Search results for: racial or ethnic politics

Authors: Autumn Rooms Cypres, Barbara Driver

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The purpose of this study is to extend discussions about innovations and career politics. Research questions that grounded this effort were: How does an academic learn the unspoken rules of the academy? What happens politically to an academic’s career when their research speaks against the grain of society? Do professors perceive signals that it is time to move on to another institution or even to another career? Epistemology and Methods: This qualitative investigation was focused on examining perceptions of academics. Therefore an open-ended field study, based on Grounded Theory, was used. This naturalistic paradigm (Lincoln & Guba,1985) was selected because it tends to understand information in terms of whole, of patterns, and in relations to the context of the environment. The technique for gathering data was the process of semi-structured, in-depth interviewing. Twenty five academics across the United States were interviewed relative to their career trajectories and the politics and opportunities they have encountered in relation to their research efforts. Findings: The analysis of interviews revealed four themes: Academics are beholden to 2 specific networks of power that influence their sense of job security; the local network based on their employing university and the national network of scholars who share the same field of research. The fights over what counts as research can and does drift from the intellectual to the political, and personal. Academic were able to identify specific instances of shunning and or punishment from their colleagues related directly to the dissemination of research that spoke against the grain of the local or national networks. Academics identified specific signals from both of these networks indicating that their career was flourishing or withering. Implications: This research examined insights from those who persevered when the fights over what and who counts drifted from the intellectual to the political, and the personal. Considerations of why such drifts happen were offered in the form of a socio-political construct called Fit, which included thoughts on hegemony, discourse, and identity. This effort reveals the importance of understanding what professional capital is relative to job security. It also reveals that fear is an enmeshed and often unspoken part of the culture of Academia. Further research to triangulate these findings would be helpful within international contexts.

Keywords: politics, academia, job security, context

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Authors: Vanphanom Sychareun, Viengnakhone Vongxay, Kongmany Chaleunvong, Pascale Hancart Petitet

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Background: Lao PDR still has challenges in preventing and managing health against risk of emerging and re-emerging diseases, particularly HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria among pregnant women. Community-based intervention for mothers requires more evidences on awareness of such diseases and access to rapid diagnostic tests. The study aims to determine the awareness of pregnant women regarding HIV, TB and Malaria, the access to rapid diagnostic test of such diseases among pregnant women of local community and their factors related. Method: This is a cross sectional study using quantitative approach to explore the awareness of pregnant women on HIV/AIDS/TB and Malaria in Savannakhet province, Lao PDR in three remote districts (Phin, Thapangthong and Atsaphone) of Savannakhet province. The study targeted group was pregnant women at the community level. Sample size for primary data collection of pregnant women was 189. Face-to-face administered questionnaires were applied. Descriptive and inferential statistics were applied to determine the associated factors with awareness of pregnant women on HIV/AIDS/TB and Malaria. This study is under the HEALTH project/ Expertise France. Result: Most of our participants were pregnant at 28 – 42 weeks (50.3%); ranged 4 – 38 weeks. Mean age of pregnant women was 24.3 years old (range: 14 - 48 years old); 15.9% of whom were at age below 19 years. Around 94.2% of respondents works were farming, 54.5% were illiterate, 74.0% were Mon-Kmer ethnic, and 60% had income lower than average. Only 56.6% that have access to ANC, 39.1% started the access to ANC during the first trimester and only 19.6% had visited the ANC for at least four times. Almost pregnant women (and 92.1% and 93.1%) had low to moderate knowledge of HIV and TB respectively, while three-fourth of pregnant women (74.6%) had low to moderate knowledge of malaria. Slightly higher than half of participants (53.4% and 52.9%) had easy access to HIV and TB respectively ; while 72.5% had easy access to malaria. Majority of participants knew where to get tested for malaria (73.5%) and TB (54.5%), but 73.5% did not know where to get tested for HIV. Very few pregnant women (1.6%, 2.1% and 8.5%) experienced having tested for HIV/TB/malaria. respectively. Factors associated with awareness on HIV were occupation as staff, business (OR:5.9; 95% CI:1.2-28.1), upper secondary education (OR: 14.6; 95% CI:3.1-69.2); Mone-Khmer ethnic (OR: 0.4, 95% CI: 0.2-0.8); and attending ANC more than 4 times (OR:4.1, 95%:1.7-9.7). Factors associated with awareness on TB were occupation as staff, business (OR:2.4; 95% CI: 0.7-8.0), upper secondary education (OR: 6.2; 95% CI: 1.9-20.5); Mone-Khmer ethnic (OR: 0.5, 95% CI:0.3-0.9); attending ANC more than 4 times (OR:2.8, 95%:1.2-6.4). Factors associated with awareness on malaria were upper secondary education (OR: 18.1; 95% CI: 2.3-142.9); Mone-Khmer ethnic (OR: 0.2, 95% CI:0.1-0.4); attending ANC more than 4 times (OR:3.6, 95%:1.5-8.8). Conclusion: A very low awareness on HIV, TB and malaria among pregnant women in rural community of Savannakhet triggers the requirement of comprehensive public health intervention on awareness and access to prevention against emerging diseases for all pregnant women. Future intervention should focus on providing more knowledge to pregnant women during ANC and encouraging them to attend ANC more than 4 times.

Keywords: pregnant women, HIV, tuberculosis, malaria, awareness, Laos

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Authors: Aparajita Santra

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In the context of the government's vision of turning Delhi into a green, privatized and slum free city, giving it a world-class image at par with the global cities of the world, this paper investigates into the various processes and politics of things that went behind defining spaces in the city and attributing an aesthetic image to it. The paper will explore two cases that were forged primarily through the forces of one particular type of power relation. One would be to look at the modernist movement adopted by the Nehruvian government post-independence and the next case will look at special periods like Emergency and Commonwealth games. The study of these cases will help understand the ambivalence embedded in the different rationales of the Government and different powerful agencies adopted in order to build world-classness. Through the study, it will be easier to discern how city spaces were reconfigured in the name of 'good governance'. In this process, it also became important to analyze the double nature of law, both as a protector of people’s rights and as a threat to people. What was interesting to note through the study was that in the process of nation building and creating an image for the city, the government’s policies and programs were mostly aimed at the richer sections of the society and the poorer sections and people from lower income groups kept getting marginalized, subdued, and pushed further away (These marginalized people were pushed away even geographically!). The reconfiguration of city space and attributing an aesthetic character to it, led to an alteration not only in the way in which citizens perceived and engaged with these spaces, but also brought about changes in the way they envisioned their place in the city. Ironically, it was found that every attempt to build any kind of facility for the city’s elite in turn led to an inevitable removal of the marginalized sections of the society as a necessary step to achieve a clean, green and world-class city. The paper questions the claim made by the government for creating a just, equitable city and granting rights to all. An argument is put forth that in the politics of redistribution of space, the city that has been designed is meant for the aspirational middle-class and elite only, who are ideally primed to live in world-class cities. Thus, the aim is to study city spaces, urban form, the associated politics and power plays involved within and understand whether segmented cities are being built in the name of creating sensible, inclusive cities.

Keywords: aesthetics, ambivalence, governmentality, power, World-class

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Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

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This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018 and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. The paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center (AKM) as a place of memory and space of politics from the establishment of the Turkish Republic (1923) until today. After the establishment of the Turkish Republic, one of the most important implementations in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of the Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to the 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the Republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists, and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed, it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while the Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period AKM was a representation of the cultural production of modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from the Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice, and Development Party, and the construction of the Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of the proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The paper narrates the existence and demolishment of the Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, Atatürk Cultural Center, Taksim square, collective memory

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Authors: Rai Mansoor Imtiaz

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Guardians in hybrid regimes fragment opposition parties and ban their political leaders, and disenfranchise their voters' political participation. When guardians in hybrid regimes are so powerful that they remain decisive on electoral politics of states, and have powers to ban political parties and their leadership, then "why do political parties backed by those powerful guardians lose elections" and "how do anti-establishment parties make electoral inroads at the local and national levels." These two questions are interrelated with the key research question of my research "why do people vote for political parties rejected by powerful guardians in establishmentarian democracies." Furthermore, this research question is important to be explored for two reasons. First, existing literature only reflects the electoral victories of opposition parties or defeats of military-sponsored parties (see Thailand and Turkey) but remains silent on political change that led the anti-military parties to win the elections. Second, why is it a case that people belonging to the countries where militaries remain popular among the public (see Turkey and Pakistan) have started putting their trust in anti-establishment politicians who criticise the military against their intervention in politics? For instance, in Pakistan, where commenting against the military is meant to comment against the state –– an anti-military narrative is getting popular support. The conceptual framework of hybrid states in this research relies on the concept of a 'reserved domain/tutelary body' (guardians of hybrid states). However, this research makes a case that hybrid states are not consolidated separate political entities but rather vacillated states that fluctuate between democratic and authoritarian practices. This paper, therefore, uses the term establishmentarian democracy as a subtype of the hybrid regime, which is more consolidated than a hybrid democracy.

Keywords: Guardians, Hybrid Regimes, Voters, Elections, Democracy, South Asia

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Authors: Joy Aworo-Okoroh

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Politics is about trust and trust is challenged by the speaker’s ability to manipulate language before the electorate. Critical discourse analysis investigates the role of language in constructing social relationships between a political speaker and his audience. This paper explores the linguistic choices made by President Muhammad Buhari that enshrines his ideologies as well as the socio-political relations of power between him and Nigerians in his speeches. Two speeches of President Buhari –inaugural and Independence Day speeches are analyzed using Norman Fairclough’s perspective on Halliday’s Systemic functional grammar. The analysis is at two levels. The first level of analysis is the identification of transitivity and modality choices in the speeches and how they reveal the covert ideologies. The second analysis is premised on Normal Fairclough’s model, the clauses are analyzed to identify elements of power, hesistation, persuasion, threat and religious statement. It was discovered that Buhari is a dominant character who manipulates the material processes a lot.

Keywords: politics, critical discourse analysis, Norman Fairclough, systemic functional grammar

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Authors: Benjamin D Reese Jr

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Implicit bias is understood as unconscious attitudes, stereotypes, or associations that can influence the cognitions, actions, decisions, and interactions of an individual without intentional control. These unconscious attitudes or stereotypes are often targeted toward specific groups of people based on their gender, race, age, perceived sexual orientation or other social categories. Since the late 1980s, there has been a proliferation of research that hypothesizes that the operation of implicit bias is the result of the brain needing to process millions of bits of information every second. Hence, one’s prior individual learning history provides ‘shortcuts’. As soon as one see someone of a certain race, one have immediate associations based on their past learning, and one might make assumptions about their competence, skill, or danger. These assumptions are outside of conscious awareness. In recent years, an alternative conceptualization has been proposed. The ‘bias of crowds’ theory hypothesizes that a given context or situation influences the degree of accessibility of particular biases. For example, in certain geographic communities in the United States, there is a long-standing and deeply ingrained history of structures, policies, and practices that contribute to racial inequities and bias toward African Americans. Hence, negative biases among groups of people towards African Americans are more accessible in such contexts or communities. This theory does not focus on individual brain functioning or cognitive ‘shortcuts.’ Therefore, attempts to modify individual perceptions or learning might have negligible impact on those embedded environmental systems or policies that are within certain contexts or communities. From the ‘bias of crowds’ perspective, high levels of racial bias in a community can be reduced by making fundamental changes in structures, policies, and practices to create a more equitable context or community rather than focusing on training or education aimed at reducing an individual’s biases. The current paper acknowledges and supports the foundational role of long-standing structures, policies, and practices that maintain racial inequities, as well as inequities related to other social categories, and highlights the critical need to continue organizational, community, and national efforts to eliminate those inequities. It also makes a case for providing individual leaders with a deep understanding of the dynamics of how implicit biases impact cognitions, actions, decisions, and interactions so that those leaders might more effectively develop structural changes in the processes and systems under their purview. This approach incorporates both the importance of an individual’s learning history as well as the important variables within the ‘bias of crowds’ theory. The paper also offers a model for leadership education, as well as examples of structural changes leaders might consider.

Keywords: implicit bias, unconscious bias, bias, inequities

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Authors: Rinaldo Diricchardi

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In this paper, author theoretically and empirically explores the ethnic identity of the descendants of the Indian travelers in Slovenia Sinti, who are in modern time, for the researchers, still a "tabula rasa". He investigates the extent to which Sinti ethnic particular identities (e.g. Sinti chiefs, Sinti’s individual political structure…), the Sinti language (dialect, which is topic and it is not allowed to be spoken in public), culture and habits still in the impact of anachronism, moreover, to what extent the community is still “tabula rasa” (to non–Sinti population). The relationships within the Sinti entity: "in se–intra se" is a mirror of duality of the relation of "extra se". Is it possible that the concepts of social/economical relationships are reflecting the Sinti community, moreover, the possible influence of minority from outside to inside? Is the stratification of their ethnicity and their language ethnicism? In addition, is the result of stratification of discourse still inherited and discounted the Indian caste system? In present article, author uses the word Gypsy with high respect and with a large measure of prudentiality, without negative connotations. At the first Gypsy World Congress in 1971 in London the Sinti did not accept unification with Romani, but Sinti and others Gypsies still keep the name Gypsy/Romanichals, Gypsy/Kale, Gypsy/Manouches, Gypsy/Manoesje, Gypsy/Xoraxano, Gypsy/Machaways and Gypsy/Kalderashe. In addition, all of the European documents taken into account respect and use the name Gypsy.

Keywords: Sinti, Gypsy, identity, stratification, inclusion, exclusion

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Authors: Christopher S. Perez, Kendal C. Boyd

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global suicide rates have decreased in recent decades, rates in the United States have increased by 35.2 percent since 1999.American Indians and Alaska Natives (AI/AN) have the highest rates of suicide in the U.S., with approximately 22 suicides per 100,000 people as of 2019. AI/AN have experienced significant historical trauma resulting in disproportionate rates of substance abuse and mental disorders. This literature review aimed to identify the demographic and clinical risk and protective factors for American Indians and Alaska Natives and provide an overview of suicidality in this population. The literature reflected varying definitions of suicidality depending on region, with some AI/AN tribesconceptualizing suicide through a spiritual framework, while others defined suicide in the biomedical sense. Furthermore, AI/AN adults and adolescents experienced higher rates of suicidal ideation when compared to other racial groups. Religious preference, sexual orientation, prior suicidal behavior, psychiatric admission, history of abuse, substance abuse, family history of mental illness, family history of substance abuse, family history of suicidal behaviors, domestic violence, and trauma were discussed as factors related to suicidality. Recommendations included increasing access to and utilization of mental health and medical services, culturally adapting suicide prevention programs to AI/AN communities, increasing support for LGBTQ+ AI/AN, providing opportunities that reinforce ethnic identity, and post-hospitalization follow-up care. The following databases were utilized to obtain peer-reviewed articles for this literature review: Complementary Index, Academic Search Premier, Science Direct, PsycInfo, Social Sciences Citation Index, PsycArticles, PubMed, EbscoHost, and PsycBooks. Articles that examined Native populations outside of the United States did not cite a primary source and/or were published before 1990 were excluded.

Keywords: alaska native, american indian, protective factors, risk factors, suicidality, suicide

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Authors: Cristina Azocar, Ivana Markova

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A survey of 565 male undergraduates examined the effects of exposure to social networking sites and entertainment media on young men’s body image. Exposure to social and to entertainment media was found to have negative effects on men’s body satisfaction, social comparison, and thin ideal internalization. Findings indicated significant differences in those men who were more exposed to social and to entertainment media than those who were not as exposed. Consistent with past studies, gay men were found to be more dissatisfied with their bodies than straight men. Gay men compared themselves to other better-looking individuals and internalized ideal body types seen in media significantly more than their straight counterparts. Surprisingly, straight men seem to care as much about their physical attractiveness/appearance as gay men do, but only in public settings such as at the beach, at athletic events (including gyms) and social events. Although on average ethnic groups were more similar than different, small but significant differences occurred with Asian men indicating significantly higher body dissatisfaction than White/European men and Middle Eastern/Arab men their counterparts. The study increases our knowledge about SNS and entertainment use and its associated body image, and body satisfaction affects among low-income ethnic minority men.

Keywords: body dissatisfaction, body image, entertainment media, gay men, race and ethnicity, social economic status, social comparison, social media

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Authors: Autumn Tooms Cypres

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Throughout the 2016 presidential campaign, Republican nominee Donald Trump, capitalizing on his reputation for blunt and brash comments, created a political brand based on unedited statements and sweeping promises. While he vowed to 'Make America Great Again,' for many, the candidate’s discourse invoked legacies of marginalization and exclusion. As a result, this discussion focuses on Trump’s anti-immigration discourse (one of the primary foci of his campaign platform) and its influence across educational settings. The purpose of this effort is to demonstrate the power of political discourses relative to educational settings and to discuss the resulting everyday leadership challenges and opportunities. Discourse analysis frameworks are used to unpack the socio-political implications of the presidential campaign. In particular, they examine a serious of emails that a university administrator received post-election. The discussion concludes that leaders in education have a critical role to maintaining democratic institutions and ensuring inclusivity and belonging for all educational stakeholders.

Keywords: educational managment, politics, immigration, discourse

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Authors: Kenneth Christie

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Syria and Iraq are Arabian nightmares at the local, the regional and global levels in terms of human security and the protection of the vulnerable. Wracked by civil war, ethnic and political violence in the last 5 years in the case of Syria and 13 years in the case of Iraq, the body count now is staggering; the humanitarian crisis continues and there appears no end to this. A crisis that has claimed the lives of 200,000 people so far in Syria, sparked a humanitarian catastrophe fuelled violent Islamic extremism and exposed serious splits in the international community who appear to have no consensus. The international community’s failure to act is simply another sign of the desperate situation which has developed over conflicts that appears unsolvable in the immediate future and may be intractable in the long range. Three things are really at stake I’m going to argue in these continuing crises and how it will affect the human security dimensions of the conflict. Firstly, the protection of vulnerable individuals and civilians in the war, 2ndly, the dire consequences for regional instability as a result and thirdly the risks for minority and ethnic identities who are caught up in this, within and across these volatile borders. This paper will examine these elements and the consequences of the conflict in terms of human security, migration and development.

Keywords: human security, migration, Syria and Iraq, conflict and development

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Authors: Vesile Evrim, Aliyu Awwal

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By the evolvement in technology, the way of expressing opinions switched the direction to the digital world. The domain of politics as one of the hottest topics of opinion mining research merged together with the behavior analysis for affiliation determination in text which constitutes the subject of this paper. This study aims to classify the text in news/blogs either as Republican or Democrat with the minimum number of features. As an initial set, 68 features which 64 are constituted by Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) features are tested against 14 benchmark classification algorithms. In the later experiments, the dimensions of the feature vector reduced based on the 7 feature selection algorithms. The results show that Decision Tree, Rule Induction and M5 Rule classifiers when used with SVM and IGR feature selection algorithms performed the best up to 82.5% accuracy on a given dataset. Further tests on a single feature and the linguistic based feature sets showed the similar results. The feature “function” as an aggregate feature of the linguistic category, is obtained as the most differentiating feature among the 68 features with 81% accuracy by itself in classifying articles either as Republican or Democrat.

Keywords: feature selection, LIWC, machine learning, politics

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Authors: Enrico Maria la Forgia

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Since the 80ies, in specific situations, France’s Muslims have enacted political actions to reply to attacks on their identity or assimilation attempts, using their religious affiliation as a resource for the organization and expression of collective claims. Indeed, despite Islam's internal sectarian and ethnic differences, religion may be politicized when minorities’ social and cultural rights are under attack. French Civil Society organizations, in this specific case with an Islamic background (ICSO - Islamic Civil Society Organizations), play an essential role in defending Muslims’ social and cultural rights. As a matter of fact, Civil Society organized on an ethnic or religious base is a way to strengthen minoritarian communities and their role as political actors, especially in multicultural contexts. Since the first 1983’s “Marche des Beurs” (slang word referring to French citizens with foreign origins), which involved many Muslims, the development of ICSO contributed to the strenghtening of Islam in France, here meant as a Social Movement aiming to constitute a French version of Islam, defending minorities’ cultural and religious rights, and change the perception of Islam itself in national society. However, since a visible and stigmatized minority, ICSO do not relate only to protests as a strategy to achieve their goals: on several occasions, pressure on authorities through personal networks and connections, or the introduction into public debates of bargaining through the exploitation of national or international crisis, might appear as more successfully - public discourses on minorities and Islam are generally considered favorable conditions to advance requests for cultural legitimation. The proposed abstract, based on a literary review and theoretical/methodological reflection on the state of knowledge on the topic, aims to open a new branch of studies and analysis of Civil Society and Social Movements in Europe, focusing on the French Islamic community as a political actor relating on ICSO to pressure society, local, and national authorities to improve Muslims' rights. The opted methodology relies on a qualitative approach based on ethnography and face-to-face interviews addressing heads and middle-high level activists from ICSO, in an attempt to individuate the strategies enacted by ICSO for mobilizing Muslims and build relations with, on one hand, local and national authorities; into the other, with actors belonging to the Civil Society/political sphere. The theoretical framework, instead, relies on the main Social Movements Theories (resources mobilization, political opportunity structure, and contentious/non-contentious movements), aiming to individuate eventual gaps in the analysis of Islamic Social Movements and Civil Society in minoritarian contexts.

Keywords: Islam, islamophobia, civil society, social movements, sociology, qualitative methodology, Islamic activism in social movement theory, political change, Islam as social movement, religious movements, protest and politics, France, Islamic civil society

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Authors: Juan Sanmartín Bastida

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When a country experiences a period of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, involving an earlier process of political liberalization and a later process of democratization, a cycle of protest usually outbreaks, as there is a reciprocal influence between that kind of political change and the frequency and scale of social protest events. That is what happened in Spain during the first years of its transition to democracy from the Francoist authoritarian regime, roughly between November 1975 and December 1978. Thus, the object of this study is to show and explain how that cycle of protest started, developed, and finished in relation to such a political change, and offer specific information about the main features of all protest cycles: the social movements that arose during that period, the number of protest events by month, the forms of collective action that were utilized, the groups of challengers that engaged in contentious politics, the reaction of the authorities to the action and claims of those groups, etc. The study of this cycle of protest, using the primary sources and analytical tools that characterize the model of research of protest cycles, will make a contribution to the field of contentious politics and its phenomenon of cycles of contention, and more broadly to the political and social history of contemporary Spain. The cycle of protest and the process of political liberalization of the authoritarian regime began around the same time, but the first concluded long before the process of democratization was completed in 1982. The ascending phase of the cycle and therefore the process of liberalization started with the death of Francisco Franco and the proclamation of Juan Carlos I as King of Spain in November 1975; the peak of the cycle was around the first months of 1977; the descending phase started after the first general election of June 1977; and the level of protest stabilized in the last months of 1978, a year that finished with a referendum in which the Spanish people approved the current democratic constitution. It was then when we can consider that the cycle of protest came to an end. The primary sources are the news of protest events and social movements in the three main Spanish newspapers at the time, other written or audiovisual documents, and in-depth interviews; and the analytical tools are the political opportunities that encourage social protest, the available repertoire of contention, the organizations and networks that brought together people with the same claims and allowed them to engage in contentious politics, and the interpretative frames that justify, dignify and motivates their collective action. These are the main four factors that explain the beginning, development and ending of the cycle of protest, and therefore the accompanying social movements and events of collective action. Among those four factors, the political opportunities -their opening, exploitation, and closure-proved to be most decisive.

Keywords: contentious politics, cycles of protest, political opportunities, social movements, Spanish transition to democracy

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Authors: Gina Longo

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Social media, internet technology, and affordable travel have created avenues like tourism and internet chatrooms for Western women to meet foreign partners without paid, third-party intermediaries in regions like the Middle East/North Africa (MENA) and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where men from mid-level developing countries meet and marry Western women and try to relocate. Foreign nationals who marry U.S. citizens have an expedited track to naturalization. U.S. immigration officials require that “green card” petitioning couples demonstrate that their relationships are “valid and subsisting” (i.e., for love) and not fraudulent (i.e., for immigration papers). These requirements are ostensibly gender- and racially-neutral, but migration itself is not; black and white women petitioners who seek partners from these regions and solicit advice from similar others about the potential obstacles to their petitions’ success online. Using an online ethnography and textual analysis of conversation threads on a large on-line immigration forum where U.S. petitioners exchange such information, this study examines how gendered and racialized standards of legitimacy are applied to family and sexuality and used discursively online among women petitioners differently to achieve “genuineness” and define “red flags” indicating potential marriage fraud. This paper argues that forum-women members police immigration requests even before cases reach an immigration officer, and use this social media platform to reconstruct gendered and racialized hierarchies of U.S. citizenship. Women petitioners use the formal criteria of U.S. immigration in ways that reveal gender and racial ideologies, expectations for conformity to a gendered hegemonic family ideal, and policing of women’s sexual agency, fertility, and desirability. These intersectional norms shape their online discussions about the suitability of marriages and of the migration of non-citizen male partners of color to the United States.

Keywords: marriage fraud, migration, online forums, women

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Authors: Aita Bishowkarma

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Ensuring quality education in primary level in multi-ethnic, multi- religious, multi-cultural and multilingual country Nepal which accommodates 123 ethnic languages (CBS 2011) has come across a big challenge. The discourse on the policies and practices to take advantage of the rich heritage of cultural and linguistic diversity in the pursuit of quality primary education to ethnic/linguistic minority children in Nepal gives in a critical observation of Nepalese perspective in the global academia. Situating the linguistic diversity of Nepal, primary education to children is better through mother tongue. Nepali as official or national language is another important language to be taught to the children. Similarly, craze for English has been inevitable for international communication and job opportunity in the global markets. This paper critically examines the current use of trilingual policy in mother tongue based multilingual education (MT-MLE) in Nepal from the perspective of exploiting linguistic diversity in classroom pedagogy. The researcher adopted mixed method research design applying descriptive measure and explanatory research methods. 24 teachers and 48 students from 6 multilingual schools were selected purposively to dig out their language use, language attitude and language preferences to reveal their preference and attitude towards mother tongue, Nepali and English through questionnaire, interview and focus group discussion. The study shows, in a true multilingual system, all languages (mother tongue, languages of region, nation and wider communication) can have their legitimate place; bridging from the mother tongue to the regional language and national to international language; further leading to meaningful participation in the wider democratic global context. Trilingual policy of mother tongue, national language and international language seemed pertinent however, not sufficient. The finding of the study shows that for quality education in primary education mother tongue based critical multilingual pedagogy through language coexistence approach with contextual variation seems enviable.

Keywords: critical pedagogy, language co-existence, linguistic diversity, quality education

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Authors: Dani Karmakar

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In India, the journey of street theatre was started with Indian peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) as a tool for anti-establishment that was categorized as by the people and for the people. It has expressed common people’s feelings, problems, day to day life. It has brought a social change that is downtrodden. By its nature, it is based on communist ideology. Street theatre is a theatre of protest. In India, many folk theatres translate directly ‘Street Theatre’, those are Veedhi Natakam in Andhra Pradesh and Therukoothu in Tamil Nadu. But they do not covey to common definition of street theatre. There are different folk theatres of different regions in India. All folk theatres have individual characteristic, criteria, taste and flavor that can render distinctive each others. In festivals or special occasions, whole communities come together to enjoy collectively and express their feelings. The Veedhi Natakam means 'street theatre'. Theru koothu is a traditional street theatre in the northern districts of Tamilnadu. Folk theatre has potential to deliver strong messages. It has a socially significant role. At Veedhi Natakam, Vidhushaka takes part for social criticism. Gambhira is also a socio-political folk drama presentation in West Bengal.

Keywords: folk theatre, Gambhira, politics, street theatre

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Authors: Lisa Mockli, Chelsea Sambells

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By combining the methodologies of history and translation studies, this study will explore the interplay between humanitarian action, politics, and translation within the advertising for a lesser-known Swiss child evacuation project of some 60.000 Belgium and French children to Switzerland for three month periods from 1940 to 1945. Inspired by Descriptive-Explanatory Translation Studies, this project compares Swiss speeches published between May and September 1942 (the termination of the evacuations). Radio broadcasts, leaflets and newspapers will triangulate the data. First, linguistic and content-related differences will be identified and described. Second, based on findings from the Swiss Federal Archives, the evidence from the comparative textual analysis will then be evaluated in order to explore how the speeches were modified, for what purpose, and which key issues were raised during their modification. By exploring these questions, this paper provides new insights into (I) Switzerland’s understanding of Swiss neutrality and humanitarianism during the Second World War, (II) the role of children in war and (III) the role of translation in shaping political discourse and humanitarian action. Moreover, this interdisciplinary approach also demonstrates how scholarly collaboration may help to make some elements of humanitarian action more self-reflexive and effective.

Keywords: children, history, humanitarianism, politics, translation

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Authors: Beth Vale

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Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

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Authors: Christine Alvarez, Rio Gojar, Hannah Jimala

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The Philippines is a large country composed of geographic islands and distinct cultural groups. But what makes such a diverse country connect and communicate with one another? This case study examines the narrative of lived experiences expressed by the selected indigenous peoples through an in-depth interview. Based on the results, some indigenous peoples feel that they are motivated to engage in interethnic discussions that concern their ethnic identity and such cultural misconceptions about them. Their experiences in being involved in indigenous people centered and community/academic organizations helped them in every interethnic communication. After all, some indigenous peoples expressed that they find their own communities as a safe space. Although indigenous peoples present less interethnic communication apprehension, its existence is still manifested in their experiences in verbal communication, non-verbal communication, and mediated communication. Lastly, their Interethnic Communication Apprehension manifested on their innate and learned personality whenever there is a large crowd, and is affected by their socioeconomic status. This study mainly focuses on what are the interethnic communication apprehension experiences of indigenous peoples in the country. Concepts are applied from the Contextual Theory of Interethnic Communication theory, Interethnic Communication Apprehension, and other types of communication. Meanwhile, the participants are determined through a purposive sampling with the criteria as indigenous people who stays in Manila in pursuit of higher education.

Keywords: ethnic identity, interethnic relation, intercultural communication, indigenous people community

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Authors: Gang Wang

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Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Nura Suleiman

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The democratic dispensation in Nigeria witnessed allot of changes since its beginning up to the 2015 election. The issues of zoning formula, rigging, money politics, god fatherism, and political thuggery among the youths became the centre stage from 1999-2014. But 2015 came with new tune that brings about a little shift from the traditional politics mentioned above, the political socialisation and knowledge penetrated into the sense of electorate where people suddenly change and look for the better option. The paper will examine the democratic change in relation to the 2015 General election which brings General MohammaduBuhari on the mantle of leadership of Nigeria. Many reasons were attributed to the sudden change of government in Nigeria, but the major ones are lack of good governance, corruption, insecurity, political parties’ merger to formed APCand change in INEC leadership. Others are weakness of the leadership and undemocratic nature of PDP government at different level in the country. The glamor for change became necessary because People become more informs about the manifestation of good hope and better Nigeria from the major opposition party (APC). During 2015 election the electorate voted the incumbent government out and replaced it with their choice.

Keywords: democracy, election, insecurity, good governance

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Authors: Rosyidah Muhamad

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This article seeks to access the democratic implication of new media in Malaysia through three important key points of deliberative democracy; information access, rational critical deliberation and mechanism of vertical accountability. The article suggests that the Internet is expanding political opportunity in which contributed to a more diverse discourse. It is depending on how users used it; for democratic or non-democratic outcome. The Internet has been a key instrument in exposing human rights abuse, corruption, organizing protests and mobilizing voters during election campaigns. It therefore pushes for transparency and accountability and thus increasing the rise of deliberative democracy in Malaysia. While there are some elements of an emerging deliberative politics, it is also clear that the Malaysian online political discourse is acting as moderate forms of discourse as the sphere increasingly exist in a chaotic and diversified online discourse. Yet, the online sphere still allows citizens to discuss public affairs. When the public opinion is strong enough, it can influence public policies to ensure that they reflect the public interest. It is suggesting an increased space of negotiation and contestation among the previously muzzled offline situation. This is a big step in the progress democracy in Malaysia.

Keywords: Keywords: New Media, democratization, deliberative democracy, Malaysian politics

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: Sanaa Riaz

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The free people, Amazigh (plural Imazighen), often known by the more popular exonym, Berber, are spread across several North African countries with the highest population in Morocco have been substantially misunderstood and differentially showcased by entities from western-school educated scholars to human, health and women’s rights organizations, to the State to the international community. This paper is an examination of the various conceptualization of the Imazighen. With the popularity of the Arab Spring movement to oust monarchical and dictatorial rulers across the Middle East and North Africa in Morocco, the Moroccan monarchy introduced various reform programs to win public favor. These included social, economic and educational reforms to incorporate marginalized groups such as the Imazighen. The monarchy has ushered Amazigh representation in public offices and landscape through Amazigh script, even though theirs has been an oral culture. After the Arab Spring, the Justice and Development party, an Islamist party took over in Morocco due to its accessibility to the masses, In Sept. 2021, unlike the case of Egypt and Tunisia where military and constitutional means were sought, Morocco successfully removed it from power through the ballot, resulting in a real victory for the neutral monarchy and its representation as a moderate, secular and liberal force for the nation. As a result, supporting the perpetuation of Amazigh linguistic identity also became synonymous to making a secular statement as a Muslim. It has led to the telling of Amazigh identity at state museums as one representing the indigenous, pure, diverse, culturally-rich and united Morocco. Reform efforts have also prioritized an amiable look towards the economic and familial links of Moroccan Jews with the few thousand families still left in the country and a showcasing through museums and cultural centers of the Jewish identity as Moroccan first. In that endeavor, it is interesting to note the coverage of Jews as the indigenous of Morocco through the embracing of their “folk” cultural and religious practices, those that are not continued outside Morocco. In this epistemology, the concept of the Moroccan Jew becomes similar to the indigenous Amazigh, both cherished as the oldest peoples of Morocco and symbols of its unity and resilience. In the urban discourse, Amazigh identity is a concept that continues to be part of the deliberations of elites and scholars graduating from French schools on the incorporation of rural and illiterate Morocco in economic and educational advancement. Yet, with the constant influx of migrants from Western Sahara into cities like Fez and Marrakesh, Amazigh has often been described as the umbrella term of those of “mixed” ethnic ancestry who constitute the country’s free population. In sum, Amazigh identity highlights the changing discourse on marginalized communities, human rights, representation, Moroccan nationhood, and regional and transnational politics. The aim of this paper is to analyze perceptions of Amazigh identity in Morocco post-2021 ousting of the Islamist party using data from state-sponsored museum displays and cultural centers collected in Summer 2022 and scholarly analyses of Amazigh identity, representation and rights in Morocco.

Keywords: Amazigh identity, Morocco, representation, state politics

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Authors: Amber Lim, Ted Ruffman

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A vast amount of research evidence indicates that children develop social attitudes that are similar to those of their parents. When using general measures of social attitudes, such as social dominance orientation (SDO), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and prejudice, studies show that parents' and children’s attitudes were correlated. However, the mechanisms behind the intergenerational transmission of attitudes remain largely unexplained. Since it was speculated that the origins of RWA could be traced back to one’s relationship with their parents, the aim of this study was to assess how parents’ social attitudes and parenting behavior are related to children’s social development. One line of research suggests that the different ways in which authoritarian and authoritative parents reason with their children may impact Theory of Mind (ToM) development. That is, inductive discipline (e.g., emphasising how the child’s actions affect others) facilitates empathy and ToM development. Conversely, past evidence shows that children have poorer ToM development when parents enforce rules without explanation. Thus, this study addresses the question of how parent behavior plays a role in the gradual acquisition of a ToM and social attitudes. Seventy parents reported their social attitudes, parenting behavior, and their child’s mental state and non-mental state vocabulary. Their children were given ToM and perspective-taking tasks, along with a friend choice task to measure racial bias and anti-fat bias. As hypothesised, parents’ use of inductive reasoning correlated with children’s performance on Theory of Mind tasks. Mothers’ inductive reasoning facilitated children’s acquisition of mental state vocabulary. Parents’ autonomy granting was associated with improved mental state vocabulary. Authoritarian parenting traits such as verbal hostility were linked to children’s racial bias. These findings highlight the importance of parent-child discussion in shaping children’s social understanding.

Keywords: parenting style, prejudice, social attitudes, social understanding, theory of mind

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Authors: C. Peeper McDonald

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Despite the multiracial population growing exponentially in the world and especially in the U.S., there continues to be a lack of culturally responsive research addressing the unique experiences and needs of this population, especially within counseling and counselor education settings. It is evident that their unique racial microaggressive experiences need to be better understood within the field of professional counseling to not only underscore competent training and practice but also culturally responsive training and practice. The participants of this study were 13 (n=13) individuals from the United States who identified as multiracial and said they had a microaggressive experience with either their counselor or counseling professor. Data were gathered through one-on-one, semi-structured interviews. The analysis employed phenomenological methods based on the transcendental approach, resulting in themes that encapsulated the core of the participants' experiences, including multiracial microaggressions that are derogatory and perpetuate privilege/oppression; counselors and their training programs should embody safety, support, attentiveness, inter-personal sensitivity, and awareness of the impact on others; microaggressions negatively affect the counseling relationship and outcomes; awareness surrounding the emotional impact of microaggressions; strength-based responses and future responses to microaggressions; and advocacy and suggestions for counselors and counselor educators. These themes are discussed in detail, and recommendations for researchers, counselor educators, and professional counselors to improve training and practice are provided. This U.S. study's insights into the Multiracial experience of microaggressions within the mental health profession can inform global mental health practices by highlighting the need for culturally responsive counseling that recognizes and addresses racial nuances. Such knowledge is transferable to international settings where multiracial populations may also encounter similar challenges, aiding in the development of global standards for culturally competent counseling practices.

Keywords: culturally responsive training and practice, mental health, microaggressions, multiracial

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Authors: Monica Dantas

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At what socio-economic costs can the food industry offer products at low prices? This research seeks to understand and to explore how we attribute competence and meaning, what enables the outcomes of agriculture and what institutions provides validation regarding food production. This study objective is to explain and interpret conditions of the present state of agriculture in Brazil centring on two distinct segments, agribusiness and family farming, as the Brazilian, rapidly changing political environment unfolds. The approach is grounded in multidisciplinary literature drawing from the politics of development, the sociology of food, the sustainability framework and the conceptual differences between agribusiness and family farming regarding the innate purpose of the two segments. In addition, a quantitative portion of the research includes secondary data analysis from statistical measurements, economic indicators, federal budget information, and census data to compare the two segments, conveying a general snapshot of the conditions investigated. The results raised questions about the perceived image of the success of agribusiness, against some contradicting economic checks and balances. Analyzing how public funds are invested in agriculture shed light on what can enable or undermine the development of food systems in Brazil. It also revealed how politics, ideology, and corporations might influence the Brazilian Federal. In the 2000-2018 observed timeline of annual federal spending on agriculture in Brazil, there is variation in the amount invested in family farming that seems to 'coincide' with the ideological direction of the federal government in power. It was also observed that significant changes in the institutional framework and financial support either promoted or purposely undermined family farming importance using public institutions to validate support for agribusiness.

Keywords: food politics, sustainability, family farming, food system, public budget

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Authors: Norhayati Ayob, Shamsu Mohamad

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This paper aims to provide an initial background of the process of making traditional ceramic pottery, focusing on the materials and the influence of culture heritage. Ceramic pottery is one of the hallmarks of Sabah’s heirloom, not only use as cooking and storage containers but also closely linked with folk cultures and heritage. The Bajau Laut ethnic community of Semporna or better known as the Sea Gypsies, mostly are boat dwellers and work as fishermen in the coast. This ethnic community is famous for their own artistic traditional heirloom, especially the traditional hand-made clay stove called Lapohan. It is found that in the daily life of Bajau Laut community, Lapohan (clay stove) is used to prepare the meal and as a food warmer while they are at the sea. Besides, Lapohan pottery conveys symbolic meaning of natural objects, which portrays the identity, and values of Bajau Laut community. It is acknowledged that the basic process of making potterywares was much the same for people all across the world, nevertheless, it is crucial to consider that different ethnic groups may have their own styles and choices of raw materials. Furthermore, it is still unknown why and how the Bajau Laut ethnic of Semporna get started making their own pottery and to survive until today by heavily depending on the raw materials available in Semporna. In addition, the emergent problem faced by the pottery maker in Sabah is the absence of young successor to continue the heirloom legacy. Therefore, this research aims to explore the traditional pottery making in Sabah, by investigating the background history of Lapohan pottery and to propose the classification of Lapohan based on design and motifs of traditional pottery that will be recognised throughout the study. It is postulated that different techniques and forms of making traditional pottery may produce different types of pottery in terms of surface decoration, shape, and size that portrays different cultures. This study will be conducted at Selakan Island, Semporna, which is the only location that still has Lapohan making. This study is also based on the chronological process of making pottery and taboos of the process of preparing the clay, forming, decoration technique, motif application and firing techniques. The relevant information for the study will be gathered from field study, including observation, in-depth interview and video recording. In-depth interviews will be conducted with several potters and the conversation and pottery making process will be recorded in order to understand the actual process of making Lapohan. The findings hope to provide several types of Lapohan based on different designs and cultures, for example, the one with flat-shape design or has round-shape on the top of clay stove will be labeled with suitable name based on their culture. In conclusion, it is hoped that this study will contribute to conservation for traditional pottery making in Sabah as well as to preserve their culture and heirloom for future generations.

Keywords: Bajau Laut, culture, Lapohan, traditional pottery

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