Search results for: terrorism and counterterrorism

Authors: AbdulHameed Badmas Yusuf

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Islamophobia is unfounded fear of Islam and, more accurately, of his adherents. This phenomenon has found a fertile terrain in Nigeria given her status as a multireligious society where Muslims and Christians co-exist. Over the years, Islamophobia has taken constitutional, diplomatic, educational, financial, and political dimensions in the country. Any move by Muslims to adhere to their religious dictates, within the constitutional framework, is misconstrued by Christians - their religious counterparts- as a systematic way of Islamizing the country. Against this backdrop, this paper casts a look at Islamophobia from the five dimensions mentioned above. It shall identify possible causes of Islamophobia and proffer solutions accordingly. Available resources as well as events in the recent past reveal that Islamophobia is not unconnected with orientalism and terrorism, which are informed by prejudice and ignorance respectively. As such, the paper suggests adequate knowledge and tolerance as inevitable tools to curtail the menace of Islamophobia. This will go a long way in enhancing mutual tolerance and peaceful co-existence among the adherents of Christianity, Islam, and other religions in Nigeria. Both historical and analytical methods are used in this paper.

Keywords: islamophobia, islam, Nigeria, orientalism, terrorism

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Authors: Nopadol Burananuth

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The purposes of this research paper were to study the relationship between the economic factor and political factor, the relationship between political and economic factor and social factor, and the effects of economic factor, political factor, and social factor to the people’s perception about ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). A total of 400 samples were selected from four sub-districts from Arunyaprathet District, Srakaow Province. Data analysis method included multiple regression analysis. The findings revealed that political factor depended on trade cooperation, transportation cooperation, and communication cooperation. Social factor was depended on disaster protection, terrorism protection, and international relations. In addition, the people’s perception of the AEC depended on disaster perception, terrorism protection, international relations, transportation cooperation, communication cooperation, interdependence, and labor movement.

Keywords: economic factors, perception, political factors, social factors

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Authors: Jennifer Wright

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The recent rise of powerful terrorist groups such as ISIS and Al-Qaeda brings up concerns about nuclear terrorism as well as a focus on nuclear security, specifically the physical security of nuclear weapons and fissile material storage sites in countries where powerful nonstate actors are present. Particularly because these non-state actors, who lack their own sovereign territory, cannot be ‘deterred’ in the traditional sense. In light of the current threat environment, it’s necessary to now rethink these strategies in the 21st century – a multipolar world with the presence of powerful non-state actors. As a country in the spotlight for its low ranking on the Nuclear Threat Initiative’s (NTI) Nuclear Security Index, Pakistan is a relevant example to explore the question of whether the presence of non-state actors poses a real risk to nuclear security today. It’s necessary to take a look at their nuclear security policies to determine if they’re robust enough to deal with political instability and violence in the country. After carrying out interviews with experts in May 2017 in Islamabad on nuclear security and nuclear terrorism, this paper aims to highlight findings by providing a Pakistan-centric view on the subject and give experts there a chance to counter criticism. Western media would have us fearful of nuclear security mechanisms in Pakistan after reports that areas such as cybersecurity and accounting and control of materials are weak, as well as sensitive nuclear material being transported in unmarked, unguarded vehicles. Also reported are cases where terrorist groups carried out targeted attacks against Pakistani military bases or secure sites where nuclear material is stored. One specific question asked of each interviewee in Islamabad was Do you feel the threat of nuclear terrorism calls into question the reliance on deterrence? Their responses will be elaborated on in the longer paper, but overall they demonstrate views that deterrence still serves a purpose for state-to-state security strategy, but not for a state in countering nonstate threats. If nuclear security is lax enough for these non-state actors to get their hands on either an intact nuclear weapon or enough military-grade fissile material to build a nuclear weapon, then what would stop them from launching a nuclear attack? As deterrence is a state-centric strategy, it doesn’t work to deter non-state actors from carrying out an attack on another state, as they lack their own territory, and as such, are not fearful of a reprisal attack. Deterrence will need to be addressed, and its relevance analyzed to determine its utility in the current security environment. The aim of this research is to demonstrate the real risk of nuclear terrorism by pointing to weaknesses in global nuclear security, particularly in Pakistan. The research also aims to provoke thought on the weaknesses of deterrence as a whole. Original thinking is needed as we attempt to adequately respond to the 21st century’s current threat environment.

Keywords: deterrence, non-proliferation, nuclear security, nuclear terrorism

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Authors: Saima Nazir, Mustansar Ali Ghazanfar, Sanay Muhammad Umar Saeed, Muhammad Awais Azam, Saad Ali Alahmari

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Terrorism is an important and challenging concern. The entire world is threatened by only few sophisticated terrorist groups and especially in Gulf Region and Pakistan, it has become extremely destructive phenomena in recent years. Predicting the pattern of attack type, attack group and target type is an intricate task. This study offers new insight on terrorist group’s attack type and its chosen target. This research paper proposes a framework for prediction of terrorist attacks using the historical data and making an association between terrorist group, their attack type and target. Analysis shows that the number of attacks per year will keep on increasing, and Al-Harmayan in Saudi Arabia, Al-Qai’da in Gulf Region and Tehreek-e-Taliban in Pakistan will remain responsible for many future terrorist attacks. Top main targets of each group will be private citizen & property, police, government and military sector under constant circumstances.

Keywords: data mining, counter terrorism, machine learning, SVM

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Authors: Yin Cheung Lam

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In 1949, the ratification of the Geneva Conventions heralded the international community’s adoption of a new universal and non-discriminatory approach to human rights in situations of conflict. However, with the proliferation of international terrorism after the 9/11 attacks on the United States (U.S.), the international community’s uneven and contradictory implementations of international humanitarian law (IHL) questioned its agenda of universal human rights. Specifically, the derogation from IHL has never been so pronounced in the U.S. led ‘War on Terror’. While an extensive literature has ‘assessed the impact’ of the implementation of the Geneva Conventions, limited attention has been paid to interrogating the ways in which the Geneva Conventions and its resulting implementation have functioned to discursively reproduce certain understandings of human rights between states and non-state actors. Through a discursive analysis of the Geneva Conventions and the conceptualization of human rights in relation to terrorism, this thesis problematises the way in which the U.S. has understood and reproduced understandings of human rights. Using the U.S. ‘War on Terror’ as an example, it seeks to extend previous analyses of the U.S.’ practice of IHL through a qualitative discursive analysis of the human rights content that appears in the Geneva Conventions in addition to the speeches and policy documents on the ‘War on Terror’.

Keywords: discursive analysis, human rights, non-state actors, war on terror

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Authors: Nancy Michail, Niloufer Selvadurai, Doron Goldbarsht

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This study analyses the development of a central bank digital currency (CBDC) in Australia and the framework being developed to ensure that national security and privacy considerations are appropriately addressed. Through the use of doctrinal methodology, the research closely and critically examines current legislation and regulation on privacy federal laws and the need to comply with anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing laws (AML/CTF). It is argued that the introduction of CBDCs may lead to potential tension between the application of AML/CTF laws and the upholding of individuals’ fundamental and legislated rights to privacy; therefore, it emphasises the need for clear delineation of ambits and support between different laws and regulations to ensure they operate within their intended purposes and suggests that the calibration of potential tensions between AML/CTF and privacy laws may be achieved through the innovative application of the proportionality principle.

Keywords: anti-money laundering and counter terrorism financing, central bank digital currency, privacy, proportionality principle

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Authors: Daniel Alati

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Recent high-profile terrorist events in Canada, the United Kingdom and Europe – the London Bridge attacks, the terrorist attacks in Nice, France and Barcelona, Spain, the 2014 Ottawa Parliament attacks and the 2017 attacks in Edmonton – have all raised levels of public and academic concern with so-called “lone-wolf” and “radicalized” terrorism. Similarly, several countries outside of the “Western” world have been dealing with radicalization to violent extremism for several years. Many South East Asian countries, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines have all had experience with what might be described as ISIS or extremist-inspired acts of terrorism. Indeed, it appears the greatest strength of groups such as ISIS has been their ability to spread a global message of violent extremism that has led to radicalization in markedly different jurisdictions throughout the world. These markedly different jurisdictions have responded with counter-radicalization strategies that warrant further comparative analysis. This paper utilizes an inter-disciplinary legal methodology. In doing so, it compares legal, political, cultural and historical aspects of the counter-radicalization strategies employed by Canada, the United Kingdom and several South East Asian countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines). Whilst acknowledging significant legal and political differences between these jurisdictions, the paper engages in these analyses with an eye towards understanding which best practices might be shared between the jurisdictions. In doing so, it presents valuable findings of a comparative nature that are useful to both academic and practitioner audiences in several jurisdictions.

Keywords: Canada, United Kingdom and South East Asia, comparative law and politics, radicalization to violent extremism, terrorism

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Authors: Aimite Jorge, Leenekela Usebiu

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In recent years the International Community has seen a rise of what can be termed as ‘actio popularis”;that is to say lawsuits brought by third parties in the interest of the public or the world community as a whole, such as in cases of genocide and terrorism prosecutions under international law. It is equally clear that under current globalized world the effect of multinational activities on the environment is often felt beyond the borders of the territories where they operate. Equally true is the fact that the correspondence of citizens self-determination with national government is increasingly upset by the increasing willingness of states to share some ‘sovereign powers’ in order to address new economic, environmental and security interdependencies. The ‘unbundling’ of functional governance from fixed territories sees continuously citizens give up their formal approval of key decisions in exchange for a more remote, indirect say in supra-national or international decision-making bodies. The efforts to address a growing transnational flow of ecological harm are at the forefront of such indirect transformations, as evidenced by a proliferation of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) over the past three decades. However, unlike the defence of the global commons in cases of terrorism and genocide, there is still to be a clear application of action popularis in the case of environment, despite acknowledgement that the effect of the activities of several multinationals on the environment is as destructive to the global commons as genocide or terrorism are. Thus, this paper looking at specific cases of harmful degradation of the environment by certain multinationals transcending national boundaries, argues that it is high-time for a serious consideration of the application of the actio-popularis to environmental concerns. Although it is acknowledged that in international environmental law the challenge to reach a “critical mass” of recognition and support for an ‘actio-popularis’ for environment damage is particularly demanding, it is worth the try.

Keywords: actio popularis in environment law, global commons, transnational environmental damage, law and environment

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Authors: Inmaculada Yuste Martinez

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Since July 5, 2014, Abubaker al Bagdadi, leader of the Islamic State since 2010 climbed the pulpit of the Great Mosque of Al Nuri of Mosul and proclaimed the Caliphate, the number of fighters who have travelled to Syria to join the Caliphate has increased as never before. Although it is true that the phenomenon of foreign fighters is not a new phenomenon, as it occurred after the Spanish Civil War, Republicans from Ireland and the conflict of the Balkans among others, it is highly relevant the fact that in this case, it has reached figures unknown in Europe until now. The approval of the resolution 2178 (2014) of the Security Council, foreign terrorist fighters placed the subject a priority position on the International agenda. The available data allow us to affirm that women have increasingly assumed operative functions in jihadist terrorism and in the activities linked to it in the development of attacks in the European Union, including minors and young adults. In the case of Spain, one in four of the detainees in 2016 were women, a significant increase compared to 2015. This contrasts with the fact that until 2014 no woman had been prosecuted in Spain for terrorist activities of a jihadist nature. It is fundamental when we talk about the prevention of radicalization and counterterrorism that we do not underestimate the potential threat to the security of countries like Spain that women from the West can assume to the global jihadist movement. This work aims to deepen the radicalization processes of these women and their profiles influencing the female inmate population. It also wants to focus on the importance of creating de-radicalization programs for these inmates since women are a crucial element in radicalization processes. A special focus it is made on young radicalized female inmate population as this target group is the most recoverable and on which it would result more fruitful to intervene. De-radicalization programs must also be designed to fit their profiles and circumstances; a sensitive environment will be prisons and juvenile centers, areas that until now had been unrelated to this problem and which are already hosting the first convicted in judicial offices in Spanish territory. A qualitative research and an empirical and analytical method has been implemented in this work, focused on the cases that took place in Spain of young women and the imaginary that the Islamic State uses for the processes of radicalization for this target group and how it does not fit with their real role in the Jihad, as opposed to other movements in which women do have a real and active role in the armed conflict as YPJ do it as a part of the armed wing of the Democratic Union Party of Syria.

Keywords: caliphate, de-radicalization, foreign fighter, gender perspective, ISIS, jihadism, recruitment

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Authors: Edwin Dankano

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Evident by incessant and sporadic attacks on Nigerians poise a serious threat to the unity of Nigeria, and secondly, the single biggest security nightmare to confront Nigeria since after amalgamation of the Southern and Northern protectorates by the British colonialist in 1914 is “Boko Haram” a terrorist organization also known as “Jama’atul Ahli Sunnah Lidda’wati wal Jihad”, or “people committed to the propagation of the Prophet’s teachings and jihad”. The sect also upholds an ideology translated as “Western Education is forbidden”, or rejection of Western civilization and institutions. By some estimates, more than 5,500 people were killed in Boko Haram attacks in 2014, and Boko Haram attacks have already claimed hundreds of lives and territories {caliphates}in early 2015. In total, the group may have killed more than 10,000 people since its emergence in the early 2000s. More than 1 million Nigerians have been displaced internally by the violence, and Nigerian refugee figures in neighboring countries continue to rise. This paper is predicated on secondary sources of data and anchored on the Huntington’s theory of clash of civilization. As such, the paper argued that the rise of Boko Haram with its violent disposition against Western values is a counter response to Western civilization that is fast eclipsing other civilizations. The paper posits that the Boko Haram insurrection going by its teachings, and destruction of churches is a validation of the propagation of the sect as a religious revolt which has resulted in dire humanitarian situation in Adamawa, Borno, Yobe, Bauchi, and Gombe states all in north eastern Nigeria as evident in human casualties, human right abuses, population displacement, refugee debacle, livelihood crisis, and public insecurity. The paper submits that the Nigerian state should muster the needed political will in terms of a viable anti-terrorism measures and build strong legitimate institutions that can adequately curb the menace of corruption that has engulfed the military hierarchy, respond proactively to the challenge of terrorism in Nigeria and should embrace a strategic paradigm shift from anti-terrorism to counter-terrorism as a strategy for containing the crisis that today threatens the secular status of Nigeria.

Keywords: Boko Haram, civilization, fundamentalism, Islam, religion revolt, terror

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Authors: Uzoma Igboji

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Cybercrimes involves crimes committed on the internet using the computer as a tool or targeted victim. In Nigeria today, there are many varieties of crimes that are committed on the internet daily, some are directed to the computers while the others are directed to the computer users. Cyber terrorism, identity theft, internet chat room, piracy and hacking are identified as types of cyber crimes. Usually, these crimes are perpetrated in forms of like sending of fraudulent and bogus financial proposals from cyber crimes to innocent internet users. The increasing rates of cyber crimes have become strong threats to the society, organizations and country’s reputation, E-commerce growth, denial of innocent Nigerian opportunity abroad and reduced productivity. This study identified some of the causes of cybercrimes to include urbanization, high rate of unemployment, corruption, easy accessibility to internet and weak implementation of cyber crimes in Nigeria. Therefore, internet users should inculcate the habit of continuously updating their knowledge about the ever changing ICTs through this, they can be well informed about the current trends in cybercrimes and how the cybercrimes carryout their dubious activities. Thus, how they can devise means of protecting their information from cyber criminals. Internet users should be security conscious at all times .Recommendations were proposed on how these crimes can be minimized if not completely eradicated.

Keywords: cyber-crimes, cyber-terrorism, cyber-criminals, Nigeria

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Authors: Jimoh Yusuf Amuda

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Human security is a great panacea for sustainable development of world societies. Today the whole globe cum human species is living in nightmares of insecurity. This is due to acts of terrorism by various terrorists’ organization worldwide. The situation is on the increase daily. The number of lives and properties lost to religious insurgency cannot be quantifiably analyzed. It is on this note that this paper examine the book haram menace in northern Nigerian vis-à-vis it’s threat to the existence of human lives. The methodology applied for this research is the multi-disciplinary approach, the use journal articles, news papers, magazines, oral interview. Field trips to areas of terrorist attack and the use of text books. The following recommendations were made base on the findings. First of all the Nigerian government should declare total war on the book haram terrorist, then secondly the source of armament coming to this terrorist should be blocked, thirdly the European world should also place an arms embargo on terrorist source arms demands, also security agencies-police, the military, immigration, customs, state security service should work hand-in-hand, in a security tight measures to reduce the penetration of insurgent into the society.

Keywords: human, insecurity, security, terrorism

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Authors: Grace Onubedo

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The primary objective of this research study is to contribute to and deepen the understanding of the realities and conditions for which children recruited by violent extremist organisations in Nigeria live, as well as ascertain the state of their mental health following their reunification with either family or protection workers. The research is intended to contribute to a more focused child protection programming agenda for children associated with armed forces and groups in Nigeria and the wider conflict setting. The extent to which violence has affected the psychological well-being and mental health of children abducted and exposed to activities of Violent Extremist groups remains a largely empirical question. This research attempts to answer the following research questions with the aim of providing further evidences for informed programming: I. What are the demographic characteristics of children associated with armed groups? II. What is the state of their mental health? III. What is the relationship between their background and their mental health?

Keywords: counterterrorism, psychosocial support, psychological distress, children, armed groups

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Authors: Hakam Junus, Natassha Chrysanti

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The international relations theory currently is dominated by the western theoretical perspectives. Although the western theories are often used by many scholars as the universal perspective to explain the phenomena that occur in the world, sometimes the existing theories are failed to explain various issues that occur in the non-western world, for example, in the studies concerning on terrorism issues. Using inappropriate theories to explain the international issues such as terrorism will cause a failure in the decision-making process. The lack of understanding regarding Islamic perspective could be one of the factors that make international society unable to eradicate violent terrorism in the name of religion. Thus, this paper is argued that considering Islamic perspective as one of the major studies in international relations is significant to build a bridge between the Islamic world and the western world. It is believed that enhancing the study of Islamic perspective will create better understanding of the Islamic world and will enrich the study of international relations. This paper is conducted through a qualitative approach, in which data is obtained from the literature analysis. Considering Islamic perspective is important because Islam is listed as one of the major religions in the world. It is also due to the geopolitical spread of the Muslim in the world and the likelihood of the Islamic perspective to shape and influence Muslim’s behavior in the international level. The study of Islamic perspective in the international level is neither to contempt nor to oppose the existing western theories; rather it is needed in order to broaden the perspective in the international relations studies. The Islamic perspective is different compared to the non-western school of thought such as realism, and liberalism in some respects. The Islamic perspective cannot be explained through the lens of rationalist approaches. Compares to the post-positivism international relations perspectives, Islamic perspective is probably closer to the constructivist school of thought. However, the Islamic perspective offers some uniqueness that is not limited to the socially constructed ideas as in the constructivist arguments. This paper will be developed according to the discussion of three aspects that make Islamic perspective different with the existing international relations theories. The first aspect is the main actors in the international level. The second aspect is regarding on what appears to be the most important point for the actors in the international relations. The third aspect is regarding the pattern of relationship between the actors in the international level. In addition, this paper will briefly discuss the perspective of Islam in economics compare to the existing theories in the realm of international political economy.

Keywords: international relations, Islam, non-western theories, societies

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Authors: Abdulrahman S. Alqahtani

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The revolution of computing and networks could revolutionise terrorism in the same way that it has brought about changes in other aspects of life. The modern technological era has faced countries with a new set of security challenges. There are many states and potential adversaries who have the potential and capacity in cyberspace, which makes them able to carry out cyber-attacks in the future. Some of them are currently conducting surveillance, gathering and analysis of technical information, and mapping of networks and nodes and infrastructure of opponents, which may be exploited in future conflicts. This poster presents the results of the quantitative study (survey) to test the validity of the proposed theoretical framework for the cyber terrorist threats. This theoretical framework will help to in-depth understand these new digital terrorist threats. It may also be a practical guide for managers and technicians in critical infrastructure, to understand and assess the threats they face. It might also be the foundation for building a national strategy to counter cyberterrorism. In the beginning, it provides basic information about the data. To purify the data, reliability and exploratory factor analysis, as well as confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) were performed. Then, Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) was utilised to test the final model of the theory and to assess the overall goodness-of-fit between the proposed model and the collected data set.

Keywords: cyberterrorism, critical infrastructure, , national security, theoretical framework, terrorism

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Authors: Katalin Kovacs

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In most forms of violence the perpetrators intend to hide their identities. Terrorism is different. Terrorist groups often take responsibility for their attacks, and consequently they reveal their identities. This unique characteristic of terrorism has been largely overlooked, and scholars are still puzzled as to why terrorist groups claim responsibility for their attacks. Certainly, the claim of responsibility is worth analysing. It would help to have a clearer picture of what terrorist groups try to achieve and how, but also to develop an understanding of the strategic planning of terrorist attacks and the message the terrorists intend to deliver. The research aims to answer the question why terrorist groups choose to claim responsibility for some of their attacks and not for others. In order to do so the claim of responsibility is considered to be a tactical choice, based on the assumption that terrorists weigh the costs and benefits of claiming responsibility. The main argument is that terrorist groups do not claim responsibility in cases when there is no tactical advantage gained from claiming responsibility. The idea that the claim of responsibility has tactical value offers the opportunity to test these assertions using a large scale empirical analysis. The claim of responsibility as a tactical choice depends on other tactical choices, such as the choice of target, the internationality of the attack, the number of victims and whether the group occupies territory or operates as an underground group. The structure of the terrorist groups and the level of decision making also affects the claim of responsibility. Terrorists on the lower level are less disciplined than the leaders. This means that the terrorists on lower levels pay less attention to the strategic objectives and engage easier in indiscriminate violence, and consequently they would less like to claim responsibility. Therefore, the research argues that terrorists, who are on a highest level of decision making would claim responsibility for the attacks as those are who takes into account the strategic objectives. As most studies on terrorism fail to provide definitions; therefore the researches are fragmented and incomparable. Separate, isolated researches do not support comprehensive thinking. It is also very important to note that there are only a few researches using quantitative methods. The aim of the research is to develop a new and comprehensive overview of the claim of responsibility based on strong quantitative evidence. By using well-established definitions and operationalisation the current research focuses on a broad range of attributes that can have tactical values in order to determine circumstances when terrorists are more likely to claim responsibility.

Keywords: claim of responsibility, leadership, tactical choice, terrorist group

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Authors: Emmanuel Mugiraneza

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Rwanda uses defence diplomacy to pursue international collective security through different mechanisms. This paper shows that with an intent of promoting international collective security, Rwanda has constituted its defense diplomacy policy in three standpoints. First, Rwanda has formed strategic cooperation alliances with state actors, regional and international Organizations that enables her to participate in and promote international collective peace, security and cooperation. Secondary, Rwanda uses defence diplomacy to foster cooperation in to pre-empt, minimize and neutralize potential triggers that would lead to the outbreak of international conflict. Thirdly, Rwanda implements defence diplomacy policy strategy through internationally recognized operational and tactical standards while dispelling hostilities, assisting the friendly nation’s forces and or building and maintaining public confidence and trust in the areas where Rwanda Defence Force deploys for peacekeeping missions in Sudan, South Sudan, Central African Republic and Mozambique for a counterterrorism mission.

Keywords: defence diplomacy, collective security, Rwanda, Peacekeeping

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Authors: Abdul Razzaq Azad, Muhammad Asad Razzaq

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The current study reveals that Muslim society losing their basics concepts of courtesy which are the part of Islam. It is known that Muslims played a key role for providing piece in society throughout the history. Humanities always accept the changes through time, ideologies, ethics and traditions, various religious changes, culture, social behaviors and social problems, attitudes, political situations, literature, historical stress, economic clashes, wars and daily routine’s life. It also observed that religious people have their mind set due to their different religious teachings. All the religions have their different religious teachings which have different approaches for their followers. All the religions have same lesson of peace and prosperity. After 09/11 the entire scenario changed, even tried to connect terrorism and extremism with Islam and Muslims. It created a gap among religions and there was not attempt to use for reducing that gap. There were many meetings called at different places of religious scholars in different countries, but not able to get acceptable results. It also created a gap within the country in different religious sects. In the last 15 years there were14000 people have been killed from different religious incidents and even in different sects’ activities. The current study based on survey from 25 Imams and 10 Khatibs from South Punjab. The results show that they knew the word interfaith harmony and the role of Imams and Khatibs for peace in the inter-religious societies.

Keywords: Islam, peace religion, terrorism, extremism, freedom, peace, prosperity and society

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Authors: Khrukulu Khusoh

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The strategies and tactics used by governments throughout the world to counter terrorism and insurgency over the past few decades include the declaration of states of siege or martial law, enactment of anti-terrorist legislation and strengthening of judicial powers. Some of these measures taken have been more successful than the other, but some have proved counterproductive, alienating the public from the authorities and further polarizing an already fractured political environment. Such cases of alienation and polarization can be seen in the northeastern states of India. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act which was introduced to curb insurgency in the remote jungles of the far-flung areas has remained a telling tale of agony in the north east India. Grievous trauma to humans through encounter killings, custodial deaths, unwarranted torture, exploitation of women and children in several ways have been reported in Nagaland, Manipur and other northeastern states where the Indian army has been exercising powers under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. While terrorism and the insurgency are destructive of human rights, counter-terrorism does not necessarily restore and safeguard human rights. This special law has not proven effective particularly in dealing with terrorism and insurgency. The insurgency has persisted in the state of Nagaland even after sixty years notwithstanding the presence of a good number of special laws. There is a need to fight elements that threaten the security of a nation, but the methods chosen should be measured, otherwise the fight is lost. There has been no review on the effectiveness or failure of the act to realize its intended purpose. Nor was there any attempt on the part of the state to critically look at the violation of rights of innocent citizens by the state agencies. The Indian state keeps enacting laws, but none of these could be effectively applied as there was the absence of clarity of purpose. Therefore, every new law which has been enacted time and again to deal with security threats failed to bring any solution for the last six decades. The Indian state resorts to measures which are actually not giving anything in terms of strategic benefits but are short-term victories that might result in long-term tragedies. Therefore, right thinking citizens and human rights activists across the country feel that introduction of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act was as much violation of human rights and its continuation is undesirable. What worried everyone is the arbitrary use, or rather misuse of power by the Indian armed forces particularly against the weaker sections of the society, including women. After having being subjected to indiscriminate abuse of that law, people of the north-east India have been demanding its revocation for a long time. The present paper attempts to critically examine the violation of human rights under Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. It also attempts to bring out the impact of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act on the Naga people.

Keywords: armed forces, insurgency, special laws, violence

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Authors: Olumide A. Fafore, Khondlo Mtshali

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The beginning of the 21st century saw the emergence of new and global threats to national and transnational security in West Africa and the Asia Pacific regions as a result of the spread of jihadist terrorism across borders, a manifestation of the rise of radical Islam. Extremist and armed Islamic movements influenced by Salafism, the Jihad in Afghanistan and the Muslim Brotherhood are prevalent in Northern Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon, Mali, Chad, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and India. Carrying out attacks across borders, including assassinations, murders, armed robberies, and kidnapping, assisted by open and porous borders and large flow of illegal immigrants across borders. This paper examines the effect of Radical Islam on Transnational security through a review of past literature and the social and security consequences on the people of the regions. Our findings indicate that the activities of armed Islamic movements such as Boko Haram, Ansaru and Al-Qaeda are having a negative impact on the economy, development, and security of the states and people of West Africa and the Asia Pacific. It stresses the importance of regional, transnational and international cooperation, as these threats to national and transnational security can no longer be solved in a national or regional framework.

Keywords: Islamic movements, jihadist terrorism, radical Islam, transnational security

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Authors: Myriam Benraad

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On 5 July 2016, just days before the bloody terrorist attack on the Promenade des Anglais in Nice, the Al-Hayat media centre, one of the official propaganda branches of the Islamic State, broadcast a French nasheed which paid tribute to the Paris and Brussels attacks of November 2015 and March 2016. Entitled 'My Revenge', the terrorist anthem was of rare vehemence. It mentioned, sequentially, 'huddled bodies', in a reference to the civilian casualties of Western air strikes in the Iraqi-Syrian zone, 'explosive belts', 'sharp knives', 'large-calibre weapons' as well as 'localised targets'. France was accused of bearing the responsibility for the wave of attacks on its territory since the Charlie Hebdo massacre of January 2015 due to its 'ruthless war' against the Muslim world. Evoking an 'old aggression' and the 'crimes and spoliations' of which France has made itself guilty, the jihadist hymn depicted the rebirth of the caliphate as 'laudable revenge'. The notion of revenge has always been central to contemporary jihadism, understood both as a revolutionary ideology and a global militant movement. In recent years, the attacks carried out in Europe and elsewhere in the world have, for most, been claimed in its name. Whoever says jihad, says drama, yet few studies, if any, have looked at its dramatic and emotional elements, most notably its tragic vengefulness. This seems all the more astonishing that jihad is filled with drama; it could even be seen as a drama in its own right. The jihadists perform a script and take on roles inspired by their respective group’s culture (norms, values, beliefs, and symbols). The militants stage and perform such a script for a designated audience, either partisan, sympathising or hostile towards them and their cause. This research paper will examine the dramaturgy of jihadism and in particular, the genre that best characterises its violence: revenge tragedy. Theoretically, the research will rely on the tools of social movement theory and the sociology of emotions. Methodologically, it will draw from dramaturgical analysis and a combination of qualitative and quantitative tools to attain valuable observations of a number of developments, trends, and patterns. The choice has been made to focus mainly – however not exclusively – on the attacks which have taken place since 2001 in the European Union and more specific member states that have been significantly hit by jihadist terrorism. The research looks at a number of representative longitudinal samples identifying continuities and discontinuities, similarities, but also substantial differences. The preliminary findings tend to establish the relevance and validity of this approach in helping make better sense of sensitisation, mobilisation, and survival dynamics within jihadist groups, and motivations among individuals who have embraced violence. Besides, they illustrate their pertinence for counterterrorism policymakers and practitioners. Through drama, jihadist groups ensure the unceasing regeneration of their militant cause as well as their legitimation among their partisans. Without drama, and without the spectacular ideological staging of reality, they would not be able to maintain their attraction potential and power of persuasion.

Keywords: Jihadism, dramaturgy, revenge, tragedy

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Authors: Salieg L. Munestri

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War on Terror became a principal war after the 9/11 attacks on U.S. homeland. Instead of helping to build up worldwide efforts to condemn terror and suicide bombings, the U.S.-led war on terror has given opportunities for the vast spread of terror. In much of Muslim world recently, the Bush’s Doctrine pushing all nations to choose sides in a war that is not truly a war has resulted worse effects. In the world’s most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, more terror occurred since then. Instead of reinforcing the well-trained anti-terror military forces, Indonesian government established US-funded Special Detachment 88 to guarantee the accomplishment of war on terror in Indonesia and significantly to bring impact on regional security atmosphere. Indonesia is a potential power in Asia but it lacked off sophisticated military equipments. Consequently, Indonesia agrees to become a U.S. mutual partner in combating terrorism managed by Defense Security Cooperation Agency. The formation of elite anti-terror forces and U.S. partnerships perform Indonesia’s commitment to take a position beside the U.S. in coping with terrorism issue. However, this undeniably brings consequences on Indonesian political athmosphere, which encourages the writer to dig deep the consequences on the domestic environment of Indonesian political system. The establishment of the elite forces has aroused fluctuations within government, chiefly Indonesian House, concerning the establishment urgency, the large amount of funding, and the unpleasant performances, particularly the treatment toward suspected terrorists. Hence, evaluation process upon the Detachment 88 is highly demanding.

Keywords: anti-terror forces, Indonesia, political system, war on terror

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Authors: Andrew D. Henshaw

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The research examines the influence of familial and kinship based leadership on the resilience of politically violent organizations. Organizations of this type frequently fight in the same conflicts though are called 'terrorist' or 'insurgent' depending on political foci of the time, and thus different approaches are used to combat them. The research considers them correlated phenomena with significant overlap and identifies strengths and vulnerabilities in resilience processes. The research employs paired case studies to examine resilience in organizations under significant external pressure, and achieves this by measuring three variables. 1: Organizational robustness in terms of leadership and governance. 2. Bounce-back response efficiency to external pressures and adaptation to endogenous and exogenous shock. 3. Perpetuity of operational and attack capability, and political legitimacy. The research makes three hypotheses. First, familial/kinship leadership groups have a significant effect on organizational resilience in terms of informal operations. Second, non-familial/kinship organizations suffer in terms of heightened security transaction costs and social economics surrounding recruitment, retention, and replacement. Third, resilience in non-familial organizations likely stems from critical external supports like state sponsorship or powerful patrons, rather than organic resilience dynamics. The case studies pair familial organizations with non-familial organizations. Set 1: The Haqqani Network (HQN) - Pair: Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT). Set 2: Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) - Pair: The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). Case studies were selected based on three requirements, being: contrasting governance types, exposure to significant external pressures and, geographical similarity. The case study sets were examined over 24 months following periods of significantly heightened operational activities. This enabled empirical measurement of the variables as substantial external pressures came into force. The rationale for the research is obvious. Nearly all organizations have some nexus of familial interconnectedness. Examining familial leadership networks does not provide further understanding of how terrorism and insurgency originate, however, the central focus of the research does address how they persist. The sparse attention to this in existing literature presents an unexplored yet important area of security studies. Furthermore, social capital in familial systems is largely automatic and organic, given at birth or through kinship. It reduces security vetting cost for recruits, fighters and supporters which lowers liabilities and entry costs, while raising organizational efficiency and exit costs. Better understanding of these process is needed to exploit strengths into weaknesses. Outcomes and implications of the research have critical relevance to future operational policy development. Increased clarity of internal trust dynamics, social capital and power flows are essential to fracturing and manipulating kinship nexus. This is highly valuable to external pressure mechanisms such as counter-terrorism, counterinsurgency, and strategic intelligence methods to penetrate, manipulate, degrade or destroy the resilience of politically violent organizations.

Keywords: Counterinsurgency (COIN), counter-terrorism, familial influence, insurgency, intelligence, kinship, resilience, terrorism

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Authors: Mehdi Heydari Sanglaji

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The dramatic events of the 11 September, and their tragic repercussions, catapulted issues of the political violence in and from the ‘Muslim world’ onto the political discourse, be it in patriotic speeches of campaigning politicians or the TV and news punditry. Depending on what end of the political spectrum the politician/pundit pledges fealty to, the overall analyses of political violence in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) tends towards two overarching categories: on the Right, the diagnosis has unanimously been, ‘they must hate our freedom.’ On the Left, however, there is the contention that the West has to be counted as the primary cause of such rage, for the years of plundering of lives and resources, through colonialism, the Cold War, coups, etc. All these analyses are premised on at least two presuppositions: the violence in and from the WANA region a) is always reactionary, in the sense that it happens only in response to something the West is or does; and b) must always already be condemned, as it is essentially immoral and wrong. It is the aim of this paper to challenge such viewpoints. Through a rigorous study of the historical discourses on political violence in the Leftist organizations active in Algeria and Lebanon, we claim there is a myriad of diverse reasons and justifications presented for advocating political violence in these countries that defy facile categorization. Inspecting such rhetoric for inciting political violence in Leftist discourses, and how some of these reasonings have percolated into other movements in the region (e.g., Islamist ones), will reveal a wealth of indigenous discourses on the subject that has been largely neglected by the Western Media punditry and even by the academia. The indigenous discourses on political violence, much of which overlaps with emancipatory projects in the region, partly follow grammar and logic, which may be different from those developed in the West, even by its more critical theories. Understanding so different epistemology of violence, and the diverse contexts in which political violence might be justifiable in the mind of ‘the other,’ necessitates a historical, materialist, and genealogical study of the discourse already in practice in the WANA region. In that regard, both critical terrorism studies and critical discourse analysis provide exemplary tools of analysis. Capitalizing on such tools, this project will focus on unearthing a history of thought that renders moot the reduction of all instances of violence in the region to an Islamic culture or imperialism/colonialism. The main argument in our research is that by studying the indigenous discourses on political violence, we will be far more equipped in understanding the reasons and the possible solutions for acts of terrorism in and from the region.

Keywords: political violence, terrorism, leftist organizations, West Asia/North Africa

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Authors: Oludare Isaac Abiodun, Esther Omolara Abiodun

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The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that cyberterrorism is existing and poses a threat to computer security and national security. Nowadays, people have become excitedly dependent upon computers, phones, the Internet, and the Internet of things systems to share information, communicate, conduct a search, etc. However, these network systems are at risk from a different source that is known and unknown. These network systems risk being caused by some malicious individuals, groups, organizations, or governments, they take advantage of vulnerabilities in the computer system to hawk sensitive information from people, organizations, or governments. In doing so, they are engaging themselves in computer threats, crime, and terrorism, thereby making the use of computers insecure for others. The threat of cyberterrorism is of various forms and ranges from one country to another country. These threats include disrupting communications and information, stealing data, destroying data, leaking, and breaching data, interfering with messages and networks, and in some cases, demanding financial rewards for stolen data. Hence, this study identifies many ways that cyberterrorists utilize the Internet as a tool to advance their malicious mission, which negatively affects computer security and safety. One could identify causes for disparate anomaly behaviors and the theoretical, ideological, and current forms of the likelihood of cyberterrorism. Therefore, for a countermeasure, this paper proposes the use of previous and current computer security models as found in the literature to help in countering cyberterrorism

Keywords: cyberterrorism, computer security, information, internet, terrorism, threat, digital forensic solution

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Authors: Miraji H. Mohamed

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The purpose of this study is to critique ‘radicalisation’ and more particularly ‘youth radicalisation’ by exploring its usage in online newspapers. ‘Radicalisation’ and ‘extremism’ have become the most common terms in terrorism studies since the 9/11 attacks. Regardless of the geographic location, when the word terrorism is used the terms ‘radicalisation’ and ‘extremism’ always follow to attempt to explore the journey of the perpetrators towards violence. These terms have come to represent a discourse of dominantly pejorative traits often used to describe spaces, groups, and processes identified as problematic. Even though ambiguously defined they feature widely in government documents, political statements, news articles, academic research, social media platforms, religious gatherings, and public discussions. Notably, ‘radicalisation’ and ‘extremism’ have been closely conflated with the term youth to form ‘youth radicalisation’ to refer to a discourse of ‘youth at risk’. The three terms largely continue to be used unquestioningly and interchangeably hence the reason why they are placed in single quotation marks to deliberately question their conventional usage. Albeit this comes timely in the Kenyan context where there has been a proliferation of academic and expert research on ‘youth radicalisation’ (used as a neutral label) without considering the political, cultural and socio-historical contexts that inform this label. This study seeks to draw these nuances by employing a genealogical approach that historicises and deconstructs ‘youth radicalisation’; and by applying a Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) of Critical Discourse Analysis to analyse Kenyan online newspaper - The Daily Nation between 2015 and 2018. By applying the concept of representation to analyse written texts, the study reveals that the use of ‘youth radicalisation’ as a discursive strategy disproportionately affects young people especially those from cultural/ethnic/religious minority groups. Also, the ambiguous use of ‘radicalisation’ and ‘youth radicalisation’ by the media reinforces the discourse of ‘youth at risk’ which has become the major framework underpinning Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) interventions. Similarly, the findings indicate that the uncritical use of ‘youth radicalisation’ has been used to serve political interests; and has become an instrument of policing young people, thus contributing to their cultural shaping. From this, it is evident that the media could thwart rather than assist CVE efforts. By exposing the political nature of the three terms through evidence-based research, this study offers recommendations on how critical reflective reporting by the media could help to make CVE more nuanced.

Keywords: discourse, extremism, radicalisation, terrorism, youth

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Authors: Stanislaw Kosmynka

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Although the genesis of the activity of fighting salafist radicalism in Spain dates back to the 80’s, the development of extremism of this kind manifested itself only in the next decade. Its first permanently functioning structures in this country in the second half of 90’s of 20th century came from Algieria and Syria. At the same time it should be emphasized that this distinction is in many dimensions conventional, the more so because they consisted also of immigrants from other coutries of Islam, particularly from Morocco. The paper seeks to understand the radical salafist challenge for Spain in the context of some terrorist networks consisted of immigrants from Morocco. On the eve of the new millennium Moroccan jihadists played an increasingly important role. Although the activity of these groups had for many years mainly logistical and propaganda character, the bomb attack carried out on 11 March 2004 in Madrid constituted an expression of open forms of terrorism, directed against the authorities and society of Spain and reflected the narration of representatives of the trend of the global jihad. The people involved in carrying out that act of violence were to a large extent Moroccan immigrants; also in the following years among the cells of radicals in Spain Moroccans stood out many times. That is why the forms and directions of activity of these extremists in Spain, also after 11th March 2004 and in the actual context of the impact of Islamic State, are worth presenting. The paper is focused on threats to the security of Spain and the region and remains connected with the issues of mutual relations of the society of a host country with immigrant communities which to a large degree come from this part of Maghreb.

Keywords: jihadi terrorism, Morocco, radical salafism, security, Spain, terrorist cells, threat

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Arianna Vedaschi

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This paper addresses the relationship between freedom of expression, national security and radicalization. Is it still possible to talk about a balance between the first two elements? Or, due to the intrusion of the third, is it more appropriate to consider freedom of expression as “permanently disfigured” by securitarian concerns? In this study, both the legislative and the judicial level are taken into account and the comparative method is employed in order to provide the reader with a complete framework of relevant issues and a workable set of solutions. The analysis moves from the finding according to which the tension between free speech and national security has become a major issue in democratic countries, whose very essence is continuously endangered by the ever-changing and multi-faceted threat of international terrorism. In particular, a change in terrorist groups’ recruiting pattern, attracting more and more people by way of a cutting-edge communicative strategy, often employing sophisticated technology as a radicalization tool, has called on law-makers to modify their approach to dangerous speech. While traditional constitutional and criminal law used to punish speech only if it explicitly and directly incited the commission of a criminal action (“cause-effect” model), so-called glorification offences – punishing mere ideological support for terrorism, often on the web – are becoming commonplace in the comparative scenario. Although this is direct, and even somehow understandable, consequence of the impending terrorist menace, this research shows many problematic issues connected to such a preventive approach. First, from a predominantly theoretical point of view, this trend negatively impacts on the already blurred line between permissible and prohibited speech. Second, from a pragmatic point of view, such legislative tools are not always suitable to keep up with ongoing developments of both terrorist groups and their use of technology. In other words, there is a risk that such measures become outdated even before their application. Indeed, it seems hard to still talk about a proper balance: what was previously clearly perceived as a balancing of values (freedom of speech v. public security) has turned, in many cases, into a hierarchy with security at its apex. In light of these findings, this paper concludes that such a complex issue would perhaps be better dealt with through a combination of policies: not only criminalizing ‘terrorist speech,’ which should be relegated to a last resort tool, but acting at an even earlier stage, i.e., trying to prevent dangerous speech itself. This might be done by promoting social cohesion and the inclusion of minorities, so as to reduce the probability of people considering terrorist groups as a “viable option” to deal with the lack of identification within their social contexts.

Keywords: radicalization, free speech, international terrorism, national security

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Authors: Anisah Ari

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Effects of organized crime permeate all facets of life, including public health, socio-economic endeavors, and human security. If any element of this is affected, it impacts large-scale national and global interest. Seeking to address terrorist networks through technical thinking is like trying to kill a weed by just cutting off its branches. It will re-develop and expand in proportions beyond one’s imagination, even in horrific ways that threaten human security. The continent of Africa has been bedeviled by this menace, with little or no solution to the problem. Nigeria is dealing with a protracted insurgency that is perpetrated by a sect against any form of westernization. Reimagining approaches to dealing with pressing issues like terrorism may require engaging the right set of people in the conversation for any sustainable change. These are people who have lived through the daily effects of the violence that ensues from the activities of terrorist activities. Effective leadership is required for an inclusive process, where spaces are created for diverse voices to be heard, and multiple perspectives are listened to, and not just heard, that supports a determination of the realistic outcome. Addressing insurgency in Nigeria has experienced a lot of disinformation and uncertainty. This may be in part due to poor leadership or an iteration of technical solutions to adaptive challenge peacemaking efforts in Nigeria has focused on behaviors, attitudes and practices that contribute to violence. However, it is important to consider the underlying issues that build-up, ignite and fan the flames of violence—looking at conflict as a complex system, issues like climate change, low employment rates, corruption and the impunity of discrimination due to ethnicity and religion. This article will be looking at an option of the more relational way of addressing insurgency through adaptive approaches that embody engagement and solutions with the people rather than for the people. The construction of a local turn in peacebuilding is informed by the need to create a locally driven and sustained peace process that embodies the culture and practices of the people in enacting an everyday peace beyond just a perennial and universalist outlook. A critical analysis that explores the socially identified individuals and situations will be made, considering the more adaptive approach to a complex existential challenge rather than a universalist frame. Case Study and Ethnographic research approach to understand what other scholars have documented on the matter and also a first-hand understanding of the experiences and viewpoints of the participants.

Keywords: terrorism, adaptive, peace, culture

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