Search results for: system of rights

Authors: Klaudia Krogulec

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The concept and the meaning of safety is largely undermined in International and EU refugee law. While the Geneva Convention 1951 concentrates mainly on the principle of non-refoulment (no-return) and the idea of physical safety of refugees, countries continue to implement harmful readmission agreements that presume ‘safe countries’ for the hosting and return of the refugees. This research intends to use discourse analysis of the legal provisions and interviews with Syrian refugees, NGO workers, and refugee lawyers in Tukey to understand what ‘safety’ actually means and how law shapes the experiences of Syrians in Turkey (the country that hosts the largest population of Syrians and is a key partner of the EU-Turkey Agreement 2016). The preliminary findings reveal the competing meanings of safety (rights-based vs state interests approach). As the refugee policies continue to prioritize state interests/safety over human safety and human rights, it is extremely important to provide recommendations on how ‘safety’ should be defined in the refugee law in the future.

Keywords: human rights law, refugee law, human safety, EU-turkey agreement

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Authors: Chowdhury Dilruba Shoma

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Gender is about equal rights that both males and females having access to responsibilities and opportunities in decision making is a fundamental human right. It is also a precondition for, and a mark of, sustainable people-oriented development. In Bangladesh, women have fewer opportunities than men do to access credit from banks and financial institutions. Entrenched patriarchal attitudes, unequal inheritance rights, and male-dominated hierarchies in the financial system, plus high interest rates and a lack of security/collateral, make it harder for women to obtain bank loans. Limited access to institutional credit is a serious restraint on the productivity and income of women entrepreneurs, (and the wider economy). These gender-biased and structural barriers inhibit women’s access to fundamental economic rights. Using a liberal feminist theoretical lens, this study provides some useful insights into the relationship between gender inequality and entrepreneurship, leading to a better understanding of women’s entrepreneurship development in Bangladesh. Recently, the Bangladesh Government, the United Nations Capital Development Fund, and Bangladesh Bank opened up the Women Entrepreneur Support Fund (WESF) ‒ Credit Guarantee Scheme (CGS) pilot project to cover collateral shortfalls for women entrepreneurs in the small and medium enterprise sector. The aim is to improve gender equality and advance women’s rights in relation to receiving credit. This article examines the challenges and prospects of the WESF-CGS, and suggests that implementation of measures in WESF-CGS policymaking, coupled with a combination of legislatory and regulatory reforms that implement the fundamental tenets of liberal feminism, can lead to a comprehensive and effective credit policy to boost women’s agency and economic empowerment. This may ultimately lead to more sustainable development in Bangladesh.

Keywords: Bangladesh, credit guarantee scheme, liberal feminist theory, women entrepreneur support fund

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Authors: Wing Hang Shelley Leung

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With the rise of the recent social movement, namely #MeToo, it shows that a lot of women and children in fact suffered from sexual abuse and some even suffered from child abuse, including in Hong Kong. In view of the ongoing social movements, this paper argues that we have to look beyond their impacts and understand the roots of the problem: what if the underlying cause of the recent social movements was the inherited values that were rooted in us since we were young, or the public’s lack of confidence in the legal system when it comes to this type of personal matters? What if the movements reveal the problematic issue of the lack of protection plans, either in the private or public sphere? If the legal system is presumed to not be able to preemptively protect everyone or effectively punish all perpetrators, can other pillars provide supports to fill in the loopholes of the legal system? This paper takes a theoretical approach to look into current sexuality education, the legal system in Hong Kong and the adoption of Asian values in society to argue that difficulties that are being placed onto victims in disclosing sexual violence they had experienced. Reviews of the current system and recent sexual assaults court cases for case studies allow the research to address the issues of victims’ experience including (a) their reactions to incidents; (b) issues they have in trials; (c) psychological impacts of the incidents; and (d) their understandings of gender equality before and after incidents. The study is significant because it criticises the current legal system in Hong Kong and provides insights to the public by explaining the dynamics between the problem, the legal system and the society. Also, it contributes to the ongoing research about the psychological impacts to victims in Hong Kong, especially how they are placed in a disadvantaged position in the legal system and society and even for their recovery. It contributes to the findings of how family structures, parental responsibilities and gender studies influence a child’s perception of gender equality in Hong Kong and hence their immediate reactions to incidents. To fully address the needs of victims, especially our younger generation, as well as to prevent future harm and to raise awareness, an inclusive framework which recognizes the needs of protecting and safeguarding women and children in the private sphere and a proper education for gender equality are needed.

Keywords: child abuse, children's rights, domestic violence, gender equality, Hong Kong, Me too, sexual violence, women's rights

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Authors: Sandhra M. Pillai

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This article examines the relevance, difficulties, and potential applications of DNA analysis in the criminal justice system. A potent tool for connecting suspects to crime sites, clearing the innocent of wrongdoing, and resolving cold cases, DNA analysis has transformed forensic investigations. The scientific foundations of DNA analysis, including DNA extraction, sequencing, and statistical analysis, are covered in the article. To guarantee accurate and trustworthy findings, it also discusses the significance of quality assurance procedures, chain of custody, and DNA sample storage. DNA analysis has significantly advanced science, but it also brings up substantial moral and legal issues. To safeguard individual rights and uphold public confidence, privacy concerns, possible discrimination, and abuse of DNA information must be properly addressed. The paper also emphasises the effects of the criminal justice system on people and communities while highlighting the necessity of equity, openness, and fair access to DNA testing. The essay describes the obstacles and future directions for DNA analysis. It looks at cutting-edge technology like next-generation sequencing, which promises to make DNA analysis quicker and more affordable. To secure the appropriate and informed use of DNA evidence, it also emphasises the significance of multidisciplinary collaboration among scientists, law enforcement organisations, legal experts, and policymakers. In conclusion, DNA analysis has enormous potential for improving the course of criminal justice. We can exploit the potential of DNA technology while respecting the ideals of justice, fairness, and individual rights by navigating the ethical, legal, and societal issues and encouraging discussion and collaboration.

Keywords: DNA analysis, DNA evidence, reliability, validity, legal frame, admissibility, ethical considerations, impact, future direction, challenges

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Authors: Sachin Sharma

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Sexual consent is integral to every sexual relationship. It is a process to facilitate sexual autonomy and bodily integrity. It assures complete sexual personhood and allows an individual to explore her sexual expressions independently. But the said proposition is not true for people with psychosocial disabilities. Generally, they are considered seraphic or mephistophelic and denied access to sexual autonomy. This result in institutionalizing the sexuality of disabled persons, where the eugenics-ableist narrative defines assessment and access to consent. This way, sexuality and disability are distanced apart. It is primarily due to the stigmatized socio-cultural constructs of sexuality that define sex within a “standard” and “charmed” circle. Such stigmatized expression influences the law, as it considers people with psychosocial disabilities incapable of sexual consent. The approach of legal institutions is very narrow towards interpreting their sexual rights. It echoes the modernist-ableism and strangulates the sexual choices. This way, it reflects the repressive model of sex and denies space to people with psychosocial disabilities. Moreover, judicial courts follow old and conservative methods while dealing with sexual issues. For instance, courts still practice the “standardized” norm of intelligence quotient (IQ) for determining the credibility of persons with psychosocial disabilities. Further, there is still doubt about assistive communicative techniques. This paper will try to question the normative structure of sexual consent and related laws while specifically addressing the issues of sex as desire and abuse. Considering the commitment to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (herein referred to as UNCRPD) and common law experience, the paper will draw a comparative study on the legal position of sexual rights in India. The paper will also analyze the role of UNCRPD in addressing sexual rights. The author will examine the position of sexual rights of people with psychosocial disabilities after the drafting of UNCRPD and specific state laws. The paper primarily follows the doctrinal method.

Keywords: sexual autonomy, institutionalized choices, overregulated laws, violation of individuality

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Authors: Mehrnoosh Abouzari, Shahrokh Sahraei

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Arrival of artificial intelligence or smart robots in the modern world put them in charge on pericise and at risk. So acting human activities with robots makes criminal or civil responsibilities for their acts or behavior. The practical usage of smart robots has entered them in to a unique situation when naturalization happens and smart robots are identifies as members of society. There would be some legal situation by adopting these new smart citizens. The first situation is about legal responsibility of robots. Recognizing the naturalization of robot involves some basic right , so humans have the rights of employment, property, housing, using energy and other human rights may be employed for robots. So how would be the practice of these rights in the society and if some problems happens with these rights, how would the civil responsibility and punishment? May we consider them as population and count on the social programs? The second episode is about the criminal responsibility of robots in important activity instead of human that is the aim of inventing robots with handling works in AI technology , but the problem arises when some accidents are happened by robots who are in charge of important activities like army, surgery, transporting, judgement and so on. Moreover, recognizing independent identification for robots in the legal world by register ID cards, naturalization and civilian rights makes and prepare the same rights and obligations of human. So, the civil responsibility is not avoidable and if the robot commit a crime it would have criminal responsibility and have to be punished. The basic component of criminal responsibility may changes in so situation. For example, if designation for criminal responsibility bounds to human by sane, maturity, voluntariness, it would be for robots by being intelligent, good programming, not being hacked and so on. So it is irrational to punish robots by prisoning , execution and other human punishments for body. We may determine to make digital punishments like changing or repairing programs, exchanging some parts of its body or wreck it down completely. Finally the responsibility of the smart robot creators, programmers, the boss in chief, the organization who employed robot, the government which permitted to use robot in important bases and activities , will be analyzing and investigating in their article.

Keywords: robot, artificial intelligence, personality, responsibility

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Authors: Anil Kumar Kursenge

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In the State of united Andhra Pradesh, many Adivasi People live in areas rich in living and non-living resources, including forests that contain abundant biodiversity, water and minerals. Of united Andhra Pradesh 76.2m population, over five million are Adivasi population of forest landscape. They depend on forests for a substantial part of their livelihoods and close cultural affinity with forests. However, they are the most impoverished population of the State, and the high levels of poverty in Andhra Pradesh forest landscapes are largely an outcome of historically-rooted institutionalised marginalisation. As the State appropriated forests and forest land for itself, it deprived local people of their customary rights in the forest. The local realities of the forest rights deprivations are extremely complex, reflecting a century and a half of compounded processes. With growing population pressure and ever-increasing demands for natural and mineral resources, Adivasi Peoples' lands, which are often relatively rich in resources, become more and more attractive to 'developers.' The development projects and institutionalised marginalisation have been deprived Adivasi people's rights over natural resources has resulted in serious negative effects on Adivasi people and on their lands. Historically, the desire for development for such resources has resulted in the removal, decimation, or extermination of many tribal communities. These deprivations have led to highly conflictual relations between the State and the Adivasi people and forest areas in Andhra Pradesh. Today, the survival of the Adivasi Peoples requires recognition of their rights to the forest resources found in their lands and territories on which they depend for their economic, cultural, survival, spiritual and physical well-being. In this context, this paper attempts to discuss the issues of deprivation with regard to access to forest resources and development projects where many Adivasis in State uprooted from their homes and lands.

Keywords: tribal people, forest rights, livelihoods, deprivation, marginalisation, Andhra Pradesh

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Authors: Bagweneza Vedaste, Rugema Joselyne, Twagirayezu Innocent, Nikuze Bellancille, Nyirazigama Alice, Ishimwe Bazakare Marie Laetitia, Kaberuka Gerard, Mukeshimana Madeleine

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Background: Teen pregnancies have dramatically increased across the country in the past few years. Teen mothers usually face difficulties accessing the reproductive health (RH) services due to different reasons that include fear of getting discriminated or seen by other people. Some teen mothers do not also know their rights regarding the RH services, and they sometimes get discriminated. Little is known in Rwanda regarding how these teen mothers access the RH services compared to the general population, and views of teen mothers on their rights to access these services have not been clearly documented in the country. Specific Aims: To explore baseline information about SRH services among teen mothers; to explore factors that contribute to the use of SRH services among teen mothers; to identify strategies to increase awareness on SRHR (Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights) among teen mothers in targeted area; and to explore views of teen mothers on rights for SRH services. Research design/Methodology: The qualitative exploratory descriptive research will be used among the teen mothers in five selected health centers of Rwamagana district. The study will use the qualitative descriptive study design. Setting: The study will be conducted in five selected health centers of Rwamagana district, which has been chosen due to a higher number of adolescent pregnancies in Eastern Province according to the DHS 2019-2020. Participants: The participants in this study will be teenage mothers who conceived after turning 11 but have delivered before turning 19. As the upper age for teenage is 19 years, this means that the researchers anticipated that those conceiving at 19 years may deliver in their twenties, which was the upper age limit in this study. Data collection measures: A semi-structured interview guide will be used to gather information from the respondents in focus group discussions. Significance: The findings of this study will provide a picture regarding the access of teen mothers to SRHS and their rights to SRH services. They will increase their awareness regarding SRH services and rights. Finally, the findings may help to address barriers faced by teen mothers to reach, pay and utilize SRHS.

Keywords: sexual and reproductive health services, inclusiveness, qualitative study, adolescent mothers

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Authors: Fatemeh Noori

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The fashion industry is a dynamic and ever-evolving realm that continuously shapes societal perceptions of beauty and style. Within this industry, fashion modeling plays a crucial role, acting as the visual representation of brands and designers. However, behind the glamorous façade lies a complex web of legal considerations that govern the rights, responsibilities, and ethical practices within the field. This paper aims to explore the legal landscape surrounding fashion modeling, shedding light on key issues such as contract law, intellectual property, labor rights, and the increasing importance of ethical considerations in the industry. Fashion modeling involves the collaboration of various stakeholders, including models, designers, agencies, and photographers. To ensure a fair and transparent working environment, it is imperative to establish a comprehensive legal framework that addresses the rights and obligations of each party involved. One of the primary legal considerations in fashion modeling is the contractual relationship between models and agencies. Contracts define the terms of engagement, including payment, working conditions, and the scope of services. This section will delve into the essential elements of modeling contracts, the negotiation process, and the importance of clarity to avoid disputes. Models are not just individuals showcasing clothing; they are integral to the creation and dissemination of artistic and commercial content. Intellectual property rights, including image rights and the use of a model's likeness, are critical aspects of the legal landscape. This section will explore the protection of models' image rights, the use of their likeness in advertising, and the potential for unauthorized use. Models, like any other professionals, are entitled to fair and ethical treatment. This section will address issues such as working conditions, hours, and the responsibility of agencies and designers to prioritize the well-being of models. Additionally, it will explore the global movement toward inclusivity, diversity, and the promotion of positive body image within the industry. The fashion industry has faced scrutiny for perpetuating harmful standards of beauty and fostering a culture of exploitation. This section will discuss the ethical responsibilities of all stakeholders, including the promotion of diversity, the prevention of exploitation, and the role of models as influencers for positive change. In conclusion, the legal considerations in fashion modeling are multifaceted, requiring a comprehensive approach to protect the rights of models and ensure ethical practices within the industry. By understanding and addressing these legal aspects, the fashion industry can create a more transparent, fair, and inclusive environment for all stakeholders involved in the art of modeling.

Keywords: fashion modeling contracts, image rights in modeling, labor rights for models, ethical practices in fashion, diversity and inclusivity in modeling

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Authors: Muhammad Tanziel Aziezi

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In Indonesia, pre-trial (in Indonesia called ‘praperadilan’) is a mechanism that is regulated on Criminal Procedure Code as a form of oversight and check and balance on the process at the stage of inquiry, investigation, and prosecution, so that actions taken by the State (in this case, the police and prosecutor) is carried out in accordance with its authority and not violate human rights. Article 77 of the Criminal Procedure Code has been set that the object may be filed pretrial is just about the lawfulness of the arrest, the lawfulness of the detention, and the legitimacy of stopping investigation and prosecution. However, since the beginning of 2015, there was a further object which is then entered as a pre-trial object, namely the lawfulness of the determination of a criminal suspect. This is because the determination of the suspect is considered as one of the forceful measures that could restrict the rights of a person, so the implementation should have oversight and checks and balances by the courts. This paper will discuss the development of the pre-trial on the lawfulness of the determination of a criminal suspect as a new judicial mechanism as the protection of human rights in Indonesia.

Keywords: criminal procedure law, pre-trial, lawfulness of determination of a criminal suspect, check and balance by the court

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Authors: Dorota Habrat

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In Polish law, the idea of the introduction of corporate responsibility for crimes is becoming more popular and creates a lot of questions. The need to introduce into the Polish legal system liability of corporate (collective entities) has resulted, among others, from the Polish Republic's international commitments, in particular related to membership in the European Union. The Act of 28 October 2002 on the liability of collective entities for acts prohibited under penalty is one of the example of adaptation of Polish law to Community law. Introduction to Polish law a criminal nature liability of corporations (legal persons) has resulted in a lot of controversy and lack of acceptance from both the scientific community as well as the judiciary. The responsibility of collective entities under the Act has a criminal nature. The main question concerns the ability of the collective entity to be brought to guilt under criminal law sense. Polish criminal law knows only the responsibility of individual persons. So far, guilt as a personal feature of action, based on the ability of the offender to feel in his psyche, could be considered only in relation to the individual person, while the said Act destroyed this conviction. Guilt of collective entity must be proven under at least one of the three possible forms: the guilt in the selection or supervision and so called organizational guilt. The next question is how the principle of proportionality in relation to criminal measures in response of collective entities should be considered. It should be remembered that the legal subjectivity of collective entities, including their rights and freedoms, is an emanation of the rights and freedoms of individual persons which create collective entities and through these entities implement their rights and freedoms. The adopted Act largely reflects the international legal regulations but also contains the unknown and original legislative solutions.

Keywords: criminal corporate responsibility, Polish criminal law, legislative solutions, Act of 28 October 2002

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Authors: Stellina Jolly

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July 18th to August 19th 2013 has gone down in the history of India for undertaking the country’s first environment referendum. The Supreme Court had ruled that the Vedanta Group's bauxite mining project in the Niyamgiri Hills of Orissa will have to get clearance from the gram sabha, which will consider the cultural and religious rights of the tribals and forest dwellers living in Rayagada and Kalahandi districts. In the Niyamgiri hills, people of small tribal hamlets were asked to voice their opinion on bauxite mining in their habitat. The ministry has reiterated its stand that mining cannot be allowed on the Niyamgiri hills because it will affect the rights of the Dongria Kondhs. The tribal person who occupies the Niyamgiri Hills in Eastern India accomplished their first success in 2010 in their struggle to protect and preserve their existence, culture and land against Vedanta a London-based mining giant. In August, 2010 Government of India revoked permission for Vedanta Resources to mine bauxite from hills in Orissa State where the Dongria Kondh live as forest dwellers. This came after various protests and reports including amnesty report wherein it highlighted that an alumina refinery in eastern India operated by a subsidiary of mining company. Vedanta was accused of causing air and water pollution that threatens the health of local people and their access to water. The abuse of human rights by corporate is not a new issue it has occurred in Africa, Asia and other parts of the world. Paper focuses on the instances and extent of human right especially in terms of environment violations by corporations. Further Paper details on corporations and sustainable development. Paper finally comes up with certain recommendation including call for a declaration by United Nations on Corporate environment Human Rights Liability.

Keywords: environment, corporate, human rights, sustainable development

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Authors: Maelle Noir

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International Human rights norms prescribe the obligation to protect refugee women against violence which requires, inter alia, state provision of justiciable, accessible, affordable and non-discriminatory access to justice. However, the interpretation and application of the law still lack gender sensitivity, intersectionality and a trauma-informed approach. Consequently, many refugee survivors face important structural obstacles preventing access to justice and often experience secondary traumatisation when navigating the legal system. This paper argues that the unique nature of the experiences of refugees with gender-based violence against women exacerbated throughout the migration journey calls for a tailored practice of the law to ensure adequate access to justice. The argument developed here is that the obligation to provide survivors with justiciable, accessible, affordable and non-discriminatory access to justice implies radically transforming the practice of the law altogether. This paper, therefore, proposes feminist lawyering as an alternative approach to the practice of the law when addressing gender-based violence against women refugees. First, this paper discusses the specific nature of gender-based violence against refugees with a particular focus on two aspects of the power-violence nexus: the analysis of the shift in gender roles and expectations following displacement as one of the causes of gender-based violence against women refugees and the argument that the asylum situation itself constitutes a form of state-sponsored and institutional violence. Second, the re-traumatising and re-victimising nature of the legal system is explored with the objective to demonstrate States’ failure to comply with their legal obligation to provide refugee women with effective access to justice. Third, this paper discusses some key practical strategies that have been proposed and implemented to transform the practice of the law when dealing with gender-based violence outside of the refugee context. Lastly, this analysis is applied to the specificities of the experiences of refugee survivors of gender-based violence.

Keywords: feminist lawyering, feminist legal theory, gender-based violence, human rights law, intersectionality, refugee protection

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Authors: Tashwill Esterhuizen

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Throughout Africa, several countries continue to have laws which criminalise same-sex sexual activities, which increases the vulnerability of the LGBT community to stigma, discrimination, and persecution. These criminal provisions often form the basis upon which states deny LGBT activists the right to freely associate with other like-minded individuals and form organizations that protect their interests and advocate for the rights and aspirations of the LGBT community. Over the past year, however, there has been significant progress in the advancement of universal, fundamental rights of LGBT persons throughout Africa. In many instances, these advancements came about through the bravery of activists who have publically insisted (in environments where same-sex sexual practices are criminalised) that their rights should be respected. Where meaningful engagement with the State was fruitless, activists took their plight to the judiciary and have successfully sought to uphold the fundamental rights of LGBT persons, paving the way for a more inclusive and tolerant society. Litigation Progress: Botswana is a prime example. For several years, the State denied a group of LGBT activists their right to freely associate and form their organisation Lesbians, Gays, and Bisexuals of Botswana (LEGABIBO), which aimed to promote the interests of the LGBT community in Botswana. In March 2016, the Botswana Court of Appeal found that the government’s refusal to register LEGABIBO violated the activists’ right to associate freely. The Court held that the right freedom of association applies to all persons regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity. It does not matter that the views of the organisation are unpopular or unacceptable amongst the majority. In particular, the Court rejected the government of Botswana’s contention that registering LEGABIBO would disturb public peace and is contrary to public morality. Quite remarkably, the Court of Appeal recognised that while LGBT individuals are a minority group within the country, they are nonetheless persons entitled to constitutional protections of their dignity, regardless of whether they are unacceptable to others on religious or any other grounds. Furthermore, the Court held that human rights and fundamental freedoms are granted to all, including criminals or social outcasts because the denial of an individual’s humanity is the denial of their human dignity. This is crucial observation by the Court of Appeal, as once it is accepted that human rights apply to all human beings, then it becomes much easier for vulnerable groups to assert their own rights. Conclusion: The Botswana Court of Appeal decision, therefore, represents significant progress in the promotion of the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons. The judgment has broader implications for many other countries which do not provide recognition of sexual minorities. It highlights the State’s duty to uphold basic rights and to ensure dignity, tolerance, and acceptance for marginalised persons.

Keywords: acceptance, freedom of association, freedom of expression, fundamental rights and freedoms, gender identity, human rights are universal, inclusive, inherent human dignity, progress, sexual orientation, tolerance

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Authors: Aileen Editha

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The legal recognition of property rights over human genes is a divisive topic to which there is no resolution. As a frequently discussed topic, scholars and practitioners often highlight the inadequacies of a proprietary regime. However, little has been said in regard to the nature of human genetic materials (HGMs). This paper proposes approaching the issue of property over HGMs from an alternative perspective that looks at the personal and social value and valuation of HGMs. This paper will highlight how the unique and unresolved status of HGMs is incompatible with the main tenets of property and, consequently, contributes to legal ambiguity and uncertainty in the regulation of property rights over human genes. HGMs are perceived as part of nature and a free-for-all while also being within an individual’s private sphere. Additionally, it is also considered to occupy a unique “not-private-nor-public” status. This limbo-like position clashes with property’s fundamental characteristic that relies heavily on a clear public/private dichotomy. Moreover, as property is intrinsically linked to the legal recognition of one’s personhood, this irresolution benefits some while disadvantages others. In particular, it demands the publicization of once-private genes for the “common good” but subsequently encourages privatization (through labor) of these now-public genes. This results in the gain of some (already privileged) individuals while enabling the disenfranchisement of members of minority groups, such as Indigenous communities. This paper will discuss real and intellectual property rights over human genes, such as the right to income or patent rights, in Canada and the US. This paper advocates for a sui generis approach to governing rights and interests over human genes that would not rely on having a strict public/private dichotomy. Not only would this improve legal certainty and clarity, but it would also alleviate—or, at the very least, minimize—the role that the current law plays in further entrenching existing systemic inequalities. Despite the specificity of this topic, this paper argues that there are broader lessons to be learned. This issue is an insightful case study on the interconnection of various principles in law, society, and property, and what must be done when discordance between one or more of those principles has detrimental societal outcomes. Ultimately, it must be remembered that property is an adaptable and malleable instrument that can be developed to ensure it contributes to equity and flourishing.

Keywords: property rights, human genetic materials, critical legal scholarship, systemic inequalities

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Authors: Nsubuga Bright Titus

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The resource curse is an unavoidable phenomenon among oil producing states in Africa. There is no oil production currently in Uganda although exploration projections set 2020 as the year of initial production. But as the exploration proceeds and Production Sharing Agreements (PSA) are negotiated, so does the anticipation for oil revenues. The Indigenous people of Bunyoro are claiming the right to their indigenous lands through the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) of the African Union. They urge the commission to investigate the government of Uganda on violations of their human rights. In this paper, oil as a resource curse is examined through the Dutch disease. Regional and global entanglements, as well as the contestation between the indigenous Bunyoro group and the oil industry in Uganda is explored. The paper also demonstrates that oil as a local possibility and national reality has propelled anxiety about oil revenues among various, local actors, State actors, regional and global actors.

Keywords: Entanglements, Extractive resources, Framing, web of relations

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Authors: Avitus A. Agbor

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Numerous incidents, ranging from trivial to catastrophic, do come to mind when one reflects on hate. The victims of these belong to specific identifiable groups within communities. These experiences evoke discussions on Islamophobia, xenophobia, homophobia, anti-Semitism, racism, ethnic hatred, atheism, and other brutal forms of bigotry. Common to all these is an invisible but portent force that drives all of them: hatred. Such hatred is usually fueled by a profound degree of intolerance (to diversity) and the zeal to impose on others their beliefs and practices which they consider to be the conventional norm. More importantly, the perpetuation of these hateful acts is the unfortunate outcome of an overplay of invectives and hate speech which, to a greater extent, cannot be divorced from hate. From a legal perspective, acknowledging the existence of an undeniable link between hate speech and hate is quite easy. However, both within and without legal scholarship, the notion of “hate speech” remains a conundrum: a phrase that is quite easily explained through experiences than propounding a watertight definition that captures the entire essence and nature of what it is. The problem is further compounded by a few factors: first, within the international human rights framework, the notion of hate speech is not used. In limiting the right to freedom of expression, the ICCPR simply excludes specific kinds of speeches (but does not refer to them as hate speech). Regional human rights instruments are not so different, except for the subsequent developments that took place in the European Union in which the notion has been carefully delineated, and now a much clearer picture of what constitutes hate speech is provided. The legal architecture in domestic legal systems clearly shows differences in approaches and regulation: making it more difficult. In short, what may be hate speech in one legal system may very well be acceptable legal speech in another legal system. Lastly, the cornucopia of academic voices on the issue of hate speech exude the divergence thereon. Yet, in the absence of a well-formulated and universally acceptable definition, it is important to consider how hate speech can be defined. Taking an evidence-based approach, this research looks into the issue of defining hate speech in legal scholarship and how and why such a formulation is of critical importance in the prohibition and prosecution of hate speech.

Keywords: hate speech, international human rights law, international criminal law, freedom of expression

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Authors: Leone Sherman

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While the democratic rights of a citizen may be very clearly outlined in a country’s constitution, it’s not uncommon for political elite to undermine those rights and gain more power and control over a country than it is allowed by this constitution. Moreover, while such a change in some smaller states may not have a substantial impact on the international community, the same change in countries with vast resources and political influence, such as Russia, is always a considerable factor for the world policy. This article aims to research the weaknesses of the Russian democratic system and their effect on the international policy through the three key aspects: The Russian people’s ability to produce the required political will to control their government’s decisions, the current development of the Russian political environment, and the affection of this environment on the world community as a whole during the recent years. The used methodology is a narrative analysis of recent political events, official statistics, international investigations and media statements. As a result, the ever-widening gap between the people and the government becomes evidently seen, as well as the challenges it imposes on the political world arena, both current and those that still lie ahead of us.

Keywords: Russia, political analysis, democratic weaknesses, international society

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Authors: Prateek Bhattacharya

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The definition of 'control' in India is a rapidly evolving concept, owing to varying rights attached to varying securities. Shares with differential voting rights (DVRs) provide the holder with differential rights as to voting, as compared to ordinary equity shareholders of the company. Such DVRs can amount to both superior voting rights and inferior voting rights, where DVRs with superior voting rights amount to providing the holder with golden shares in the company. While DVRs are not a novel concept in India having been recognized since 2000, they were placed on a back burner by the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) in 2010 after issuance of DVRs with superior voting rights was restricted. In June 2019, the SEBI rekindled the ebbing fire of DVRs, keeping mind the fast-paced nature of the global economy, the government's faith that India’s ‘new age technology companies’ (i.e., Start-Ups) will lead the charge in achieving its goal of India becoming a $5 trillion dollar economy by 2024, and recognizing that the promoters of such Start-Ups seek to raise capital without losing control over their companies. DVRs with superior voting rights guarantee promoters with up to 74% shareholding in Start-Ups for a period of 5 years, meaning that the holder of such DVRs can exercise sole control and material influence over the company for that period. This manner of control has the potential of causing both pro-competitive and anti-competitive effects in the markets where these companies operate. On the one hand, DVRs will allow Start-Up promoters/founders to retain control of their companies and protect its business interests from foreign elements such as private/public investors – in a scenario where such investors have multiple investments in firms engaged in associated lines of business (whether on a horizontal or vertical level) and would seek to influence these firms to enter into potential anti-competitive arrangements with one another, DVRs will enable the promoters to thwart such scenarios. On the other hand, promoters/founders who themselves have multiple investments in Start-Ups, which are in associated lines of business run the risk of influencing these associated Start-Ups to engage in potentially anti-competitive arrangements in the name of profit maximisation. This paper shall be divided into three parts: Part I shall deal with the concept of ‘control’, as deliberated upon and decided by the SEBI and the Competition Commission of India (CCI) under both company/securities law and competition law; Part II shall review this definition of ‘control’ through the lens of DVRs, and Part III shall discuss the aforementioned potential pro-competitive and anti-competitive effects caused by the DVRs by examining the current Indian Start-Up scenario. The paper shall conclude by providing suggestions for the CCI to incorporate a clearer and more progressive concept of ‘control’.

Keywords: competition law, competitive effects, control, differential voting rights, DVRs, investor shareholding, merger control, start-ups

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: Leigha C. Crout

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This paper will investigate the categorical disregard of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in establishing and maintaining a baseline standard of civil guarantees for economic migrant women and their dependents. In light of the relative forward strides in terms of policy facilitating the ascension of female workers in China, this oft-invisible subgroup of women remains neglected from the modern-day “iron rice bowl” of the self-identified communist state. This study is being undertaken to rectify the absence of data on this subject and provide a baseline for future studies on the matter, as the human rights of migrants has become an established facet of transnational dialogue and debate. The basic methodology of this research will consist of the evaluation of China’s compliance with its own national guidelines, and the eight international human rights law treaties it has ratified. Data will be extracted and cross-checked from a number of relevant sources to monitor the extent of compliance, including but by no means limited to the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) Universal Periodic Review (UPR) reports and responses, submissions and responses of international human rights treaty bodies, local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and their annual reports, and articles and commentaries authored by specialists on the modern state and implementation of Chinese law. Together, these data will illuminate the vast network of compliance that has forced many migrant women to work within situations of extreme economic precarity. The structure will proceed as follows: first, an outline of the current status of migrant workers and the enforcement of stipulated protections will be provided; next, the analysis of the oft-debated regulations directing and the outline of mandatory services guaranteed to external and internal migrants; and finally, a conclusion incorporating various recommendations to improve transparency and gradually decrease the amount of migrant work turned forced labor that typifies the economic migrant experience, especially in the case of women. The internal and international migrant workers in China are bound by different and uncomplimentary systems. The first, which governs Chinese citizens moving to different regions or provinces to find more sustainable employment (internal migrants), is called the hukou (or huji) residency system. This law enforces strict regulation of the movement of peoples, while ensuring that residents of urban areas receive preferential benefits to those received by their so-called “agricultural” resident counterparts. Given the overwhelming presence of the Communist Party of China throughout the vast state, the management of internal migrants and the disregard for foreign domestic workers is, at minimum, a surprising oversight. This paper endeavors to provide a much-needed foundation for future commentary and discussion on the treatment of female migrant workers and their families in the People’s Republic of China.

Keywords: female migrant worker’s rights, the People’s Republic of China, forced labor, Hukou residency system

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Authors: Libia Jiménez Chávez

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This is a study of freedom riders and their courageous journey for civil rights, but the year was not 1961. It was 2003. This paper chronicles the emergence of a new civil rights movement for immigrant rights through an oral history of the 2003 U.S. Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride (IWFR). During the height of the post-9/11 immigrant repression, a bloc of organizations inspired by the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s mobilized 900 multinational immigrants and their allies in the fight for legal status, labor protections, family reunification, and civil rights. The activists visited over 100 U.S. cities, met with Congressional leaders in the nation’s capital, and led a rally of over 50,000 people in New York City. This unified effort set the groundwork for the national May Day immigration protests of 2006. Movements can be characterized in two distinct ways: physical movement and social movements. In the past, historians have considered immigrants both as people and as participants in social movements. In contrast, studies of recent migrants tend to say little about their involvement in immigrant political mobilizations. The dominant literature on immigration portrays immigrants as objects of exclusion, border enforcement, detention, and deportation instead of strategic political actors. This paper aims to change this perception. It considers the Freedom Riders both as immigrants who were literally on the move and as participants in a social movement. Through interviews with participants and archival video footage housed at the University of California Los Angeles, it is possible to study this mobile protest as a movement. This contemporary immigrant struggle is an opportunity to explore the makeup and development of a heterogenous immigrant coalition and consider the relationship between population movements and social justice. In addition to oral histories and archival research, the study will utilize social movement literature, U.S. immigration and labor history, and Undocumented Critical Theory to expand the historiography of immigrant social movements in America.

Keywords: civil rights, immigrant social movements, undocumented communities, undocumented critical theory

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Authors: Feisal Khudher Mahmood, Abdul Samad Rahman Sultan

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Iraq had been a diverse society with races, cultures and religions that peacefully coexistence. The phenomenon of internal displacement occurred after April 2003, because of political instability as will as the deterioration of the political and security situation as a result of United States of America occupation. Biggest internal displacement have occurred (and keep happening) since 10th of June 2014 due to rise of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and it’s occupation of one third of country territories. This crisis effected directly 3,275,000 people and reflected negatively on the social fabric of Iraq community and led to waves of sectorial violence that swept the country. Internal displaced communities are vulnerable, especially under non functional and weak government, that led to lose of essential human rights and dignity. Using Geographic Information System (GIS) and Geospatial Techniques, two types of internal displacement have been found; voluntary and forced. Both types of displacement are highly influenced by location, race and religion. The main challenge for Iraqi government and NGOs will be after defeating ISIS. Helping the displaced to resettle within their community and to re-establish the coexistence. By spatial-statical analysis hot spots of future conflicts among displaced community have been highlighted. This will help the government to tackle future conflicts before they occur. Also, it will be the base for social conflict early warning system.

Keywords: internal displacement, Iraq, ISIS, human security, human rights, GIS, spatial-statical analysis

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Authors: Aklima Jesmin, Ubaidur Rob, M. Ashrafur Rahman

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Rohingya population of Arakan state in Myanmar are one the most persecuted ethnic minorities in this 21st century. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), all human beings are born free, equal in dignity and rights. However, these populations are systematically excluded from this universal proclamation of human rights as they are Rohingya, which signify ‘other’. Based on the accessible and available literatures about Rohingya issue, this study firstly found there are chronological pattern of human rights violations against the ethnic Rohingya which follows the pathology of the Holocaust in this 21st century of human civilization. These violations have been possible due to modern technology, bureaucracy which has been performed through authorization, routinization and dehumanization; not only in formal institutions but in the society as a whole. This kind of apparently never-ending situation poses any author with the problem of available many scientific articles. The most important sources are, therefore the international daily newspapers, social media and official webpage of the non-state actors for nitty-gritty day to day update. Although it challenges the validity and objectivity of the information, but to address the critical ongoing human rights violations against Rohingya population can become a base for further work on this issue. One of the aspects of this paper is to accommodate all the social movements since August 2017 to date. The findings of this paper is that even though it seemed only human rights violations occurred against Rohingya historically but, simultaneously the process of social movements had also started, can be traced more after the military campaign in 2017. Therefore, the Rohingya crisis can be conceptualized within one ‘campaign’ movement for justice, not as episodic events, especially within the Political Process Model than any other social movement theories. This model identifies that the role of international political movements as well as the role of non-state actors are more powerful than any other episodes of violence conducted against Rohinyga in reframing issue, blaming and shaming to Myanmar government and creating the strategic opportunities for social changes. The lack of empowerment of the affected Rohingya population has been found as the loop to utilize this strategic opportunity. Their lack of empowerment can also affect their capacity to reframe their rights and to manage the campaign for their justice. Therefore, this should be placed at the heart of the international policy agenda within the broader socio-political movement for the justice of Rohingya population. Without ensuring human rights of Rohingya population, achieving the promise of the united nation’s sustainable development goals - no one would be excluded – will be impossible.

Keywords: civilization, holocaust, human rights violation, military campaign, political process model, Rohingya population, sustainable development goal, social justice, social movement, strategic opportunity

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Authors: Rezki Omar

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Openness cosmic shares dramatically in the order of something quite a bit of neglected priorities within the community at the level of thought and consciousness, and these priorities provider of legal and human rights awareness after a long delay in the process of awareness of human rights, there is no doubt that the long and arduous road. As is obvious to any observer public affairs as well as the specialist and the observer that there is growth and development in the scene and the legal movement is unprecedented, many when dealing with many of the details sought and tries as much as possible to know what is the natural rights, and duties that must comply with legally in no charge with the issue of what is going on, any attempt of weakness and lack of self-reliance and obstacles level during the search show him by virtue of the difficulty of the availability of legal information in some cases on a particular issue, whether or not the image is complete, legally insufficient. Law relationship to society basically a close relationship, there is no law society, a society is impossible without both at the level of domestic relations or international law: «There is a close link between law and society. The law remains influenced by the society in which it grew, as well as the law affects the society, which is governed by, the relationship between the community and law affected and the impact of relationship ». The law of the most important objectives of protecting members of society, and its role is based on the distribution of rights and duties in a fair way, and protect the public interest of the citizen’s basis. The word community when some sociologists are limited to the group that gathered, including cultural unity Cultural Group distinguish between society and the last. In the recent period issued a set of regulations in the various branches of law, which is different from the class and important one hand, and here is important study of the interaction between law and society, and how to make the laws effective in the community? The opposite is true as well. The law as a social phenomenon is impossible to understand and analyzed without taking into account the extent of their impact and vulnerability within the community and accepted. Must evoke the basis that it was developed to address the problems faced by citizens. The over-age and amplify the sanctions are a contradiction of that fundamental reform of the basic objectives of the offender more than anything else Calantqam and revenge, and if the process is not human mistakes. Michel Foucault believes that «tighten laws and regulations against criminals will not reduce the crime rate in the community, so you must activate the system of moral values of society after more deterrent, and the threat of scandal on a social level.» Besson and refers to the legislators, saying the law: «The only way to reduce the crime rate to strengthen the ethical system of the society, especially in the social Amnhoha sanctity of conscience, then you will not be forced to issue harsh sentences against criminals».In summary, it is necessary to combine the enactment of laws and activate the system of moral values and educational values on the ground, and to understand the causes of social problems at the root of all for the equation is complete, and that the law was drafted to serve the citizens and not to harm him.

Keywords: legislators, distinguish, awareness, insufficient

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Authors: Francis Jegede

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This paper examines essential issues relating to the rise and nature of violent extremism involving non-state actors and groups in the early 21^st century. The global trends in terrorism and violent extremism are examined in relation to Western governments’ counter terror operations. The paper analyses the existing legal framework for fighting violent extremism and terrorism and highlights the inherent limitations of the current International Law of War in dealing with the growing challenges posed by terrorists and violent extremist groups. The paper discusses how terrorist groups use civilians, women and children as tools and weapon of war to fuel their campaign of terror and suggests ways in which the international community could deal with the challenge of fighting terrorist groups without putting civilians, women and children in harm way. The paper emphasises the need to uphold human rights values and respect for the law of war in our response to global terrorism. The paper poses the question as to whether the current legal framework for dealing with terrorist groups is sufficient without contravening the essential provisions and ethos of the International Law of War and Human Rights. While the paper explains how terrorist groups flagrantly disregard the rule of law and disrespect human rights in their campaign of terror, it also notes instances in which the current Western strategy in fighting terrorism may be viewed or considered as conflicting with human rights and international law.

Keywords: terrorism, law of war, international law, violent extremism

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Authors: S. Zev Kalifon

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The question of polygamy for Moslem minorities in Western nations has often been raised in the political and social discourse. Can polygamy be tolerated as a religious or human right in the West. For example, before the 2015 election in Israel, changes were made in the electoral system, which encouraged three small Arab parties to merge into one list. This “Unity List” included the socially liberal Communist list and a socially conservative Islamist list. Two members of the Islamist list were polygamists. Some rival politicians called for the election board to disqualify these men (and even the whole list) from the election process. This request was denied by the courts, and the men were elected to the parliament. Their subsequent seating in the parliament was questioned by many on both the liberal and conservative sides of the political spectrum. Some political commentators went so far as to describe polygamy as a “mark of disgrace” (a term usually reserved for people convicted on corruption charges). There are also problems in other areas of society; these include the rights of these families for welfare and social services (public policy issues) and residence in Israel. Using qualitative methods (primarily historical and archival data), this paper will analyze at the historic and cultural processes which created the intense opposition to polygamy in Judaism (for Israel) and Christianity (for the Western world). It will look at the debate over the "religious right" of polygamy for Moslem citizens in Israel and other Western cultures. Finally, it will examine the political, cultural, and demographic pressures which encourage polygamy in these minorities. This paper will demonstrate that the debate over polygamy is more than a question of religious freedom or human rights or multi-culturalism. It is a central symbol of modernity and the Western worldview.

Keywords: human rights, Judaism, multi-culturalism, polygamy, western values

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Authors: Deike Janssen

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In the scenery of the Tyrolean mountains, at an altitude of 1300 meters, stands a building. Residents and activists call it a prison. However, it is not a prison -according to authorities, it is a 'Return Counseling Facility' where migrants and refugees should be "motivated" to return "voluntary" to their countries of origin. This paper argues that the geographical location of the camp functions as a site of exclusion, isolation, and coercion where no one can decide “voluntary” to return, but where people are brought to despair to leave Austria. Through a qualitative case study, this paper documents the heavy impact of offshore detention on the mental, physical and social state of the residents and a variety of human rights problems in the centre. Different developments at the Return Counselling Facility and the law that back up the centre uncover a worrying dynamic that deliberately accepts human rights problems in order to enforce borders, a policy that disregards humanitarian, legal, and ethical stands in order to deport people at all hazards. It, therefore, can be seen as a creative and ultimate exercise of state power, which uses isolated locations to control migration. While the analysis revises the micro and macro implications of the facility and, therefore, the legal and political facets, it also sheds light on the role of the civil society, which tries to increase through constant and collective efforts the human rights efforts of the government.

Keywords: deportation, human rights, migration, refugee detention, voluntary return

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Authors: Mirjana Dokmanovic

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The paper will introduce main findings of the research of the responses of the Central European and South Eastern European (CEE/SEE) countries to the global economic and financial crisis in 2008 from human rights and gender perspectives. The research methodology included desk research and qualitative analysis of the available data, studies, statistics, and reports produced by the governments, the UN agencies, international financial institutions (IFIs) and international network of civil society organizations. The main conclusion of the study is that the governments in the region missed to assess the impacts of their anti-crisis policies both ex ante and ex post from the standpoint of human rights and gender equality. Majority of the countries have focused their efforts solely on prompting up the banking and financial sectors, and construction business sectors. The tremendous debt which the states have accumulated for the rescue of banks and industries lead to further cuts in social expenses and reduction of public services. Decreasing state support to health care and social protection and declining family incomes made social services unaffordable for many families. Thus, the economic and financial crisis stirred up the care crisis that was absorbed by women’s intensifying unpaid work within a family and household to manage household survival strategy. On the other hand, increased burden of the care work weakened the position of women in the labour market and their opportunities to find a job. The study indicates that the artificial separation of the real economy and the sphere of social reproduction still persist. This has created additional burden of unpaid work of women within a family. The aim of this paper is to introduce the lessons learnt for future: (a) human rights may not be derogated in the times of crisis; (b) the obligation of states to mitigate negative impacts of economic policies to population, particularly to vulnerable groups, must be prioritized; (c) IFIs and business sector must be liable as duty bearers with respect to human rights commitments.

Keywords: CEE/SEE region, global financial and economic crisis, international financial institutions, human rights commitments, principle of non-derogability of human rights

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Authors: Esther Gumboh

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The police play a critical role in society and are an integral aspect of the rule of law. Equally, respect for human rights is an integral part of professional policing. In view of the vast powers that the police enjoy and the attendant risk of abuse and resulting human rights violations, the need for police accountability and civilian police oversight is internationally and regionally recognised. Policing oversight springs from the duty to investigate human rights violations. Those implicated in perpetrating or covering up violations must be disciplined or prosecuted to ensure effective accountability. Police accountability is particularly important in Malawi given the dark history of policing in the country during the 30-year dictatorial era under President Kamuzu Banda. Described as one of the most repressive regimes in Africa, the Banda administration was characterised by gross state-sponsored violence, repressive policing and human rights violations. Indeed, the police were involved in various forms of human rights abuse including arbitrary arrests and unlawful detentions, torture, and excessive use of force in conducting arrests and public order policing. This situation flourished within a culture of police impunity bolstered in part by the absence of clear oversight mechanisms for police accountability. In turn, there was immense public mistrust of the police. Unsurprisingly, the criminal justice system was one of the priority areas for reform when Malawi adopted its first democratic Constitution in 1994. Section 153 of the Constitution envisions a police service that is, for all intents and purposes, there to provide for the protection of public safety and the rights of persons in Malawi according to the prescriptions of the Constitution and any other law. This position reflects the view that the duty to protect and promote human rights is not incompatible with effective policing. Despite this, the police continue to engage in questionable behaviour in public order policing, excessive use of force, deaths in police custody, ill-treatment, torture and other forms of abuse including sexual abuse. Perpetrators of abuses are occasionally punished, but investigations are often delayed, abandoned, or remain inconclusive. Police accountability remains largely elusive. Commendably, the law does subject the police to significant oversight both internally and externally. However, until 2010, Malawi lacked a wholly independent civilian oversight mechanism specifically mandated to monitor the activities of the Malawi Police Service and held it accountable. This void has since been filled by the Independent Complaints Commission established under the Police Act. This is a positive development that reiterates Malawi’s commitment to the investigation of human rights violations by the police and to ending police impunity. This contribution examines the legal framework for this Commission to project the effectiveness of the Commission. While the framework looks promising on various fronts, there are potential challenges that lie ahead. Malawi must pre-emptively deal with these challenges carefully if the Commission is to have any practical significance in transforming police accountability in the country. Drawing on lessons from other jurisdictions like South Africa, the paper makes recommendations for legislative reform to strengthen the Commission’s framework.

Keywords: civilian policing oversight, Malawi, police, police accountability, policing, policing oversight

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