evolution and evolutionary processes are phenomena that have come to stay in the fabrics of the universal living, hence expressions such as universal evolution. These evolutions in the universe cut across all facets of human accomplishments, which architecture is a part of. There is a notion in political sciences that politics and the act of politicking are local, meaning that politics and political processes are unique and peculiar to a people, all dependent on their sociocultural makeup. The notion is also applicable in architecture because the architecture of a people is mostly dependent on several factors such as climatic conditions, material availability, socio-cultural beliefs and religious inclinations. Stemming from the cultural dimension, it is of course common knowledge that every society is driven by its own unique culture. The fusion of architecture and culture creates the actual uniqueness which underlines the “archi-cultural” representation of a people’s material culture. This paper is aimed at appraising architectural evolution as it affects the representation of the material culture of a people. For effective systemization of the aim, various spectacular kinds of literature were reviewed, coupled with the visitation and study of existing buildings in Nigeria to properly understand the live peculiarity in the architecture of the selected area. Since architecture needs a lot of pictorial pieces of evidence, pictures and graphical representations were extensively utilized, and channelled to aid a better understanding of the study. Amongst all, an important part of this paper is that it adds to the body of existing knowledge in the Arts and Humanities by speaking extensively to the tenets of cultural representation on buildings. Similarly, the field of architecture, specifically, traditional architecture, would be gaining some extra knowledge owing to the study of some important almost-neglected or forgotten architectural elements of various traditional buildings.

Keywords: evolution, architecture, material, culture

Procedia PDF Downloads 57

Authors: Priyanka Sharma

Abstract:

The women voter turnout in India is increasing. The rising female voter turnout is explained in part by men intimidating women in the household to vote. Women are more likely than men to be guided before voting. What is perhaps more significant is that the gender gap has shrunk significantly over the years. However, there are layers and categories of women voters in India. Some women are much more likely than the average woman to follow advice. Against this backdrop, this paper investigates the variation among women voters during the national elections of 2019 in India. The central question of this research paper is whether or not the development of greater political opinion among women would offset guided voting and allow them to emerge as more independent voters. So the independent variable of the study is Indian women’s opinion on politics, and the dependent variable is their voting behavior. The methodology used in this paper is both quantitative and qualitative. This study investigated and examined Lokniti’s election survey data. The sample size used in this survey is 11568. The analysis of this study has revealed that there is a considerable impact of women having a political opinion on their voting behavior. The Bivariate analysis of the variables states that 83% of Indian women who have opinions on political issues do not seek advice while going to vote. This proves the hypothesis of this paper that women with an opinion on politics are more likely to be independent voters. To check the statistical significance of the finding, a chi-square test was done and the p-value found is 0.009737, which shows it is statistically significant. Furthermore, a regression test has been done by controlling certain variables like age, educational qualification, caste, and financial position of the women to probe the influence on the dependent variable. The findings provide worthwhile insights into the relationship between these control variables and the women voting behavior in India.

Keywords: dependent voter, independent voter, political opinion, voting behavior, women voter

Procedia PDF Downloads 82

Authors: Oscar Guerra

Abstract:

Educational technologies have great potential as tools for student empowerment, particularly for members of a marginalized population such as immigrant Latino children in the American public education system. It is not merely a matter of access to the necessary technological devices; rather, it is development and implementation under a critical lens that may prompt a positive change.

Keywords: education, critical technologies, minorities, higher education

Procedia PDF Downloads 323

Authors: Ghada Abo-Zaid

Abstract:

The main objective of this study was to examine the association between the elevated level of CRP and incidence of hypertension before and after adjusting by age, BMI, gender, SES, smoking, diabetes, cholesterol LDL and cholesterol HDL and to determine whether the association were differ by race. Method: Cross sectional data for participations from age 17 to age 74 years who included in The National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) from 1999 to 2010 were analysed. CRP level was classified into three categories ( > 3mg/L, between 1mg/LL and 3mg/L, and < 3 mg/L). Blood pressure categorization was done using JNC 7 algorithm Hypertension defined as either systolic blood pressure (SBP) of 140 mmHg or more and disystolic blood pressure (DBP) of 90mmHg or greater, otherwise a self-reported prior diagnosis by a physician. Pre-hypertension was defined as (139 > SBP > 120 or 89 > DPB > 80). Multinominal regression model was undertaken to measure the association between CRP level and hypertension. Results: In univariable models, CRP concentrations > 3 mg/L were associated with a 73% greater risk of incident hypertension compared with CRP concentrations < 1 mg/L (Hypertension: odds ratio [OR] = 1.73; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.50-1.99). Ethnic comparisons showed that American Mexican had the highest risk of incident hypertension (odds ratio [OR] = 2.39; 95% confidence interval [CI], 2.21-2.58).This risk was statistically insignificant, however, either after controlling by other variables (Hypertension: OR = 0.75; 95% CI, 0.52-1.08,), or categorized by race [American Mexican: odds ratio [OR] = 1.58; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0,58-4.26, Other Hispanic: odds ratio [OR] = 0.87; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.19-4.42, Non-Hispanic white: odds ratio [OR] = 0.90; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.50-1.59, Non-Hispanic Black: odds ratio [OR] = 0.44; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.22-0,87]. The same results were found for pre-hypertension, and the Non-Hispanic black showed the highest significant risk for Pre-Hypertension (odds ratio [OR] = 1.60; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.26-2.03). When CRP concentrations were between 1.0-3.0 mg/L, in an unadjusted models prehypertension was associated with higher likelihood of elevated CRP (OR = 1.37; 95% CI, 1.15-1.62). The same relationship was maintained in Non-Hispanic white, Non-Hispanic black, and other race (Non-Hispanic white: OR = 1.24; 95% CI, 1.03-1.48, Non-Hispanic black: OR = 1.60; 95% CI, 1.27-2.03, other race: OR = 2.50; 95% CI, 1.32-4.74) while the association was insignificant with American Mexican and other Hispanic. In the adjusted model, the relationship between CRP and prehypertension were no longer available. In contrary, Hypertension was not independently associated with elevated CRP, and the results were the same after grouped by race or adjusted by the confounder variables. The same results were obtained when SBP or DBP were on a continuous measure. Conclusions: This study confirmed the existence of an association between hypertension, prehypertension and elevated level of CRP, however this association was no longer available after adjusting by other variables. Ethic group differences were statistically significant at the univariable models, while it disappeared after controlling by other variables.

Keywords: CRP, hypertension, ethnicity, NHANES, blood pressure

Procedia PDF Downloads 413

Authors: Nikolai David Blaskow

Abstract:

Nietzsche's scholarship in the main has never quite resolved its deeply divided, at times self-contradictory responses to what Friedrich Nietzsche might have actually meant by his notion of the 'will to power'. Yet, in the context of the current global pandemic and climate change crisis, never has there been a more urgent need to investigate and resolve that contradiction. This paper argues for the 'will to power' as being a potentially irrational-rational psychopathology, one that can properly be understood only by means of Nietzsche's agonistic insights into another psychopathology—that of ressentiment. The argument also makes a case for the contention that amor fati (Nietzsche’s positive affirmation of life) may prove to be ressentiment's cure. In addition, as an integral part of the case’s methodology, the lens defined as the Mimetic and Scapegoat theory of Rene Girard (1923-2015) is brought to bear on resolving the contradiction. Ressentiment and Mimetic Theory will prove to be key players in the investigation, in as much as they expose the reasons for a modernity in crisis. The major finding of this study is that when the explanatory power of the two theories is applied, an understanding of the dynamics of the crisis in which we find ourselves emerges. The keys to that insight will include: (1) how these two psychopathologies closely resemble the contemporary neurologically defined 'borderline conditions' and their implications for culture (2) how identity politics stifle exemplary leadership, and so create toxic cultures (3) a critical assessment of Achille Mbembe's (2019) re-working of Frantz Fanon's 'ethics of the passerby' and its resonances with Nietzsche's amor fati.

Keywords: agon, amor fati, borderline conditions, ethics of the passer by, exemplary leadership, identity politics, mimesis, ressentiment, scapegoat mechanism

Procedia PDF Downloads 252

Authors: Demelash Kassaye Debalkie

Abstract:

The primary objective of this study is to report the tributes that are significantly impeding the Ethiopian police's ability to provide quality services to the people. Policing in Ethiopia started in the medieval period. However, modern policing was introduced instead of vigilantism in the early 1940s. The progress counted since the date police became modernized is, however, under contention when viewed from the standpoint of officers’ development and technologies in the 21st century. The police in Ethiopia are suffering a lot to be set free from any form of political interference by the government and to be loyal to impartiality, equity, and justice in enforcing the law. Moreover, the institutional competence of the police in Ethiopia is currently losing its power derived from the constitution as a legitimate enforcement agency due to the country’s political landscape encouraging ethnic-based politics. According to studies, the impact of ethnic politics has been a significant challenge for police in controlling conflicts between two ethnic groups. The study used qualitative techniques and data was gathered from key informants selected purposely. The findings indicate that governments in the past decades were skeptical about establishing a constitutional police force in the country. This has certainly been one of the challenges of pluralizing the police: building police-community relations based on trust. The study conducted to uncover the obstructions has finally reported that the government’s commitment to form a non-partisan, functionally decentralized, and operationally demilitarized police force is too minimal and appalling. They mainly intend to formulate the missions of the police in accordance with their interests and political will to remain in power. It, therefore, reminds the policymakers, law enforcement officials, and the government in power to revise its policies and working procedures already operational to strengthen the police in Ethiopia based on public participation and engagement.

Keywords: community, constitution, Ethiopia, law enforcement

Procedia PDF Downloads 86

Authors: Shannon Clayton

Abstract:

In an effort to explore the potential transformation of North American postwar suburbs, this M.Arch thesis actively engages in the ongoing critique of modernism from the mid 20th century to the present. Contemporary urban design practice has emerged out of the reaction to orthodox modernism. Typically, new suburban development falls into one of two strategies; an attempt to replicate pre-war fabric that never existed, or a reliance on high-density to create instant urbanism. In both cases, the critical role of architecture has been grossly undervalued. Ironically, it is the denial of suburbia’s inherent modernity that has served to prevent genuine place-making. As history demonstrates, modernism is not antithetical to architecture and place. In the postwar years, a critical discussion emerged amongst architects, which sought to evolve modernism beyond functionalism. This was demonstrated through critical discussions on image, experience, and monumentality. As well as increased interest in civic space, and investigations into mat urbanism and the megastructure. The undercurrent within these explorations was a belief that the scale and complexity of modern development could become an opportunity to create urbanism, rather than squander it. This critical discourse has continued through architectural work in the Netherlands and Denmark since the early 1990s, where an emphasis on visual variety, human scale, and public interaction has been given high priority. This thesis applies principles from this ongoing dialogue, and identifies hidden potential within existing North American suburban networks. As a result, the project re-evaluates the legacy of the master plan from a contemporary perspective.

Keywords: urbanism, modernism, suburbia, place-making

Procedia PDF Downloads 252

Authors: Tina Beyene

Abstract:

In this paper examines the state of grassroots feminist activism in the backdrop of state feminism in Ethiopia. Specifically, I examine the impact of the Charities and Societies Proclamation (aka CSO law), a 2009 law that banned so-called foreign NGOs—i.e., those receiving more than 10% of its operating budget from non-local sources— from working in the areas of human rights, democracy, governance, and gender equality. Viewed as government retribution for the NGO opposition to the government in the 2005 elections, the law aimed to halt the work groups such as the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA), who were defined as a “foreign” NGO. Based on interviews with prominent Ethiopian women’s rights leaders in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, I assess how grassroots feminist organizing adapts to state suppression on the one hand, and the aggressive entry of the state into women’s rights work on the other hand. While the 2009 law has slowed down the work of women’s rights activism, displaced feminists view feminist advocacy as cyclical and the state as neither fully adversarial nor an ally but rather as an instable entity that at times provides political openings to push ambitious feminist agendas. Grassroots activists are regrouping and developing new political responses strategies such as coding rights issues to fit state mandate; dissembling rights work in permissible social provision language; rechanneling political work into informal spaces and unregistered social clubs; innovating new funding partnerships, and reassembling as privately held research and advocacy companies. my study reveals how grassroots feminist politics operates in the shadow of a hostile state and within the confines of local politics.

Keywords: grassroots feminism, ethiopian feminism, civil society and gender, state feminism

Procedia PDF Downloads 171

Authors: Agbana Olaseinde Julius, Opadere Olaolu Stephen

Abstract:

The concept of cross carpeting is as old as politics itself. Basically, it entails an individual leaving a political party/group, to join another. The reasons for which cross carpeting is embarked upon are diverse: ideological differences; ethnic and/or religious differences; access to actual or perceived better political opportunities; liberty of association; rancor; etc. The current democratic dispensation in Nigeria has experienced renewed and rather alarming rate of cross carpeting, for reasons including those enumerated above and others. Right to cross carpet is inherent in a democratic setting as well as the political stakeholder; so does it also comprise of the constitutional right of ‘freedom of association’. However, the current species of cross carpeting in Nigeria requires scrutiny, in view of some potential legal and moral challenges it poses for both the present and the future. Cross carpeting is considered both legal and constitutional, but the current spate raises the question of expediency, particularly in a nascent democracy. It is considered to have a propensity of negatively impacting political stability in a polity with fragile nerves. Importantly too, cross carpeting is considered a potential damage to the psyche of posterity with regards to a warped disposition to promises, honour and integrity. The perceived peculiar dimension of cross carpeting in Nigeria raises questions on the quality of leadership presently obtainable in the country, vis-à-vis greed, self-centeredness, disregard for the concern and interest of avowed followers/fans, entrenchment of distrust, etc. Thus, the study made use of primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended); judicial decisions; and the Electoral Act, 2010 (as Amended). The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study show that though the act of cross carpeting may not be in breach of any Statute or Law, it however, in most cases, breaches the morals of expediency. The morality thereof is far from justifiable, and should be condemned in the interest of the present and posterity. There is a great and urgent need to embark on a re-entrenchment of the culture of political ideology in the Nigerian polity, as obtainable in developed democracies. In conclusion, the need to exercise the right of cross carpeting with caution cannot be overemphasized. Membership of a political group/party should be backed by commitment to well defined ideologies and values. Commitment to them should be regarded akin to that found in the family, which is not easily or flippantly jettisoned.

Keywords: cross-carpeting, Nigeria, legal, moral issues, politics

Procedia PDF Downloads 447

Authors: Lily Chimuanya, Ehioghae Esther

Abstract:

Language, a versatile and sophisticated tool, is fundamentally sacrosanct to mankind especially within the realm of politics. In this dynamic world, political leaders adroitly use language to engage in a strategic show aimed at manipulating or mechanising the opinion of discerning people. This nuanced synergy is marked by different rhetorical strategies, meticulously synced with contextual factors ranging from cultural, ideological, and political to achieve multifaceted persuasive objectives. This study investigates the (de)legitimation strategies inherent in African presidential inaugural speeches, as African leaders not only state their policy agenda through inaugural speeches but also subtly indulge in a dance of legitimation and delegitimation, performing a twofold objective of strengthening the credibility of their administration and, at times, undermining the performance of the past administration. Drawing insights from two different legitimation models and a dataset of 4 African presidential inaugural speeches obtained from authentic websites, the study describes the roles of authorisation, rationalisation, moral evaluation, altruism, and mythopoesis in unmasking the structure of political discourse. The analysis takes a mixed-method approach to unpack the (de)legitimation strategy embedded in the carefully chosen speeches. The focus extends beyond a superficial exploration and delves into the linguistic elements that form the basis of presidential discourse. In conclusion, this examination goes beyond the nuanced landscape of language as a potent tool in politics, with each strategy contributing to the overall rhetorical impact and shaping the narrative. From this perspective, the study argues that presidential inaugural speeches are not only linguistic exercises but also viable weapons that influence perceptions and legitimise authority.

Keywords: CDA, legitimation, inaugural speeches, delegitmation

Procedia PDF Downloads 69

Authors: Okechukwu B. C. Nwankwo

Abstract:

The surge of social protests sweeping through the globe is a contemporary phenomenon. Yet the phenomenon in itself is not new. Thus, various scholars have over the years developed conceptual frameworks for evaluating it. Adopting and adapting some of these frameworks this paper begins from a purely theoretical perspective exploring the concept and content of social protest within the specific context of Nigeria. It proceeds to build a typology of the phenomenon in terms of form, actors, origin, character, organisation, goal, dynamics, outcome and a whole lot of other variables that are context relevant for evaluating it in an operationally useful manner. The centrality of the context in which protest evolves is demonstrated. Adopting Easton’s systems theory, the paper builds on the assumption that protests emerge whenever and wherever political institutions and structures prove unable or unwilling to transform inputs in form of basic demands into outputs in form of responsive policies. It argues that protests in Nigeria are simply the crystallisation of opposition in the streets. Protests are thus extra-institutional politics. This is usually the case, as elsewhere, where there is no functional institutionalised opposition. Noting that protest, disruptive or otherwise, is an influence strategy, it argues that every single protest is a new opportunity for reform, for reorganisation of state capacities, for modifying rights and obligation of citizens and government to each other. Each reform outcome is, however, only a temporal antecedent. Its extensity gives signal for the next similar protest event. Through providing evidence on how protests in Nigeria create opportunity for reform, for more accountable, more effective governance, the paper shows the positive impact of protests and its importance even in the consolidation effort for the nation’s nascent democracy. Data on protest events will be based on media reports, especially print media.

Keywords: democracy, dialectics, social protest, reform

Procedia PDF Downloads 134

Authors: Muritala Babatunde Hassan

Abstract:

In the contemporary global political economy, foreign direct investment (FDI) is gaining currency on daily basis. Notably, the end of the Cold War has brought about the dominance of neoliberal ideology with its mantra of private-sector-led economy. As such, nation-states now see FDI attraction as an important element in their approach to national development. Governments and policy makers are preoccupying themselves with unraveling the best strategies to not only attract more FDI but also to attain the desired socio-economic development status. In Nigeria, the perceived development potentials of FDI have brought about aggressive hunt for foreign investors, most especially since transition to civilian rule in May 1999. Series of liberal and market oriented strategies are being adopted not only to attract foreign investors but largely to stimulate private sector participation in the economy. It is on this premise that this study interrogates the politics of FDI attraction for domestic development in Nigeria between 1999 and 2014, with the ultimate aim of examining the nexus between regime type and the ability of a state to attract and benefit from FDI. Building its analysis within the framework of institutional utilitarianism, the study posits that the essential FDI strategies for achieving the greatest happiness for the greatest number of Nigerians are political not economic. Both content analysis and descriptive survey methodology were employed in carrying out the study. Content analysis involves desk review of literatures that culminated in the development of the study’s conceptual and theoretical framework of analysis. The study finds no significant relationship between transition to democracy and FDI inflows in Nigeria, as most of the attracted investments during the period of the study were market and resource seeking as was the case during the military regime, thereby contributing minimally to the socio-economic development of the country. It is also found that the country placed much emphasis on liberalization and incentives for FDI attraction at the neglect of improving the domestic investment environment. Consequently, poor state of infrastructure, weak institutional capability and insecurity were identified as the major factors seriously hindering the success of Nigeria in exploiting FDI for domestic development. Given the reality of the currency of FDI as a vector of economic globalization and that Nigeria is trailing the line of private-sector-led approach to development, it is recommended that emphasis should be placed on those measures aimed at improving the infrastructural facilities, building solid institutional framework, enhancing skill and technological transfer and coordinating FDI promotion activities by different agencies and at different levels of government.

Keywords: foreign capital, politics, socio-economic development, FDI attraction strategies

Procedia PDF Downloads 164

Authors: Vibhore Bakshi

Abstract:

This research paper is a step towards understanding the role of governance in the plan preparation process. It addresses the complexities of the peri-urban, historical constructions, politics and policies of sustainability, and legislative frameworks. The paper reflects on the Delhi NCT as one of the classical cases that have happened to witness different structural changes in the master plan around 1981, 2001, 2021, and Proposed Draft 2041. The Delhi Landsat imageries for 1989 and 2018 show an increase in the built-up areas around the periphery of NCT. The peri-urbanization has been a result of increasing in-migration to peri–urban areas of Delhi. The built-up extraction for years 1981, 1991, 2001, 2011, and 2018 highlights the growing peri-urbanization on scarce land therefore, it becomes equally important to research the history of the land and its legislative measures. It is interesting to understand the streaks of changes that have occurred in the land of Delhi in accordance with the different master plans and land legislative policies. The process of masterplan process in Delhi has experienced a lot of complexities in juxtaposition to other metropolitan regions of the world. The paper identifies the shortcomings in the current master planning process approach in regard to the stage of the planning process, traditional planning approach, and lagging ICT-based interventions. The metropolitan governance systems across the globe and India depict diversity in the organizational setup and varied dissemination of functions. It addresses the complexity of the peri-urban, historical constructions, politics and policies of sustainability, and legislative frameworks.

Keywords: governance, land provisions, built-up areas, in migration, built up extraction, master planning process, legislative policies, metropolitan governance systems

Procedia PDF Downloads 172

Authors: Gabriele Palumbo

Abstract:

This research empirically examines some of the reasons behind the fact that recently the number of people giving up their American citizenship for tax purposes has recently increased drastically. The United States Jurisdiction represents a unicum in the practice of taxing worldwide income not only to residents of the United States but also to U.S. citizens living abroad. The worldwide income taxation also affects people defined as “Accidental Americans” who are unaware that they are U.S. citizens. Those people are considered Americans even though they have not been to the United States. American residents abroad can rely on United States income tax treaties and some national law provisions, such as the exclusion of foreign income and foreign tax credits, which are designed specifically to avoid double taxation. However, this mechanism may prove unsatisfactory for people who have not been linked anymore or individuals who have never had relations with the United States. U.S. citizens who are determined to cut all of the ties between themselves and the United States, especially those that involve tax implications, can renounce their U.S. citizenship with the expatriation procedure. The expatriation process represents the extrema ratio and implicates several steps which must be followed carefully. This paper shows the complexity of the procedure that a U.S. citizen who is resident in a foreign country would have to follow to relinquish U.S. citizenship for tax purposes. The mechanism is intended to discourage people from renounce. Going beyond the question of whether U.S. tax regulation is fair or not, this principle nowadays characterizes a popular topic that many scholars and lawyers are discussing. The outcome provides interesting implications that could induce the Congress to rethink the definition of citizenship for both fiscal and nationality law purposes. Indeed, even if a sort of checks and balances has the task of mitigating the renunciation of U.S. citizenship, more and more U.S. citizens desire to get rid of their citizenship.

Keywords: double taxation, expatriation tax, international taxation, relinquishment of United States citizenship

Procedia PDF Downloads 112

Authors: Jiaqi XU, Qingru Sun

Abstract:

Accent plays a crucial role in second language (L2) learners’ performance in the schooling context in the era of globalization, where English is adopted as a lingua franca (ELF). Previous studies found that Chinese mainland students prefer American English accents, whereas the young generations in Hong Kong prefer British accents. However, these studies neglect the non-native accents of English and fail to elaborate much about why the L2 learners differ in accent preferences between the two regions. Therefore, this research aims to bridge the research gap by 1) including both native and non-native varieties of English accents: American accent, British accent, Chinese Mandarin English accent, and Hong Kong English accent; and 2) uncovering and comparing the deeper reasons for the similar or/and different accent preferences between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong speakers. This research designed a questionnaire including objective and subjective questions to investigate the students’ accent inclinations and the attitudes and reasons behind their linguistic choices. The questionnaire was distributed to eight participants (4 Chinese mainland students and 4 Hong Kong students) who were postgraduate students at a Hong Kong university. Based on the data collection, this research finds out one similarity and two differences between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong students’ attitudes. The theories of identity construction and standard language ideology are further applied to analyze the reasons behind the similarities and differences and to evaluate how language attitudes intertwine with their identity construction and language ideology.

Keywords: accent, language attitudes, identity construction, language ideology, ELF communication

Procedia PDF Downloads 160

Authors: Zhihua Xu

Abstract:

In the era of globalization, the urban question is increasingly being posed in the form of a scale question. Scale theory provides a new perspective for analyzing various dynamics and their influences on urban development. After the reunification, how the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) interacts with the actors at various scales and carries out state rescaling are the keys to exploring the issue of urban development and governance in Hong Kong. This paper examines the entire planning process of the Hong Kong Section of the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong Express Rail Link, from project conception, design, to consultation, and fund application, to identify the actors at different scales involved in the process, and analyze the modes and consequences of their interaction. This study shows that after the reunification, the Hong Kong SAR Government takes the initiative to scale up to expand its hinterland. Intergovernmental institutional cooperation is an important mode of state rescaling for the Hong Kong SAR government. Meanwhile, the gradually growing civil society plays an important role in the rescaling of urban development. Local actors use scalar politics to construct discourses and take actions at multiple scales to challenge the government’s proposal and trigger a discussion on the project throughout the Hong Kong society. The case study of Hong Kong can deepen the understanding of state rescaling of territorial organizations in the context of institutional transformation and enrich the theoretical connotation of state rescaling. It also helps the Mainland government to better understand the case of Hong Kong and formulate appropriate.

Keywords: Hong Kong, state rescaling, scalar politics, Hong Kong section of the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong express rail link, urban governance

Procedia PDF Downloads 219

Authors: Shahzada Gulfam

Abstract:

Islamism was considered as a new phenomenon in Muslim World to revolt against static Religious Traditionalists and the Imperialists. Islamist political parties viewed the establishment of an Islamic state within the limits of Sharia’h as their destination. The Islamists movements like Ikhwan-ul Muslimun, Jamaat-i-Islami etc. did appear with revolutionary agenda but were contained by military forces and the secular modernists of Muslim World. The Muslim rulers, historically could not respect the democratic and moral norms and equally emerged as dictators in democracies, military rule as well as in monarchies. The Arab Spring did not follow the Islamists agenda but gathered the common masses against the corrupt rulers to have a just democratic political system. The Islamic State and Sharia’h were not their immediate targets but the achievement of moral norms in Muslim societies and eradication of dictatorial rule were the basic aims. This phenomenon is named as post-Islamism. The political struggle of PAT (Pakistan Awami Tehreek) and the PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf) has been following the footsteps of Arab Spring and can be noted as the extension of Arab Spring in Muslim World. The results of this struggle would define the fate of Post-Islamism in Pakistan. Has Jamaat-i-Islami got the potential to reform its agenda accordingly? This paper intends to study the Jamaat’s struggle and tries to predict Jamaat’s role in post-Islamism scenario. There is a clear distinction between the people of religion and the people following the popular materialistic westernized value system. This division is also evident in political parties. Pakistan has been ruled mostly by the secular parties and rulers. The inability to establish Islamic system by replacing the imperial system has created militancy and revolt which requires the establishment of a sound model Islamic based system in the country. The political parties of Pakistan could not device a modernize agenda, equally acceptable in modernized world and addressing the prevailing issues and also having the indigenous religious and cultural roots. The inability of Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan to transform its agenda accordingly to serve the post-Islamism has made it irrelevant in Pakistan’s politics. Once Jamaat leaves behind its hard position as an Islamist party and accepts the post-Islamism as beginning to create its idealized state and society, it can pursue its agenda gradually. The phenomenon of post-Islamism does not make Islamists irrelevant but invites them to listen to the priorities of masses rather than insisting on the agenda of their respective ideologues to be followed for all times. The ruling Muslim democrats and military dictators of Pakistan have been following unfair means to sustain their political power which gave rise to space for the new political parties to emerge and organize agitation successfully in Pakistani Politics. Jamaat-i-Islami could not fill that space to be an agent of Post-Islamism and could not break their chains which had been tying them to the prevailing failed democracy of Pakistan. Post-Islamists are the addressers of the rulers corruption and are struggling for reforms in system. Jamaat due to its ideological compulsions could not transform its agenda accordingly. The new scenario indicates that the Post-Islamism which emerged in Arab World can be taken as first step to establish democracy and justice in state and society and then the establishment of Islamic law and the establishment of an Islamic state should have been the next targets. This gradual agenda would have delivered public support to the Jamaat which deserved that but PTI & PAT have cashed this opportunity in Pakistani politics by strengthening their respective vote banks.

Keywords: arab spring, islamic state, islamic political parties, muslim world, post-islamism

Procedia PDF Downloads 368

Authors: Rubina Waseem

Abstract:

The research focuses on the major crises and major effects, largely unforeseen, to counter international security concerns. At the close of 2019, the Covid-19 pandemic broke out in the city of Wuhan in Hubei province, China. The coronavirus was initially seen as an inchoate danger, aimed at striking people randomly. Owing to the extraordinary transmissibility of the virus and the highly knitted nature of the international political world, the Covid-19 soon became a formidable global challenge. The once hustling and bustling avenues, city centers, and market places became deserted. Lockdown, self-isolation, hygiene and safety, social-distancing, and job losses became a new norm. The national economies gradually plunged into crisis. The pandemic has so far caused over 33 million cases and one million deaths. The virus continues to devastate social life, as there is yet no therapeutic available. While the world was preoccupied addressing the human and social toll, the pandemic has exacerbated despair, mistrust, and friction in international relations, diplomacy, and strategy. The research will discuss how the coronavirus has accelerated the trends of transition in the postwar security order constructed by the United States. China, Russia, European Union, and other lesser regional players are now increasingly changing their security orientations to undermine the United States standing and authority in world politics. The systemic level analyses will be adopted as a methodology to broaden the lens of the study, and the research will analyze the prevalent global power distribution, whether vulnerable or exposed. The trends of parochial nationalism and isolationism are increasingly replacing multilateralism and collectivism. Yet worse, military posturing is assuming a greater role in international interactions. Taken together, the pandemic has worsened the prospects of international peace and stability by mounting equal pressure across the channels of international relations, diplomacy, and strategy. It is yet unclear which country or collectivity will face the real brunt. Despite this jaded and pessimistic view, the lingering pandemic has the potential to reinforce cooperation, multilateralism, and collectivism in the realm of international politics. There is a renewed momentum for global efforts against the pandemic. States and societies are coming closer to act as a whole. Equally important, the world leaders are feeling tempted to revisit the traditional conception of national security. In this regard, they are exploring the possibility of according preference to non-traditional security issues. In essence, the research concludes that Covid-19 has put the international political system under a great trial.

Keywords: covid-19, global challenges, international politics, international security

Procedia PDF Downloads 163

Authors: Kamen Kirov

Abstract:

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Britain dominated global trade and finance in large part due to its maritime superiority. Germany, a land power, sought to undermine Britain’s position as the primary hegemon but ultimately could not challenge Britain’s maritime position or capabilities. This drove Germany to seek alternative strategies to weaken Britain’s position. Notably, it pushed Germany to create a reliable overland link through the Balkans to the Middle East via railroad. This article will seek to draw parallels between the German-British hegemonic conflict of the early 20th century and the Chinese-American hegemonic conflict taking place today using both secondary historical sources and current scholarly discussions of the changing international sphere. In doing so, it will provide useful insights into how China might attempt to outflank American power. The article will demonstrate that in many ways, the strategic positions and approaches of the early-20th century Germany and modern China are similar. Both countries were faced with a vastly superior foe with respect to maritime and economic power, and in both cases, their response was to undermine their rival hegemon by creating new overland infrastructure. Furthermore, in both cases, a major goal of creating new overland links was to gain further access to and control over Middle Eastern energy markets. It seems that in the modern day, China is conducting such a policy on a much grander scale than Germany did in the early 20th century—which may result in negative consequences for the US strategic position.

Keywords: belt and road Initiative, hegemonic conflict, maritime power, realism

Procedia PDF Downloads 182

Authors: Hong Beom Hur

Abstract:

Politics in America is polarized. The best illustration of this is the 2016 presidential election result map. States with megacities like California, New York, Illinois, Virginia, and others are marked blue to signify the color of the Democratic party. States located in inland and south like Texas, Florida, Tennesse, Kansas and others are marked red to signify the color of the Republican party. Such a stark difference between two colors, red and blue, combined with geolocations of each state with their borderline remarks one central message; America is divided into two colors between urban Democrats and rural Republicans. This paper seeks to defy the visualization by pointing out its limitations and search for alternative ways to visualize the 2016 election result. One such limitation is that geolocations of each state and state borderlines limit the visualization of population density. As a result, the election result map does not convey the fact that Clinton won the popular vote and only accentuates the voting patterns of urban and rural states. The paper seeks whether an alternative narrative can be observed by factoring in the population number into the size of each state and manipulating the state borderline according to the normalization. Yet another alternative narrative may be reached by factoring the size of each state by the number of the electoral college of each state by voting and visualize the number. Other alternatives will be discussed but are not implemented in visualization. Such methods include dividing the land of America into about 120 million cubes each representing a voter or by the number of whole population 300 million cubes. By exploring these alternative methods to visualize the politics of the 2016 election map, the public may be able to question whether it is possible to be free from the narrative of the divide-conquer when interpreting the election map and to look at both parties as a story of the United States of America.

Keywords: 2016 U.S. presidential election, data visualization, population scale, geo-political

Procedia PDF Downloads 121

Authors: Virginia Andrea Garrido Meirelles

Abstract:

Noah Webster was a lexicographer and a language reformer and is considered the ‘Father of American Scholarship and Education’ because of the exceptional contributions he made as a teacher and grammarian. The goal of this study is to show that the success of his plan can be explained by the fact that it matched the language-in-education policies of his time. To accomplish that goal the present study analyzes the Massachusetts School Laws of 1642, 1647 and 1648 and compares them to the preface of the first edition of The Grammatical Institute of the English Language. The referred laws were three legislative acts enacted in the Massachusetts Colony and replicated almost identically in the other New England colonies. The purpose of those laws was to eradicate pauperism and poverty, on the one side, and to disseminate the idea of right citizenship, on the other. However, until the Declaration of Independence in 1776, all the primers used in the colony were printed in Britain. In 1783, Noah Webster published the first part of his Grammatical Institute of the English Language. In this book, the author states that his goal is to promote the republican principles that guide the civil rights of that time. The material included many texts taken from the Bible to inspire aversion to inadequate behavior and preference for service and good manners. In addition, its goal was to present ‘a new plan of reducing the pronunciation of our language to an easy standard,’ and in that way, create a unified language to abolish ignorance and language corruption. The comparison between the laws and Webster’s Spelling Book shows that the book is the result of the historical and political situation when it was conceived and it satisfied the requirements of the language-in-education policies of the time.

Keywords: American English, language policy, the Massachusetts school laws, webster's spelling book

Procedia PDF Downloads 209

Authors: Agnieszka P. Regiec

Abstract:

Capital companies are based on monetary capital. In the traditional model, the capital is the sum of the nominal values of all shares issued. For a few years within the European countries, the limited liability companies’ (LLC) regulations are leaning towards liberalization of the capital structure in order to provide higher degree of autonomy regarding the intra-corporate governance. Reforms were based primarily on the legal system of the USA. In the USA, the tradition of no-par shares is well-established. Thus, as a point of reference, the American legal system is being chosen. Regulations of Germany, Great Britain, France, Netherlands, Finland, Poland and the USA will be taken into consideration. The analysis of the share capital is important for the development of science not only because the capital structure of the corporation has significant impact on the shareholders’ rights, but also it reflects on relationships between creditors of the company and the company itself. Multi-level comparative approach towards the problem will allow to present a wide range of the possible outcomes stemming from the novelization. The dogmatic method was applied. The analysis was based on the statutes, secondary sources and judicial awards. Both the substantive and the procedural aspects of the capital structure were considered. In Germany, as a result of the regulatory competition, typical for the EU, the structure of LLCs was reshaped. New LLC – Unternehmergesellschaft, which does not require a minimum share capital, was introduced. The minimum share capital for Gesellschaft mit beschrankter Haftung was lowered from 25 000 to 10 000 euro. In France the capital structure of corporations was also altered. In 2003, the minimum share capital of société à responsabilité limitée (S.A.R.L.) was repealed. In 2009, the minimum share capital of société par actions simplifiée – in the “simple” version of S.A.R.L. was also changed – there is no minimum share capital required by a statute. The company has to, however, indicate a share capital without the legislator imposing the minimum value of said capital. In Netherlands the reform of the Besloten Vennootschap met beperkte aansprakelijkheid (B.V.) was planned with the following change: repeal of the minimum share capital as the answer to the need for higher degree of autonomy for shareholders. It, however, preserved shares with nominal value. In Finland the novelization of yksityinen osakeyhtiö took place in 2006 and as a result the no-par shares were introduced. Despite the fact that the statute allows shares without face value, it still requires the minimum share capital in the amount of 2 500 euro. In Poland the proposal for the restructuration of the capital structure of the LLC has been introduced. The proposal provides among others: devaluation of the capital to 1 PLN or complete liquidation of the minimum share capital, allowing the no-par shares to be issued. In conclusion: American solutions, in particular, balance sheet test and solvency test provide better protection for creditors; European no-par shares are not the same as American and the existence of share capital in Poland is crucial.

Keywords: balance sheet test, limited liability company, nominal value of shares, no-par shares, share capital, solvency test

Procedia PDF Downloads 183

Authors: Alexander Rosenblatt

Abstract:

The musical culture of the city of Los Angeles, as it is seen today, developed not without the influence of outstanding musicians who came from Europe during the period between the world wars. The combination of European modernist ideas with American musical culture, which differed in many ways from European musical culture, led to unique results. During the 1920s and even more so in the 1930s, members of the Austrian-German artistic intelligentsia, particularly those of Jewish origin who felt insecure in their homeland, began to look for a safer place. The United States has become such a place for many, and many of them chose the second largest metropolis—Los Angeles. The most notable figure in this group was the modernist composer Arnold Schoenberg. Other famous musicians were conductors Otto Klemperer and Bruno Walter. The study focused on how these people acclimated to a city whose culture and business revolved around film production; what place the conductors Klemperer and Walter occupied in the city, state, and country; how Schoenberg, whose musical style was little understood by the American public, was able to realize himself; what path he took when he was accepted to two universities as a professor of counterpoint and composition; and whether he revised his own views on the development of Western music. Another aspect was the study of how the composer’s memory was preserved in the universities where he taught. The study is based primarily on materials found in four libraries of two universities located in Los Angeles, UCLA and USC, during my tenure as a visiting scholar at USC Thornton School of Music (August 2023), to be completed during my upcoming visit there in August-September 2024, as well as on interviews with people active in efforts to keep Schoenberg’s memory alive on the USC Campus.

Keywords: los angeles, filmmaking, immigrant musicians, arnold schoenberg, otto klemperer, bruno walter

Procedia PDF Downloads 26

Authors: Mattia Testuzza

Abstract:

Public health is a social endeavour, which involves many different actors: from extremely stratified, structured health systems to unofficial networks of people and knowledge. Health and diseases are an intertwined individual and social experiences. Both patients and health workers navigate this public space through relations of trust. Trust in healthcare goes from the personal trust between a patient and her/his doctor to the trust of both the patient and the health worker in the medical knowledge and the healthcare system. Trust it is not a given, but it is continuously negotiated, given and gained. The key to understand these essential relations of trust in health is to recognise them as a social practice, which therefore implies agency and power. In these terms, health is constantly public and made public, as trust emerges as a meaningfully political phenomenon. Trust as a power relation can be observed at play in the implementation of public health policies such as the WHO’s Directly-Observed Theraphy Short-course (DOTS), and with the increasing concern for drug-resistance that tuberculosis pose, looking at the role of trust in the healthcare delivery system and implementation of public health policies becomes significantly relevant. The ethnographic fieldwork was carried out in four months through observation of the daily practices at the National Tuberculosis Center of Nepal, and semi-structured interviews with MultiDrug-Resistant Tuberculosis (MDR-TB) patients at different stages of the treatment, their relatives, MDR-TB specialised nurses, and doctors. Throughout the research, the role which trust plays in tuberculosis treatment emerged as one fundamental ax that cuts through all the different factors intertwined with drug-resistance development, unfolding a tension between the DOTS policy, which undermines trust, and the day-to-day healthcare relations and practices which cannot function without trust. Trust also stands out as a key component of the solutions to unforeseen issues which develop from the overall uncertainty of the context - for example, political instability and extreme poverty - in which tuberculosis treatment is carried out in Nepal.

Keywords: trust, tuberculosis, drug-resistance, politics of health

Procedia PDF Downloads 253

Authors: Mohamed Faslan

Abstract:

This research examines the impact of the politicization of the fishing dispute on India-Sri Lanka relations, particularly the influence of internal and party politics. The maritime border is clearly demarcated between India and Sri Lanka. India and Sri Lanka signed bilateral agreements on maritime boundaries in 1974 and 1976 respectively. They signed the United Nations Law of the Sea- III as well. Despite this, fishing disputes persist between the two nations. Tamil Nadu politics is closely linked with Sri Lankan Tamil issues and Tamil Nadu has been playing a significant role in Indo-Lanka relations. This is due to the fact that many Indian trawlers involved in fishing activities in Sri Lankan waters are from Tamil Nadu. The Government of Tamil Nadu is also very concerned about the issue of fishing in Sri Lankan waters. During the ethnic war, Sri Lankan fishermen were restricted on fishing activities in the Northern sea by the Sri Lankan Government and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE). This created a vacuum in the Northern sea of Sri Lanka, and Indian trawlers filled the vacuum with the support of the LTTE. After the end of the war, Northern fishermen of Sri Lanka recommenced their fishing activities and realized that the Tamil Nadu trawlers had scooped their fishing resources. The Northern fishermen started to protest the invasion of Indian trawlers and pushed the Sri Lankan Government to stop the Indian trawlers. When Sri Lanka arrested Indian fishermen and confiscated their fishing boats, the Tamil Nadu Government used this as an opportunity to accuse Sri Lanka as having a Sinhalese government, to express feelings of hatred towards Sri Lanka due to the ethnic war against Tamils and tried to increase the voting bank by selling Tamil feelings. Thus, this research finds that Tamil Nadu does not associate this fishing dispute with Tamils in Sri Lanka but with the Sinhalese despite the status quo. This research has covered the Northern fishermen and stakeholders of Sri Lanka and could not do any field research in India due to visa restrictions. However, the researcher tries to balance the gap by referring to secondary sources and a few interviews with Indian scholars.

Keywords: Indo Lanka relations, fishing dispute, maritime border, Tamil Nadu & Sri Lankan waters

Procedia PDF Downloads 295

Authors: Jocelyn D. Perreault

Abstract:

An exploratory study has been launched in 2013-2014 in the province of Quebec, the state of Vermont (USA) and the region of Zaer in Morocco. We have realized three first case studies in order to better understand the marketing strategies of starting up vineries, which are defined as having a maximum of five years of operations. The methodology used consisted of visiting the vineyards; conducting semi-directed interviews with owner-managers; visiting points-of-sale of the wines and analysing the web sites using an assessment grid. The results indicate many differences between the three firms in their use of their web sites. More precisely, we have noticed that: -The Quebec vineyard uses its web site in collaboration with the touristic actors of its region and the association of the wine makers of the province of Quebec.Positioning is as a touristic attraction. -In comparison,the Moroccan firm limits the content of the web site to itself and its activities and somehow to the wine industry.Positioning is as a wine specialist. -The american firm associated its web site more to farm markets actors and activities of the region.Positioning is as an agricultural actor. -The positionings of the three vineyards are very different from each others and will be discussed more thoroughly during the presentation to better understand the use of web sites, thus contributing to the «brand image». -Improvements to the three web sites have been identified and suggested by more than a hundred of persons using the same grid and comprising students of bachelor and MBA degrees from our university. In general, the web sites have been considered satisfying but requiring several improvements at different levels. Changes or updates have been observed for the Quebec winery web site but practically no changes have been made to the others in the last months. The assessment grid will be presented in more details as well as the global and the partial scores given by the respondents. In conclusion, we have noticed that only one winery is considered as a «heavy and strategic user» of its web site and of Facebook and Twitter.

Keywords: web site, wineries, marketing, positioning, starting up strategies

Procedia PDF Downloads 303

Authors: Nigar Sultanova

Abstract:

Facial morphology is a constant topic of concern for clinicians. When anthropometric methods were introduced into clinical practice to quantify changes in the craniofacial framework, features distinguishing various ethnic group were discovered. Normative data of facial measurements are indispensable to precise determination of the degree of deviations from normal. Establish the reference range of facial proportions in Azerbaijan population by anthropometric measurements of craniofacial complex. The study group consisted of 350 healthy young subjects, 175 males and 175 females, 18 to 25 years of age, from 7 different regions of Azerbaijan. The anthropometric examination was performed according to L.Farkas's method with our modification. In order to determine the morphologic characteristics of seven regions of the craniofacial complex 42 anthropometric measurements were selected. The anthropometric examination. Included the usage of 33 anthropometric landmarks. The 80 indices of the facial proportions, suggested by Farkas and Munro, were calculated: head -10, face - 23, nose - 23, lips - 9, orbits - 11, ears - 4. The date base of the North American white population was used as a reference group. Anthropometric measurements of facial proportions in Azerbaijan population revealed a significant difference between mеn and womеn, according to sexual dimorphism. In comparison with North American whites, considerable differences of facial proportions were observed in the head, face, orbits, labio-oral, nose and ear region. However, in women of the Azerbaijani population, 29 out of 80 proportion indices were similar to the proportions of NAW women. In the men of the Azerbaijani population, 27 out of 80 proportion indices did not reveal a statistically significant difference from the proportions of NAW men. Estimation of the reference range of facial proportions in Azerbaijan population migth be helpful to formulate surgical plan in treatment of congenital or post-traumatic facial deformities successfully.

Keywords: facial morphology, anthropometry, indices of proportion, measurement

Procedia PDF Downloads 117

Authors: Aaron Derner

Abstract:

Unlike the histories of France, the UK, or even Spain, the Russian colonial past often dissolves before the seemingly more salient Cold War figurations or Soviet dissolution. The obvious explanation behind Caucasian states’ roles—that of Russian-propped governments obeying the whims of their patron—is but the latest instance of such oversight. Where the results of colonial social and cultural interactions are indelibly stamped across France, Algeria, and every other former (and current) French holding, so to are the Muscovite and Russian colonial ambitions embedded within the modern politics and cultures of both Russia and the Caucasus. Russian colonial artefacts are enhanced and perhaps granted an additional social explanatory edge over those of the ‘typical’ colonizers, by the cyclical adoration for and noisy rejection of European cultural markers over the centuries, along with the somewhat unusual composition of the Cossacks: Russia’s main agents of colonialization within the Caucasian frontier. The story of Russia and Chechnya, of all the Caucasus, is of the manufacture of social and individual identity through “modes of subjectification” inherent within the region’s colonial history and driven by the triangular interactions between three main groups: the Cossacks, the Caucasian Mountain Tribes, and the Russian Metropol. Together, interactions between these social groups worked to shape and transform the lifestyles and institutional pathologies that constitute the Russian and Chechen states and the politics between them. At the core of this (Western) state-building is the simultaneous and seemingly contradictory desire to be more Western and emulate Western cultural and political practices while also desperately grasping for a uniquely Russian identity. This sits somewhat ironically against the backdrop that Russia hosted a frontier-based settler society and had established that distinctly European feature of settler colonialism early in its history—arguably establishing a claim to being the most “colonial” of the colonial powers. There is no doubt that these forces worked to shape contemporary Russian political and social identity—apparent in the mythic popularity of the Cossack in Russian literature, politics, and academic discourse. What needs to be expanded from the current narrative, however, is that beyond the Cossack identity’s attractiveness on the grounds of its tones of freedom and resistance to unjust authority, the identity is rooted in the imperial ambitions and colonial experiences of the Russian state, and is, therefore, a direct marker of domination and subjectification. Adding an unusual dimension to this not-uncommon cultural progression, the Russian state needed to colonize both the Caucases and the Russian Cossacks, appropriating them in much the same way they appropriated the Circassian mountain tribes. The focus of this paper is not to tell yet another story of how one culture entered an area to overpower another but how a ‘powerful,’ ‘modern,’ ‘Western(ish)’ culture was profoundly and continually changed through its contact with a group of tribal ‘savages’ and ‘braves.’

Keywords: Russia, chechnya, subjectification, caucasus, cossacks, Ukraine

Procedia PDF Downloads 76