Search results for: soviet ideology

Authors: Rusudan Chagelishvili, Nino Sulava, Tamar Beridze, Nana Rezesidze, Nikoloz Tatuashvili

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The South Caucasus is one of the most important centers of prehistoric metallurgy, known for its Colchian bronze culture. Modern Lechkhumi – historical Mountainous Colchis where the existence of prehistoric metallurgy is confirmed by the discovery of many artifacts is a part of this area. Studies focused on prehistoric smelting sites, related artefacts, and ore deposits have been conducted during last ten years in Lechkhumi. More than 20 prehistoric smelting sites and artefacts associated with metallurgical activities (ore roasting furnaces, slags, crucible, and tuyères fragments) have been identified so far. Within the framework of integrated studies was established that these sites were operating in 13-9 centuries B.C. and used for copper smelting. Palynological studies of slags revealed that chestnut (Castanea sativa) and hornbeam (Carpinus sp.) wood were used as smelting fuel. Geological exploration-analytical studies revealed that copper ore mining, processing, and smelting sites were distributed close to each other. Despite recent complex data, the signs of prehistoric mines (trenches) haven’t been found in this part of the study area so far. Since 2018 the archaeological-geological exploration has been focused on the southern part of Lechkhumi and covered the areas of villages Okureshi and Opitara. Several copper smelting sites (Okureshi 1 and 2, Opitara 1), as well as a Colchian Bronze culture settlement, have been identified here. Three mine workings have been found in the narrow gorge of the river Rtkhmelebisgele in the vicinities of the village Opitara. In order to establish a link between the Opitara-Okureshi archaeometallurgical sites, Late Bronze Age settlements, and mines, various scientific analytical methods -mineralized rock and slags petrography and atomic absorption spectrophotometry (AAS) analysis have been applied. The careful examination of Opitara mine workings revealed that there is a striking difference between the mine #1 on the right bank of the river and mines #2 and #3 on the left bank. The first one has all characteristic features of the Soviet period mine working (e. g. high portal with angular ribs and roof showing signs of blasting). In contrast, mines #2 and #3, which are located very close to each other, have round-shaped portals/entrances, low roofs, and fairly smooth ribs and are filled with thick layers of river sediments and collapsed weathered rock mass. A thorough review of the publications related to prehistoric mine workings revealed some striking similarities between mines #2 and #3 with their worldwide analogues. Apparently, the ore extraction from these mines was conducted by fire-setting applying primitive tools. It was also established that mines are cut in Jurassic mineralized volcanic rocks. Ore minerals (chalcopyrite, pyrite, galena) are related to calcite and quartz veins. The results obtained through the petrochemical and petrography studies of mineralized rock samples from Opitara mines and prehistoric slags are in complete correlation with each other, establishing the direct link between copper mining and smelting within the study area. Acknowledgment: This work was supported by the Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation of Georgia (grant # FR-19-13022).

Keywords: archaeometallurgy, Mountainous Colchis, mining, ore minerals

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Authors: Tünde Puskás, Anita Andersson

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This study is part of a research project about whether religion is considered as part of Swedish cultural heritage in Swedish preschools. Our aim in this paper is to explore how a Swedish preschool balance between keeping the education non-confessional and at the same time teaching children about a particular tradition, Easter.The paper explores how in a Swedish preschool with a religious profile teachers balance between keeping education non-confessional and teaching about a tradition with religious roots. The point of departure for the theoretical frame of our study is that practical considerations in pedagogical situations are inherently dilemmatic. The dilemmas that are of interest for our study evolve around formalized, intellectual ideologies, such us multiculturalism and secularism that have an impact on everyday practice. Educational dilemmas may also arise in the intersections of the formalized ideology of non-confessionalism, prescribed in policy documents and the common sense understandings of what is included in what is understood as Swedish cultural heritage. In this paper, religion is treated as a human worldview that, similarly to secular ideologies, can be understood as a system of thought. We make use of Ninian Smart's theoretical framework according to which in modern Western world religious and secular ideologies, as human worldviews, can be studied from the same analytical framework. In order to be able to study the distinctive character of human worldviews Smart introduced a multi-dimensional model within which the different dimensions interact with each other in various ways and to different degrees. The data for this paper is drawn from fieldwork carried out in 2015-2016 in the form of video ethnography. The empirical material chosen consists of a video recording of a specific activity during which the preschool group took part in an Easter play performed in the local church. The analysis shows that the policy of non-confessionalism together with the idea that teaching covering religious issues must be purely informational leads in everyday practice to dilemmas about what is considered religious. At the same time what the adults actually do with religion fulfills six of seven dimensions common to religious traditions as outlined by Smart. What we can also conclude from the analysis is that whether it is religion or a cultural tradition that is thought through the performance the children watched in the church depends on how the concept of religion is defined. The analysis shows that the characters of the performance themselves understood religion as the doctrine of Jesus' resurrection from the dead. This narrow understanding of religion enabled them indirectly to teach about the traditions and narratives surrounding Easter while avoiding teaching religion as a belief system.

Keywords: non-confessional education, preschool, religion, tradition

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Authors: Khadeeja Munawar, Shamsul Haque

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We examined the plausibility of transition theory suggesting that memories of transitional events, which give rise to a significant and persistent change in the fabric of daily life, are organized around the historically defined autobiographical periods (H-DAPs). 141 Pakistani older adults retrieved 10 autobiographical memories (AMs) each to 10 cue words. As the history of Pakistan is dominated by various political and nationwide transitional events, it was expected that the participants would recall memories with H-DAPs references. The content analysis revealed that 0.7% of memories had H-DAP references and 0.4% memories mentioned major transitional events such as War/Natural Disaster. There was a vivid reminiscence bump between 10 - 20 years of age in lifespan distribution of AMs. There were 67.9% social-focused AMs. Significantly more self-focused memories were reported by individuals who endorsed themselves as conservatives. Only a few H-DAPs were reported, although the history of Pakistan was dominated by numerous political, historical and nationwide transitional events. Memories within and outside of the bump period were mostly positive. The participants rarely used historical/political or nationwide significant events or periods to date the memories elicited. The intense and nationwide (as well as region-wise) significant historical/political events spawned across decades in the lives of participants of the present study but these events did not produce H-DAPs. The findings contradicted the previous studies on H-DAPs and transition theory. The dominance of social-focused AMs in the present study is in line with the past studies comparing the memories of collectivist and individualist cultures (i.e., European Americans vs. Asian, African and Latin-American cultures). The past empirical evidence shows that conservative values and beliefs are adopted as a coping strategy to feel secure in the face of danger when future is dominated with uncertainty and to connect to likeminded others. In the present study, conservative political ideology is somehow assisting the participants in living a stable life midst of their complex social worlds. The reminiscence bump, as well as dominance of positive memories within and outside the bump period, are in line with the narrative/identity account which states that the events and experiences during adolescence and early adulthood assimilate into a person’s lifelong narratives. Hence these events are used as identity markers and are more easily recalled later in life. Also, according to socioemotional theory and the positivity effect, the participants evaluated past events more positively as they grow up and the intensity of negative emotions decreased with time.

Keywords: autobiographical memory, historically defined autobiographical periods, narrative/identity account, Pakistan, reminiscence bump, SMS framework, transition theory

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Authors: John Hardy

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Over the last decade, the world has witnessed an unprecedented rise in the quality and availability of violent extremist propaganda. This phenomenon has been fueled primarily by three interrelated trends: rapid adoption of online content mediums by creators of violent extremist propaganda, increasing sophistication of violent extremist content production, and greater coordination of content and action across violent extremist organizations. In particular, the self-styled ‘Islamic State’ attracted widespread attention from its supporters and detractors alike by mixing shocking video and imagery content in with substantive ideological and political content. Although this practice was widely condemned for its brutality, it proved to be effective at engaging with a variety of international audiences and encouraging potential supporters to seek further information. The reasons for the noteworthy success of this kind of shock-value propaganda content remain unclear, despite many governments’ attempts to produce counterpropaganda. This study examines violent extremist propaganda distributed by five terrorist organizations between 2010 and 2016, using material released by the ‎Al Hayat Media Center of the Islamic State, Boko Haram, Al Qaeda, Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb. The time period covers all issues of the infamous publications Inspire and Dabiq, as well as the most shocking video content released by the Islamic State and its affiliates. The study uses frame analysis to distinguish thematic from symbolic content in violent extremist propaganda by contrasting the ways that substantive ideology issues were framed against the use of symbols and violence to garner attention and to stylize propaganda. The results demonstrate that thematic content focuses significantly on diagnostic frames, which explain violent extremist groups’ causes, and prognostic frames, which propose solutions to addressing or rectifying the cause shared by groups and their sympathizers. Conversely, symbolic violence is primarily stylistic and rarely linked to thematic issues or motivational framing. Frame analysis provides a useful preliminary tool in disentangling substantive ideological and political content from stylistic brutality in violent extremist propaganda. This provides governments and researchers a method for better understanding the framing and content used to design narratives and propaganda materials used to promote violent extremism around the world. Increased capacity to process and understand violent extremist narratives will further enable governments and non-governmental organizations to develop effective counternarratives which promote non-violent solutions to extremists’ grievances.

Keywords: countering violent extremism, counternarratives, frame analysis, propaganda, terrorism, violent extremism

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Authors: Mária Ildikó Farkas

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Kokugaku of the Edo period can be seen as a key factor of defining cultural (and national) identity in the 18th and early 19th century based on Japanese cultural heritage. Kokugaku focused on Japanese classics, on exploring, studying and reviving (or even inventing) ancient Japanese language, literature, myths, history and also political ideology. ‘Japanese culture’ as such was distinguished from Chinese (and all other) cultures, ‘Japanese identity’ was thus defined. Meiji scholars used kokugaku conceptions of Japan to construct a modern national identity based on the premodern and culturalist conceptions of community. The Japanese cultural movement of the 18-19th centuries (kokugaku) of defining cultural and national identity before modernization can be compared not to the development of Western Europe (where national identity strongly attached to modern nation states) or other parts of Asia (where these emerged after the Western colonization), but rather with the ‘national awakening’ movements of the peoples of East Central Europe, a comparison which have not been dealt with in the secondary literature yet. The role of a common language, culture, history and myths in the process of defining cultural identity – following mainly Miroslav Hroch’s comparative and interdisciplinary theory of national development – can be examined compared to the movements of defining identity of the peoples of East Central Europe (18th-19th c). In the shadow of a cultural and/or political ‘monolith’ (China for Japan and Germany for Central Europe), before modernity, ethnic groups or communities started to evolve their own identities with cultural movements focusing on their own language and culture, thus creating their cultural identity, and in the end, a new sense of community, the nation. Comparing actual texts (‘narratives’) of the kokugaku scholars and Central European writers of the nation building period (18th and early 19th centuries) can reveal the similarities of the discourses of deliberate searches for identity. Similar motives of argument can be identified in these narratives: ‘language’ as the primary bearer of collective identity, the role of language in culture, ‘culture’ as the main common attribute of the community; and similar aspirations to explore, search and develop native language, ‘genuine’ culture, ‘original’ traditions. This comparative research offering ‘development patterns’ for interpretation can help us understand processes that may be ambiguously considered ‘backward’ or even ‘deleterious’ (e.g. cultural nationalism) or just ‘unique’. ‘Cultural identity’ played a very important role in the formation of national identity during modernization especially in the case of non-Western communities, who had to face the danger of losing their identities in the course of ‘Westernization’ accompanying modernization.

Keywords: cultural identity, Japanese modernization, kokugaku, national awakening

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Authors: Agbana Olaseinde Julius, Opadere Olaolu Stephen

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The concept of cross carpeting is as old as politics itself. Basically, it entails an individual leaving a political party/group, to join another. The reasons for which cross carpeting is embarked upon are diverse: ideological differences; ethnic and/or religious differences; access to actual or perceived better political opportunities; liberty of association; rancor; etc. The current democratic dispensation in Nigeria has experienced renewed and rather alarming rate of cross carpeting, for reasons including those enumerated above and others. Right to cross carpet is inherent in a democratic setting as well as the political stakeholder; so does it also comprise of the constitutional right of ‘freedom of association’. However, the current species of cross carpeting in Nigeria requires scrutiny, in view of some potential legal and moral challenges it poses for both the present and the future. Cross carpeting is considered both legal and constitutional, but the current spate raises the question of expediency, particularly in a nascent democracy. It is considered to have a propensity of negatively impacting political stability in a polity with fragile nerves. Importantly too, cross carpeting is considered a potential damage to the psyche of posterity with regards to a warped disposition to promises, honour and integrity. The perceived peculiar dimension of cross carpeting in Nigeria raises questions on the quality of leadership presently obtainable in the country, vis-à-vis greed, self-centeredness, disregard for the concern and interest of avowed followers/fans, entrenchment of distrust, etc. Thus, the study made use of primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended); judicial decisions; and the Electoral Act, 2010 (as Amended). The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study show that though the act of cross carpeting may not be in breach of any Statute or Law, it however, in most cases, breaches the morals of expediency. The morality thereof is far from justifiable, and should be condemned in the interest of the present and posterity. There is a great and urgent need to embark on a re-entrenchment of the culture of political ideology in the Nigerian polity, as obtainable in developed democracies. In conclusion, the need to exercise the right of cross carpeting with caution cannot be overemphasized. Membership of a political group/party should be backed by commitment to well defined ideologies and values. Commitment to them should be regarded akin to that found in the family, which is not easily or flippantly jettisoned.

Keywords: cross-carpeting, Nigeria, legal, moral issues, politics

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Authors: Zhe Wang

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The fashion week, as a critical international fashion event in shaping world fashion cities, is one of the most significant world events that serves as the core medium for designers to stage new collections. However, its role in bringing about and shaping design ideologies of major fashion cities have long been neglected from a fashion ecosystem perspective. With the expanding scale of international fashion weeks in terms of culture and commerce, the organizational structures of these fashion weeks are becoming more complex. In the emerging fashion city, typified by Shanghai, a newly-formed 'hodgepodge' transforming the current global fashion ecosystem. A city’s legitimate fashion institutions, typically the organizers of international fashion weeks, have cultivated various cultural characteristics via rules and regulations pertaining to international fashion weeks. Under these circumstances, designers’ participatory behaviors, specifically show design and production, are influenced by the cultural ideologies of official organizers and institutions. This research compares international based Chinese (IBC) independent designers’ participatory behavior in London and Shanghai Fashion Weeks: specifically, the way designers present their clothing and show production. both of which are found to be profoundly influenced by cultural and design ideologies of fashion weeks. They are, to a large degree, manipulated by domestic institutions and organizers. Shanghai fashion week has given rise to a multiple, mass-ended entertainment carnival design and cultural ideology in Shanghai, thereby impacting the explicit cultural codes or intangible rules that IBC designers must adhere to when designing and producing fashion shows. Therefore, influenced by various cultural characteristics in the two cities, IBC designers’ show design and productions, in turn, play an increasingly vital role in shaping the design characteristic of an international fashion week. Through researching the organizational systems and design preferences of organizers of London and Shanghai fashion weeks, this paper demonstrates the embeddedness of design systems in the forming of design ideologies under various cultural and institutional contexts. The core methodology utilized in this research is ethnography. As a crucial part of a Ph.D. project on innovations in fashion shows under a cross-cultural context run by Edinburgh College of Art, School of Design, the fashion week’s organizational culture in various cultural contexts is investigated in London and Shanghai for approximately six months respectively. Two IBC designers, Angel Chen and Xuzhi Chen were followed during their participation of London and Shanghai Fashion Weeks from September 2016 to June 2017, during which two consecutive seasons were researched in order to verify the consistency of design ideologies’ associations with organizational system and culture.

Keywords: institutional ideologies, international fashion weeks, IBC independent designers; fashion show

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Authors: Anna Fowler

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When considering assets that may need protection, the mind begins to contemplate homes, cars, and investment funds. In most cases, the protection of those assets can be covered through security systems and insurance. Data is not the first thought that comes to mind that would need protection, even though data is at the core of most supply chain operations. It includes trade secrets, management of personal identifiable information (PII), and consumer data that can be used to enhance the overall experience. Data is considered a critical element of success for supply chains and should be one of the most critical areas to protect. In the supply chain industry, there are two major misconceptions about protecting data: (i) We do not manage or store confidential/personally identifiable information (PII). (ii) Reliance on Third-Party vendor security. These misconceptions can significantly derail organizational efforts to adequately protect data across environments. These statistics can be exciting yet overwhelming at the same time. The first misconception, “We do not manage or store confidential/personally identifiable information (PII)” is dangerous as it implies the organization does not have proper data literacy. Enterprise employees will zero in on the aspect of PII while neglecting trade secret theft and the complete breakdown of information sharing. To circumvent the first bullet point, the second bullet point forges an ideology that “Reliance on Third-Party vendor security” will absolve the company from security risk. Instead, third-party risk has grown over the last two years and is one of the major causes of data security breaches. It is important to understand that a holistic approach should be considered when protecting data which should not involve purchasing a Data Loss Prevention (DLP) tool. A tool is not a solution. To protect supply chain data, start by providing data literacy training to all employees and negotiating the security component of contracts with vendors to highlight data literacy training for individuals/teams that may access company data. It is also important to understand the origin of the data and its movement to include risk identification. Ensure processes effectively incorporate data security principles. Evaluate and select DLP solutions to address specific concerns/use cases in conjunction with data visibility. These approaches are part of a broader solutions framework called Data Security Assurance (DSA). The DSA Framework looks at all of the processes across the supply chain, including their corresponding architecture and workflows, employee data literacy, governance and controls, integration between third and fourth-party vendors, DLP as a solution concept, and policies related to data residency. Within cloud environments, this framework is crucial for the supply chain industry to avoid regulatory implications and third/fourth party risk.

Keywords: security by design, data security architecture, cybersecurity framework, data security assurance

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Authors: Muritala Babatunde Hassan

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In the contemporary global political economy, foreign direct investment (FDI) is gaining currency on daily basis. Notably, the end of the Cold War has brought about the dominance of neoliberal ideology with its mantra of private-sector-led economy. As such, nation-states now see FDI attraction as an important element in their approach to national development. Governments and policy makers are preoccupying themselves with unraveling the best strategies to not only attract more FDI but also to attain the desired socio-economic development status. In Nigeria, the perceived development potentials of FDI have brought about aggressive hunt for foreign investors, most especially since transition to civilian rule in May 1999. Series of liberal and market oriented strategies are being adopted not only to attract foreign investors but largely to stimulate private sector participation in the economy. It is on this premise that this study interrogates the politics of FDI attraction for domestic development in Nigeria between 1999 and 2014, with the ultimate aim of examining the nexus between regime type and the ability of a state to attract and benefit from FDI. Building its analysis within the framework of institutional utilitarianism, the study posits that the essential FDI strategies for achieving the greatest happiness for the greatest number of Nigerians are political not economic. Both content analysis and descriptive survey methodology were employed in carrying out the study. Content analysis involves desk review of literatures that culminated in the development of the study’s conceptual and theoretical framework of analysis. The study finds no significant relationship between transition to democracy and FDI inflows in Nigeria, as most of the attracted investments during the period of the study were market and resource seeking as was the case during the military regime, thereby contributing minimally to the socio-economic development of the country. It is also found that the country placed much emphasis on liberalization and incentives for FDI attraction at the neglect of improving the domestic investment environment. Consequently, poor state of infrastructure, weak institutional capability and insecurity were identified as the major factors seriously hindering the success of Nigeria in exploiting FDI for domestic development. Given the reality of the currency of FDI as a vector of economic globalization and that Nigeria is trailing the line of private-sector-led approach to development, it is recommended that emphasis should be placed on those measures aimed at improving the infrastructural facilities, building solid institutional framework, enhancing skill and technological transfer and coordinating FDI promotion activities by different agencies and at different levels of government.

Keywords: foreign capital, politics, socio-economic development, FDI attraction strategies

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Authors: Kamaljeet Kaur, Vinod Kumari, Jatesh Kathpalia, Bas Kaur

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A gender bias towards girl child is pervasive across the world. It is seen in all the strata of the society and manifests in various forms. However nature and extent of these inequalities are not uniform. Generally these inequalities are more prevalent in patriarchal society. Despite emerging and increasing opportunities for women, there are still inequalities between men and women in each and every sphere like education, health, economy, polity and social sphere. Patriarchal ideology as a cultural norm enforces gender construction which is oriented toward hierarchical relations between the sexes and neglect of women in Indian society. Discrimination to girls may also vary by their age and be restricted to the birth order and sex composition of her elder surviving siblings. The present study was conducted to know the gender discrimination among rural children in India. The respondents were selected from three generations as per AICRP age group viz, 18-30 years (3rd generation), 31-60 years (2nd generation) and above 60 years (1st generation). A total sample size was 600 respondents from different villages of two districts of Haryana state comprising of half males and half females. Data were collected using personal interview schedule and analysed by SPSS software. Among the total births 46.35 per cent were girl child and 53.64 % were male child. Dropout rate was more in female children as compared to male children i.e. near about one third (31.09%) female children dropped school followed by 21.17 % male children. It was quite surprising that near about two-third (61.16%) female children and more than half (59.22%) of the male children dropped school. Cooking was mainly performed by adult female with overall mean scores 2.0 and ranked first which was followed by female child (1.7 mean scores) clearly indicating that cooking was the activity performed mainly by females while activity related to purchase of fruits and vegetable, cereals and pulses was mainly done by adult male. First preference was given to male child for serving of costly and special food. Regarding professional aspiration of children of the respondents’ families, it was observed that 20.10% of the male children wanted to become engineer, whereas only 3.89 % female children wanted to become engineer. Ratio of male children was high in both generations irrespective of the districts. School dropouts were more in case of female in both the 1st and 2 nd generations. The main reasons of school dropout were lack of interest, lack of resources and early marriage in both the generations. Female enrolment was more in faculty of arts, whereas in case of male percentage it was more in faculty of non-medical and medical which showed that female children were getting traditional type of education. It is suggested to provide equal opportunities to girls and boys in home as well as outside the home for smooth functioning of society.

Keywords: gender biasness, male child, female child, education, home

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Authors: Kiyanoush Ghalavand, Ali Ferydooni

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Fars province Fārs or Pārs is a vast land located in the southwest of Iran. All over the province, you can see and feel the glory of Ancient Iranian culture and civilization. There are many monuments from pre-historical to the Islamic era within this province. The existence of ancient cultural and historical monuments in Fars province including the historical complex of Persepolis, the tombs of Persian poets Hafez and Saadi, and dozens of other valuable cultural and historical works of this province as a symbol of Iranian national identity and the manifestation of transcendent cultural values of this national identity. Fars province is quintessentially Persian. Its name is the modern version of ancient Parsa, the homeland, if not the place of origin, of the Persians, one of the great powers of antiquity. From here, the Persian Empire ruled much of Western and Central Asia, receiving ambassadors and messengers at Persepolis. It was here that the Persian kings were buried, both in the mountain behind Persepolis and in the rock face of nearby Naqsh-e Rustam. We have a complex paradox in Persian and Islamic ideology in the age of technology in Iran. The main purpose of the present article is to identify and describe the problems and prospects of origin and development of the modern approach to the conservation and restoration of ancient monuments and historic buildings, the influence that this development has had on international collaboration in the protection and conservation of cultural heritage, and the present consequences worldwide. The definition of objects and structures of the past as heritage, and the policies related to their protection, restoration, and conservation, have evolved together with modernity, and are currently recognized as an essential part of the responsibilities of modern society. Since the eighteenth century, the goal of this protection has been defined as the cultural heritage of humanity; gradually this has included not only ancient monuments and past works of art but even entire territories for a variety of new values generated in recent decades. In its medium-term program of 1989, UNESCO defined the full scope of such heritage. The cultural heritage may be defined as the entire corpus of material signs either artistic or symbolic handed on by the past to each culture and, therefore, to the whole of humankind. As a constituent part of the affirmation and enrichment of cultural identities, as a legacy belonging to all humankind, the cultural heritage gives each particular place its recognizable features and is the storehouse of human experience. The preservation and the presentation of the cultural heritage are therefore a corner-stone of any cultural policy. The process, from which these concepts and policies have emerged, has been identified as the ‘modern conservation movement’.

Keywords: tradition, modern, heritage, historical building, protection, cultural policy, fars province

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Authors: David Schafer

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Critical Theory is in sore need of a workable account of technology. It had one in the writings of Herbert Marcuse, or so it seemed until Jürgen Habermas mounted a critique in 'Technology and Science as Ideology' (Habermas, 1970) that decisively put it away. Ever since Marcuse’s work has been regarded outdated – a 'philosophy of consciousness' no longer seriously tenable. But with Marcuse’s view has gone the important insight that technology is no norm-free system (as Habermas portrays it) but can be laden with social bias. Andrew Feenberg is among a few serious scholars who have perceived this problem in post-Habermasian critical theory and has sought to revive a basically Marcusean account of technology. On his view, while so-called ‘technical elements’ that physically make up technologies are neutral with regard to social interests, there is a sense in which we may speak of a normative grammar or ‘technical code’ built-in to technology that can be socially biased in favor of certain groups over others (Feenberg, 2002). According to Feenberg, those perspectives on technology are reified which consider technology only by their technical elements to the neglect of their technical codes. Nevertheless, Feenberg’s account fails to explain what is normatively problematic with such reified views of technology. His plausible claim that they represent false perspectives on technology by itself does not explain how such views may be oppressive, even though Feenberg surely wants to be doing that stronger level of normative theorizing. Perceiving this deficit in his own account of reification, he tries to adopt Habermas’s version of systems-theory to ground his own critical theory of technology (Feenberg, 1999). But this is a curious move in light of Feenberg’s own legitimate critiques of Habermas’s portrayals of technology as reified or ‘norm-free.’ This paper argues that a better foundation may be found in Axel Honneth’s recent text, Freedom’s Right (Honneth, 2014). Though Honneth there says little explicitly about technology, he offers an implicit account of reification formulated in opposition to Habermas’s systems-theoretic approach. On this ‘normative functionalist’ account of reification, social spheres are reified when participants prioritize individualist ideals of freedom (moral and legal freedom) to the neglect of an intersubjective form of freedom-through-recognition that Honneth calls ‘social freedom.’ Such misprioritization is ultimately problematic because it is unsustainable: individual freedom is philosophically and institutionally dependent upon social freedom. The main difficulty in adopting Honneth’s social theory for the purposes of a theory of technology, however, is that the notion of social freedom is predicable only of social institutions, whereas it appears difficult to conceive of technology as an institution. Nevertheless, in light of Feenberg’s work, the idea that technology includes within itself a normative grammar (technical code) takes on much plausibility. To the extent that this normative grammar may be understood by the category of social freedom, Honneth’s dialectical account of the relationship between individual and social forms of freedom provides a more solid basis from which to ground the normative claims of Feenberg’s sociological account of technology than Habermas’s systems theory.

Keywords: Habermas, Honneth, technology, Feenberg

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: Amany Abdelrazek

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Fashion is considered the main feature of modern and postmodern capitalist and consumerist society. Consumer historians maintain that fashion, namely, a sector of people embracing a prevailing clothing style for a short period, started during the Middle Ages but gained popularity later. It symbolised the transition from a medieval society with its solid fixed religious values into a modern society with its secular consumer dynamic culture. Renaissance society was a modern secular society concerning its preoccupation with daily life and changing circumstances. Yet, the late 18th-century industrial revolution revolutionised thought and ideology in Europe. The Industrial Revolution reinforced the Western belief in rationality and strengthened the position of science. In such a rational Western society, modernity, with its new ideas, came to challenge the whole idea of old fixed norms, reflecting the modern secular, rational culture and renouncing the medieval pious consumer. In modern society, supported by the industrial revolution and mass production, fashion encouraged broader sectors of society to integrate into fashion reserved for the aristocracy and royal courts. Moreover, the fashion project emphasizes the human body and its beauty, contradicting Judeo-Christian culture, which tends to abhor and criticize interest in sensuality and hedonism. In mainstream Western discourse, fashionable dress differentiates between emancipated stylish consumerist secular modern female and the assumed oppressed traditional modest religious female. Opposing this discourse, I look at the controversy over what has been called "Islamic fashion" that started during the 1980s and continued to gain popularity in contemporary Egyptian society. I discuss the challenges of being a fashionable and Muslim practicing female in light of two prominent models for female "Islamic fashion" in postcolonial Egypt; Jasmin Mohshen, the first hijabi model in Egypt and Manal Rostom, the first Muslim woman to represent the Nike campaign in the Middle East. The research employs fashion and postcolonial theories to rethink current Muslim women's position on women's emancipation, Western modernity and practising faith in postcolonial Egypt. The paper argues that Muslim women's current innovative and fashionable dress can work as a counter-discourse to the Orientalist and exclusive representation of non-Western Muslim culture as an inherently inert timeless culture. Furthermore, "Islamic" fashionable dress as an aesthetic medium for expressing ideas and convictions in contemporary Egypt interrogates the claim of universal secular modernity and Western fashion theorists' reluctance to consider Islamic fashion as fashion.

Keywords: fashion, muslim women, modernity, secularism

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Authors: Isaac Kwabena Adubofour, Esther Serwaah Afreh

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Political speeches are structured in ways that ensure that the ideology of the leader is communicated in ways that the opinions of the audience are influenced towards certain lines of action, and in crisis situations like the outbreak of a global pandemic, public opinion and action are influenced through speeches. The foregoing explains the presence of metaphors in presidential speeches. Crises require, among other things, that the thoughts, emotions, and actions of the population are controlled in dealing with the problems at hand. The primary question this study assesses is how the use of metaphors in crisis situations, like the COVID-19 pandemic, influences thought, determines the policies a government adopts, and influences the reactions of the people. The study focused on twenty-four (24) addresses of the President of Ghana, Nana Addo Danquah Akuffo-Addo, on the COVID-19 pandemic and his government’s efforts to manage the crisis. The nature and relevance of presidential speeches and the presence of metaphors in such speeches have been investigated. However, there is a paucity of research on the connection between the presence of metaphors in presidential speeches and their influence on thought and action. Especially within the crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic, it is pertinent to investigate how the presence of metaphors in presidential addresses influences social thought and action. Thus, the current study sought to investigate the potential for metaphor use to influence thought and action on a national scale during the COVID crisis. The speeches were collected from the website of the presidency. The analysis was done using Metaphor Identification Process by the Praglejazz Group (2007) with conceptual metaphor theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980) as the theoretical foundation. The findings of the study show that the President’s adoption of war metaphors may not have been ideal since it triggered thoughts, policies, and social actions in line with war. For instance, the reference to health workers as heroes, heroines, and frontline workers praised the efforts of these workers over the efforts of the rest of the population, and that may have contributed to the apathy that arose among the citizens in dealing with the pandemic. This prioritization of the frontline workers explains why their taxes were forgiven for a considerable period. The government further absorbed utility bills of citizens during the pandemic. All these financial commitments may not have been advisable for a developing country like Ghana, but the authors argue that the actions may have been influenced by the metaphor that was adopted. Another finding that is explored is the problem of stigmatization in the country during the pandemic and its connection with the war metaphor. This investigation expands the research on metaphors, social thought and action, and crisis communication. Its contribution to metaphor use, thought, and action suggest its potential implication for education and other fields.

Keywords: conceptual metaphor theory, COVID-19, crisis communication, presidential addresses, risk communication

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Authors: Neda Jebellie

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New information and communication technologies (ICT) not only has revolutionized the world of communication but has also strongly impacted the state of international terrorism. Using the potential of social media, the new wave of terrorism easily can recruit new jihadi members, spread their violent ideology and garner financial support. IS (Islamic State) as the most dangerous terrorist group has already conquered a great deal of social media space and has deployed sophisticated web-based strategies to promote its extremist doctrine. In this respect the vastly popular social media are the perfect tools for IS to establish its virtual Caliphate (e-caliphate) and e-Ommah (e-citizen).Using social media to release violent videos of beheading journalists, burning their hostages alive and mass killing of prisoners are IS strategies to terrorize and subjugate its enemies. Several Twitter and Facebook accounts which are IS affiliations have targeted young generation of Muslims all around the world. In fact IS terrorists use modern resources of communication not only to share information and conduct operations but also justify their violent acts. The strict Wahhabi doctrine of ISIS is based on a fundamental interpretation of Islam in which religious war against non Muslims (Jihad) and killing infidels (Qatal) have been praised and recommended. Via social media IS disseminates its propaganda to inspire sympathizers across the globe. Combating this new wave of terrorism which is exploiting new communication technologies is the most significant challenge for authorities. Before the rise of internet and social media governments had to control only mosques and religious gathering such as Friday sermons(Jamaah Pray) to prevent spreading extremism among Muslims community in their country. ICT and new communication technologies have heighten the challenge of dealing with Islamic radicalism and have amplified its threat .According to the official reports even some of the governments such as UK have created a special force of Facebook warriors to engage in unconventional warfare in digital age. In compare with other terrorist groups, IS has effectively grasped social media potential. Their horrifying released videos on YouTube easily got viral and were re-twitted and shared by thousands of social media users. While some of the social media such as Twitter and Facebook have shut down many accounts alleged to IS but new ones create immediately so only blocking their websites and suspending their accounts cannot solve the problem as terrorists recreate new accounts. To combat cyber terrorism focusing on disseminating counter narrative strategies can be a solution. Creating websites and providing online materials to propagate peaceful and moderate interpretation of Islam can provide a cogent alternative to extremist views.

Keywords: IS-islamic state, cyber terrorism, social media, terrorism, information, communication technologies

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Authors: Ana Cristina García-Luna Romero

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This document seeks to reflect on the urban project from its conceptual identity root. In the first instance, a proposal is made on how the city project is sustained from the conceptual root, from the logos: it opens a way to assimilate the imagination; what we imagine becomes a reality. In this way, firstly, the need to use language as a vehicle for transmitting the stories that sustain us as humanity can be deemed as an important social factor that enables us to social behavior. Secondly, the need to attend to the written language as a mechanism of power, as a means to consolidate a dominant ideology or a political position, is raised; as it served to carry out the modernization project, it is therefore addressed differences between the real and the literate city. Thus, the consolidated urban-architectural project is based on logos, the project, and planning. Considering the importance of materiality and its relation to subjective well-being contextualized from a socio-urban approach, we question ourselves into how we can look at something that is doubtful. From a philosophy perspective, the truth is considered to be nothing more than a matter of correspondence between the observer and the observed. To understand beyond the relative of the gaze, it is necessary to expose different perspectives since it depends on the understanding of what is observed and how it is critically analyzed. Therefore, the analysis of materiality, as a political field, takes a proposal based on this research in the principles in transgenesis: principle of communication, representativeness, security, health, malleability, availability of potentiality or development, conservation, sustainability, economy, harmony, stability, accessibility, justice, legibility, significance, consistency, joint responsibility, connectivity, beauty, among others. The (urban) human being acts because he wants to live in a certain way: in a community, in a fair way, with opportunity for development, with the possibility of managing the environment according to their needs, etc. In order to comply with this principle, it is necessary to design strategies from the principles in transgenesis, which must be named, defined, understood, and socialized by the urban being, the companies, and from themselves. In this way, the technical status of the city in the neoliberal present determines extraordinary conditions for reflecting on an almost emergency scenario created by the impact of cities that, far from being limited to resilient proposals, must aim at the reflection of the urban process that the present social model has generated. Therefore, can we rethink the paradigm of the perception of life quality in the current neoliberal model in the production of the character of public space related to the practices of being urban. What we are trying to do within this document is to build a framework to study under what logic the practices of the social system that make sense of the public space are developed, what the implications of the phenomena of the inscription of action and materialization (and its results over political action between the social and the technical system) are and finally, how we can improve the quality of life of individuals from the urban space.

Keywords: cities, nature, society, urban quality of life

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Authors: Louay Safi

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The notion of secular society that evolved over the last two centuries was initially intended to free the public sphere from religious imposition, before it assumed the form a comprehensive ideology whose aim is to prevent any overt religious expression from the public space. The negative view of religious expression, and the desire by political elites to purge the public space from all forms of religious expressions were first experienced in the Middle East in the last decades of the twentieth century in relation to Islam, before it manifests itself in the twentieth century Europe. Arab regimes were encouraged by European democracies to marginalize all forms of religious expressions in the public as part of the secularization process that was deemed necessary for modernization and progress. The prohibition of Islamic symbols and outlawing the headscarf was first undertaken to Middle Eastern republics, such as Turkey in 1930s and Syria in 1970s, before it is implemented recently in France. Secularization has been perceived by European powers as the central aspect of social and political liberalization, and was given priority over democratization and human rights, so much so that European elites were willing to entrust the task of nurturing liberal democracy to Arab autocrats and dictators. Not only did the strategy of empowering autocratic regimes to effect liberal democratic culture failed, but it contributed to the rise of Islamist extremism and produced failed states in Syria and Iraq that undermine both national and global peace and stability. The paper adopts the distinction made by John Rawls between political and comprehensive liberalism to argue that the modernization via secularization in Muslim societies is counterproductive and has subverted early successful efforts at democratization and reform in the Middle East. Using case studies that illustrate the role of the secularization strategy in Syria, Iran, and Egypt in undermining democratic and reformist movements in those countries, the paper calls for adopting a different approach rooted in liberal and democratic values rather than cultural practices and lifestyle. The paper shows that Islamic values as articulated by reform movements support a democratic and pluralist political order, and emphasizes the need to legitimize and support social forces that advocate democracy and human rights. Such an alternative strategy allows for internal competition among social groups for popular support, and therefore enhances the chances that those with inclusive and forward-looking political principles and policies would create a democratic and pluralist political order more conducive to meaningful national and global cooperation, and respectful of human dignity.

Keywords: democracy, Islamic values, political liberalism, secularization

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Authors: Shaurya Chauhan, Sagar Gupta

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Prominent urbanizing centres across the globe like Delhi, Dhaka, or Manila have exhibited that development often faces a challenge in bridging the gap among the top-down collective requirements of the city and the bottom-up individual aspirations of the ever-diversifying population. When this exclusion is intertwined with rapid urbanization and diversifying urban demography: unplanned sprawl, poor planning, and low-density development emerge as automated responses. In parallel, new ideas and methods of densification and public participation are being widely adopted as sustainable alternatives for the future of urban development. This research advocates a collaborative design method for future development: one that allows rapid application with its prototypical nature and an inclusive approach with mediation between the 'user' and the 'urban', purely with the use of empirical tools. Building upon the concepts and principles of 'open-sourcing' in design, the research establishes a design framework that serves the current user requirements while allowing for future citizen-driven modifications. This is synthesized as a 3-tiered model: user needs – design ideology – adaptive details. The research culminates into a context-responsive 'open source project development framework' (hereinafter, referred to as OSPDF) that can be used for on-ground field applications. To bring forward specifics, the research looks at a 300-acre redevelopment in the core of a rapidly urbanizing city as a case encompassing extreme physical, demographic, and economic diversity. The suggestive measures also integrate the region’s cultural identity and social character with the diverse citizen aspirations, using architecture and urban design tools, and references from recognized literature. This framework, based on a vision – feedback – execution loop, is used for hypothetical development at the five prevalent scales in design: master planning, urban design, architecture, tectonics, and modularity, in a chronological manner. At each of these scales, the possible approaches and avenues for open- sourcing are identified and validated, through hit-and-trial, and subsequently recorded. The research attempts to re-calibrate the architectural design process and make it more responsive and people-centric. Analytical tools such as Space, Event, and Movement by Bernard Tschumi and Five-Point Mental Map by Kevin Lynch, among others, are deep rooted in the research process. Over the five-part OSPDF, a two-part subsidiary process is also suggested after each cycle of application, for a continued appraisal and refinement of the framework and urban fabric with time. The research is an exploration – of the possibilities for an architect – to adopt the new role of a 'mediator' in development of the contemporary urbanity.

Keywords: open source, public participation, urbanization, urban development

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Authors: Nikolai A. Khlebnikov, Vladimir N. Krasilnikov, Evgenii V. Polyakov, Anastasia A. Maltceva

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Carbon materials with advanced surfaces are widely used both in modern industry and in environmental protection. The physical-chemical nature of these materials is determined by the morphology of primary atomic and molecular carbon structures, which are the basis for synthesizing the following materials: zero-dimensional (fullerenes), one-dimensional (fiber, tubes), two-dimensional (graphene) carbon nanostructures, three-dimensional (multi-layer graphene, graphite, foams) with unique physical-chemical and functional properties. Experience shows that the microscopic morphological level is the basis for the creation of the next mesoscopic morphological level. The dependence of the morphology on the chemical way and process prehistory (crystallization, colloids formation, liquid crystal state and other) is the peculiarity of the last called level. These factors determine the consumer properties of carbon materials, such as specific surface area, porosity, chemical resistance in corrosive environments, catalytic and adsorption activities. Based on the developed ideology of thin precursor synthesis, the authors discuss one of the approaches of the porosity control of carbon-containing materials with a given aggregates morphology. The low-temperature thermolysis of precursors in a gas environment of a given composition is the basis of the above-mentioned idea. The processes of carbothermic precursor synthesis of two different compounds: tungsten carbide WC:nC and zinc oxide ZnO:nC containing an impurity phase in the form of free carbon were selected as subjects of the research. In the first case, the transition metal (tungsten) forming carbides was the object of the synthesis. In the second case, there was selected zinc that does not form carbides. The synthesis of both kinds of transition metals compounds was conducted by the method of precursor carbothermic synthesis from the organic solution. ZnO:nC composites were obtained by thermolysis of succinate Zn(OO(CH2)2OO), formate glycolate Zn(HCOO)(OCH2CH2O)1/2, glycerolate Zn(OCH2CHOCH2OH), and tartrate Zn(OOCCH(OH)CH(OH)COO). WC:nC composite was synthesized from ammonium paratungstate and glycerol. In all cases, carbon structures that are specific for diamond- like carbon forms appeared on the surface of WC and ZnO particles after the heat treatment. Tungsten carbide and zinc oxide were removed from the composites by selective chemical dissolution preserving the amorphous carbon phase. This work presents the results of investigating WC:nC and ZnO:nC composites and carbon nanopowders with tubular, tape, plate and onion morphologies of aggregates that are separated by chemical dissolution of WC and ZnO from the composites by the following methods: SEM, TEM, XPA, Raman spectroscopy, and BET. The connection between the carbon morphology under the conditions of synthesis and chemical nature of the precursor and the possibility of regulation of the morphology with the specific surface area up to 1700-2000 m2/g of carbon-structured materials are discussed.

Keywords: carbon morphology, composite materials, precursor synthesis, tungsten carbide, zinc oxide

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Authors: Alena Radina

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On the global stage, national image is shaped by historical memory of wars and alliances, government ideology and particularly media stereotypes which represent countries in positive or negative ways. News magazine covers are a key site for national representation. The object of analysis in this paper is the portrayals of the US, Germany, China, and Russia in the front pages and cover stories of “Time”, “Der Spiegel”, “Beijing Review”, and “Expert”. Political comedy helps people learn about current affairs even if politics is not their area of interest, and thus satire indirectly sets the public agenda. Coupled with satirical messages, cover images and the linguistic messages embedded in the covers become persuasive visual and verbal factors, known to drive about 80% of magazine sales. Preliminary analysis identified satirical elements in magazine covers, which are known to influence and frame understandings and attract younger audiences. Multimodal and transnational comparative framing analyses lay the groundwork to investigate why journalists, editors and designers deploy certain frames rather than others. This research investigates to what degree frames used in covers correlate with frames within the cover stories and what these framings can tell us about media professionals’ representations of their own and other nations. The study sample includes 32 covers consisting of two covers representing each of the four chosen countries from the four magazines. The sampling framework considers two time periods to compare countries’ representation with two different presidents, and between men and women when present. The countries selected for analysis represent each category of the international news flows model: the core nations are the US and Germany; China is a semi-peripheral country; and Russia is peripheral. Examining textual and visual design elements on the covers and images in the cover stories reveals not only what editors believe visually attracts the reader’s attention to the magazine but also how the magazines frame and construct national images and national leaders. The cover is the most powerful editorial and design page in a magazine because images incorporate less intrusive framing tools. Thus, covers require less cognitive effort of audiences who may therefore be more likely to accept the visual frame without question. Analysis of design and linguistic elements in magazine covers helps to understand how media outlets shape their audience’s perceptions and how magazines frame global issues. While previous multimodal research of covers has focused mostly on lifestyle magazines or newspapers, this paper examines the power of current affairs magazines’ covers to shape audience perception of national image.

Keywords: framing analysis, magazine covers, multimodality, national image, satire

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Authors: Hyuk-Jin Lee

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Even though 23 years have passed in the 21st century, nation-state and nationality-centered cultural identities are still the sentiments and ideologies that dominate the world. Nevertheless, as seen in many cases in Europe, a new perspective is needed to recognize mutual exchanges and influences and to view them as natural cultural exchanges between countries. The situation in East Asia is completely different from Europe. This is presumed to be from the long tradition of having an ethnocentric state concept for at least hundreds of years, quite different from Europe, where the concept of a nation-state was established relatively recently. In other words, unlike Europe, where active exchanges took place, the problem stems from the unique characteristics of East Asia, which has a strong tradition of finding its identity in 'difference'. Thus, it would not be hard to find cultural studies or news of the three East Asian countries emphasizing differences among one another. This applies to all cultural areas, including traditional architecture. For example, in the Korean traditional architecture field, buildings with effects from neighboring countries tend to be ignored, even if they are traditional Korean architecture. In addition to this, in the case of Korea, there seems to be one more cultural harmful aftereffect caused by the 36 years of Japanese colonial rule in the early 20th century; the obsessive filtering concept of 'it must be different from Japan'. In other words, the implicit ideological coercion that the definition of 'Korean cultural heritage' should not be influenced by exchanges with Japan may be found throughout Korean studies. The architectural and cultural aspects of the vast period of time, from the Three Kingdoms era to the beginning of Joseon, which was a period in which cultural influence exchanges with neighboring countries were relatively strong compared to the late Joseon Dynasty, also reflect the 'distorted filtering' caused by finding a repulsive identity against the Japanese colonial period. It is important to look the cultural heritage and traditions as they are inductively, not deductively. If not, we may often ignore or limit our own precious cultural heritage. Conversely, If Baekje, the ancient Korean Kingdom, helped Japan in construction and craftsmen played a big role in building the ancient temple, it would be a healthier perspective to view it as a cultural exchange rather than proudly seeing it as a cultural owner's perspective because this point of view is a proper reconstruction of our ancient and medieval Asian culture (strictly speaking, the color common to East Asia at the time). In particular, this study will examine this topic by giving specific examples from each field of Korean cultural studies. In the search for cultural identity, it would be more helpful for healthy relations between countries and collaborative research in the sensitive part of the interpretation of historical facts as well as cultural circles to minimize excessive meanings on originality and difference.

Keywords: cultural heritage identity, cultural ideology, East Asia, Korea

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Authors: Hai L. Tran

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Previous research on agenda setting effects has often focused on the top-down influence of the media at the aggregate level, while overlooking the capacity of audience members to select media and content to fit their individual dispositions. The decentralized characteristics of online communication and digital news create more choices and greater user control, thereby enabling each audience member to seek out a unique blend of media sources, issues, and elements of messages and to mix them into a coherent individual picture of the world. This study examines how audiences use media differently depending on their prior dispositions, thereby making sense of the world in ways that are congruent with their preferences and cognitions. The current undertaking is informed by theoretical frameworks from two distinct lines of scholarship. According to the ideological migration hypothesis, individuals choose to live in communities with ideologies like their own to satisfy their need to belong. One tends to move away from Zip codes that are incongruent and toward those that are more aligned with one’s ideological orientation. This geographical division along ideological lines has been documented in social psychology research. As an extension of agenda setting, the agendamelding hypothesis argues that audiences seek out information in attractive media and blend them into a coherent narrative that fits with a common agenda shared by others, who think as they do and communicate with them about issues of public. In other words, individuals, through their media use, identify themselves with a group/community that they want to join. Accordingly, the present study hypothesizes that because ideology plays a role in pushing people toward a physical community that fits their need to belong, it also leads individuals to receive an idiosyncratic blend of media and be influenced by such selective exposure in deciding what issues are more relevant. Consequently, the individualized focus of media choices impacts how audiences perceive political news coverage and what they know about political issues. The research project utilizes recent data from The American Trends Panel survey conducted by Pew Research Center to explore the nuanced nature of agenda setting at the individual level and amid heightened polarization. Hypothesis testing is performed with both nonparametric and parametric procedures, including regression and path analysis. This research attempts to explore the media-public relationship from a bottom-up approach, considering the ability of active audience members to select among media in a larger process that entails agenda setting. It helps encourage agenda-setting scholars to further examine effects at the individual, rather than aggregate, level. In addition to theoretical contributions, the study’s findings are useful for media professionals in building and maintaining relationships with the audience considering changes in market share due to the spread of digital and social media.

Keywords: agenda setting, agendamelding, audience fragmentation, ideological migration, partisanship, polarization

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Authors: Venus Torabi

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ISIS, the terrorist organization, modified two videogames, ARMA III and Grand Theft Auto 5 (2013) as means of online recruitment and ideological propaganda. The urge to study the mechanism at work, whether it has been successful or not, derives (Digital) Humanities experts to explore how codes of terror, Islamic ideology and recruitment strategies are incorporated into the ludic mechanics of videogames. Another aspect of the significance lies in the fact that this is a latent problem that has not been fully addressed in an interdisciplinary framework prior to this study, to the best of the researcher’s knowledge. Therefore, due to the complexity of the subject, the present paper entangles with game studies, philosophical and religious poles to form the methodology of conducting the research. As a contextualized epistemology of such exploitation of videogames, the core argument is building on the notion of “Culture Industry” proposed by Theodore W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer in Dialectic of Enlightenment (2002). This article posits that the ideological underpinnings of ISIS’s cause corroborated by the action-bound mechanics of the videogames are in line with adhering to the Islamic Eschatology as a furnishing ground and an excuse in exercising terrorism. It is an account of ISIS’s modification of the videogames, a tool of technological progression to practice online radicalization. Dialectically, this practice is packed up in rhetoric for recognizing a religious myth (the advent of a savior), as a hallmark of regression. The study puts forth that ISIS’s wreaking havoc on the world, both in reality and within action videogames, is negotiating the process of self-assertion in the players of such videogames (by assuming one’s self a member of terrorists) that leads to self-annihilation. It tries to unfold how ludic Mod videogames are misused as tools of mass deception towards ethnic cleansing in reality and line with the distorted Eschatological myth. To conclude, this study posits videogames to be a new avenue of mass deception in the framework of the Culture Industry. Yet, this emerges as a two-edged sword of mass deception in ISIS’s modification of videogames. It shows that ISIS is not only trying to hijack the minds through online/ludic recruitment, it potentially deceives the Muslim communities or those prone to radicalization into believing that it's terrorist practices are preparing the world for the advent of a religious savior based on Islamic Eschatology. This is to claim that the harsh actions of the videogames are potentially breeding minds by seeds of terrorist propaganda and numbing them to violence. The real world becomes an extension of that harsh virtual environment in a ludic/actual continuum, the extension that is contributing to the mass deception mechanism of the terrorists, in a clandestine trend.

Keywords: culture industry, dialectic, ISIS, islamic eschatology, mass deception, video games

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Authors: Stefanie M. Vanneste, Stijn Goeminne

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This paper studies the effect of political characteristics of 308 Flemish municipalities on their budget balance in the period 1995-2011. All local governments experience the same economic and financial setting, however some governments have high budget balances, while others have low budget balances. The aim of this paper is to explain the differences in municipal budget balances by a number of economic, socio-demographic and political variables. The economic and socio-demographic variables will be used as control variables, while the focus of this paper will be on the political variables. We test four hypotheses resulting from the literature, namely (i) the partisan hypothesis tests if left wing governments have lower budget balances, (ii) the fragmentation hypothesis stating that more fragmented governments have lower budget balances, (iii) the hypothesis regarding the power of the government, higher powered governments would resolve in higher budget balances, and (iv) the opportunistic budget cycle to test whether politicians manipulate the economic situation before elections in order to maximize their reelection possibilities and therefore have lower budget balances before elections. The contributions of our paper to the existing literature are multiple. First, we use the whole array of political variables and not just a selection of them. Second, we are dealing with a homogeneous database with the same budget and election rules, making it easier to focus on the political factors without having to control for the impact of differences in the political systems. Third, our research extends the existing literature on Flemish municipalities as this is the first dynamic research on local budget balances. We use a dynamic panel data model. Because of the two lagged dependent variables as explanatory variables, we employ the system GMM (Generalized Method of Moments) estimator. This is the best possible estimator as we are dealing with political panel data that is rather persistent. Our empirical results show that the effect of the ideological position and the power of the coalition are of less importance to explain the budget balance. The political fragmentation of the government on the other hand has a negative and significant effect on the budget balance. The more parties in a coalition the worse the budget balance is ceteris paribus. Our results also provide evidence of an opportunistic budget cycle, the budget balances are lower in pre-election years relative to the other years to try and increase the incumbents reelection possibilities. An additional finding is that the incremental effect of the budget balance is very important and should not be ignored like is being done in a lot of empirical research. The coefficients of the lagged dependent variables are always positive and very significant. This proves that the budget balance is subject to incrementalism. It is not possible to change the entire policy from one year to another so the actions taken in recent past years still have an impact on the current budget balance. Only a relatively small amount of research concerning the budget balance takes this considerable incremental effect into account. Our findings survive several robustness checks.

Keywords: budget balance, fragmentation, ideology, incrementalism, municipalities, opportunistic budget cycle, panel data, political characteristics, power, system GMM

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Authors: Rose Hattab

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Women have been an important dynamic in religious context and the state-building process of Arab countries throughout history. During the 1970s as the movement for women’s activism and rights developed, the Iraqi state under the Ba’ath Party began to provide Iraqi women with legal and civil rights. This was done to liberate women from the grasps of social traditions and was a tangible espousing of equality between men and women in the process of nation-building. Whereas women’s rights were stronger and more supported throughout the earliest years of the Ba’ath Regime (1970-1990), the aftermath of the Gulf War and economic sanctions on the conditions of Iraqi society laid the foundation for a division of women’s rights between civil and religious authorities. Personal status codes that were secured in 1959 were being pushed back by amendments made in coordination with religious leaders. Civil laws were present on paper, but religious authority took prominence in practice. The written legal codes were inclusive of women’s rights, but there is not an active or ensured practice of these rights within Iraqi society. This is due to many different factors, such as religious, sectarian, political and conservative reasons that hold back or limit the ability for Iraqi women to have autonomy in aspects such as participation in the workforce, getting married, and ensuring social justice. This paper argues that the Personal Status Code introduced in 1959 – which replaced Sharia-run courts with personal status courts – provided Iraqi women with equality and increased mobility in social and economic dynamics. The statewide crisis felt after the Gulf War and the economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations led to a stark shift in the Ba’ath party’s political ideology. This ideological turn guided the social system to the embracement of social conservatism and religious traditions in the 1990s. The effect of this implementation continued after the establishment of a new Iraqi government during 2003-2005. Consequently, Iraqi women's rights in employment, marriage, and family became divided into paper and practice by religious authorities and civil law from that period to the present day. This paper also contributes to the literature by expanding on the gap between legal codes on paper and in practice, through providing an analysis of Iraqi women’s rights in the Iraqi Constitution of 2005 and Iraq’s Penal Code. The turn to conservative and religious traditions is derived from the multiplicity of identities that make up the Iraqi social fabric. In the aftermath of a totalitarian regime, active wars, and economic sanctions, the Iraqi people attempted to unite together through their different identities to create a sense of security in the midst of violence and chaos. This is not an excuse to diminish the importance of women’s rights, but in the process of building a new nation-state, women were lost from the narrative. Thus, the presence of gender equity is found in the written text but is not practiced and upheld in the social context.

Keywords: civil rights, Iraqi women, nation building, religion and conflict

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Authors: Nourah Almulhim

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This paper takes a critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach to investigate discourse and ideology in political blogs, focusing in particular on the Conservative Home blog from the UK’s current governing party. The Conservative party member’s discourse strategies as the blogger, alongside the discourse used by members of the public who reply to the blog in the below-the-lines comments, will be examined. The blog discourse reflects the writer's political identity and authorial voice. The analysis of the below-the-lines comments enables members of the public to engage in creating adversative positions, introducing different language users who bring their own individual and collective identities. These language users can play the role of news reporters, political analysts, protesters or supporters of a specific agenda and current socio-political topics or events. This study takes a qualitative approach to analyze the discriminatory context towards Islam/Muslims in ' The Conservative Home' blog. A cognitive approach is adopted and an analysis of dominant discourses in the blog text and the below-the-line comments is used. The focus of the study is, firstly, on the construction of self/ collective national identity in comparison to Muslim identity, highlighting the in-group and out-group construction. Second, the type of attitudes, whether feelings or judgments, related to these social actors as they are explicated to draw on the social values. Third, the role of discursive strategies in justifying and legitimizing those Islamophobic discriminatory practices. Therefore, the analysis is based on the systematic analysis of social actors drawing on actors, actions, and arguments to explicate identity construction and its development in the different discourses. A socio-semantic categorization of social actors is implemented to draw on the discursive strategies in addition to using literature to understand these strategies. An appraisal analysis is further used to classify attitudes and elaborate on core values in both genres. Finally, the grammar of othering is applied to explain how discriminatory dichotomies of 'Us' Vs. ''Them' actions are carried in discourse. Some of the key findings of the analysis can be summarized in two main points. First, the discursive practice used to represent Muslims/Islam as different from ‘Us’ are different in both genres as the blogger uses a covert voice while the commenters generally use an overt voice. This is to say that the blogger uses a mitigated strategy to represent the Muslim identity, for example, using the noun phrase ‘British Muslim’ but then representing them as ‘radical’ and ‘terrorists'. Contrary to this is in below the lines comments, where a direct strategy with an active declarative voice is used to negatively represent the Muslim identity as ‘oppressors’ and ‘terrorists’ with no inclusion of the noun phrase ‘British Muslims’. Second, the negotiation of the ‘British’ identity and values, such as culture and democracy, are prominent in the comment section as being unique and under threat by Muslims, while in the article, these standpoints are not represented.

Keywords: xenophobia, blogs, identity, critical discourse analysis

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Authors: Victoria C. Valdebenito

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Located within the context of accelerating globalization in the 21^st-century knowledge society, this paper focuses on one selected university in Chile at which radical curriculum policy changes have been taking place, diverging from the traditional curriculum in Chile at the undergraduate level as a section of a larger investigation. Using a ‘policy trajectory’ framework, and guided by the interpretivist approach to research, interview transcripts and institutional documents were analyzed in relation to the meso (university administration) and the micro (academics) level. Inside the case study, participants from the university administration and academic levels were selected both via snow-ball technique and purposive selection, thus they had different levels of seniority, with some participating actively in the curriculum reform processes. Guided by an interpretivist approach to research, documents and interview transcripts were analyzed to reveal major themes emerging from the data. A further ‘bigger picture’ analysis guided by critical theory was then undertaken, involving interrogation of underlying ideologies and how political and economic interests influence the cultural production of policy. The case-study university was selected because it represents a traditional and old case of university setting in the country, undergoing curriculum changes based on international trends such as the competency model and the liberal arts. Also, it is representative of a particular socioeconomic sector of the country. Access to the university was gained through email contact. Qualitative research methods were used, namely interviews and analysis of institutional documents. In all, 18 people were interviewed. The number was defined by when the saturation criterion was met. Semi-structured interview schedules were based on the four research questions about influences, policy texts, policy enactment and longer-term outcomes. Triangulation of information was used for the analysis. While there was no intention to generalize the specific findings of the case study, the results of the research were used as a focus for engagement with broader themes, often evident in global higher education policy developments. The research results were organized around major themes in three of the four contexts of the ‘policy trajectory’. Regarding the context of influences and the context of policy text production, themes relate to hegemony exercised by first world countries’ universities in the higher education field, its associated neoliberal ideology, with accountability and the discourse of continuous improvement, the local responses to those pressures, and the value of interdisciplinarity. Finally, regarding the context of policy practices and effects (enactment), themes emerged around the impacts of the curriculum changes on university staff, students, and resistance amongst academics. The research concluded with a few recommendations that potentially provide ‘food for thought’ beyond the localized settings of this study, as well as possibilities for further research.

Keywords: curriculum, global-local dynamics, higher education, policy, sociology of education

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Authors: Chien Yang Erdem

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This paper takes up the proliferating historical dramas and children’s programs featuring the Ottoman-Islamic legacy on Turkish television as a locus where the processes of subjectification take place. A critical analysis of this emergent cultural phenomenon reveals an alliance of neoliberal and neoconservative political rationalities based on which the Turkish media is restructured to transform society. The existing debates have focused on how the Ottoman historical dramas manifest the Justice and Development Party’s (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) neo-Ottomanist ideology and foreign policy. However, this approach tends to overlook the more complex relationship between the media, government, and society. Employing Michel Foucault’s notion of 'technologies of the self,' this paper aims to examine the governing practices that are deployed to regulate the media and to transform individual citizens into governable subjects in contemporary Turkey. First, through a brief discussion of recent development of the Turkish media towards an authoritarian model, the paper suggests that the relation between the Ottoman television drama and the political subject in question cannot be adequately examined without taking into account the force of the market. Second, by focusing on the managerial restructuring of the Turkish Television and Radio Corporation (Türkiye Radyo ve Televizyon Kurumu), the paper aims to illustrate the rationale and process through which the Turkish media sector is transformed into an integral part of the free market where the government becomes a key actor. The paper contends that this new sphere of free market is organized in a way that enables direct interference of the government and divides media practitioners and consumers into opposing categories through their own participation in the media market. On the one hand, a 'free subject' is constituted based on the premise that the market is a sphere where individuals are obliged to exercise their right to freedom (of choice, lifestyle, and expression). On the other hand, this 'free subject' is increasingly subjugated to such disciplinary practices as censorship for being on the wrong side of the government. Finally, the paper examines the relation between the restructured Turkish media market and the proliferation of Ottoman television drama in the 2010s. The study maintains that the reorganization of the media market has produced a condition where private sector is encouraged to take an active role in reviving Turkey’s Ottoman-Islamic cultural heritage and promulgating moral-religious values. Paying specific attention to the controversial case of Magnificent Century (Muhteşem Yüzyıl) in contrast with TRT’s Ottoman historical drama and children’s programs, the paper aims to identify the ways in which individual citizens are directed to conduct themselves as a virtuous citizenry. It is through the double movement between the governing practices associated with the media market and those concerning the making of a 'conservative generation' that a subject of citizenry of new Turkey is constituted.

Keywords: neoconservatism, neoliberalism, ottoman historical drama, technologies of the self, Turkish television

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Authors: Mikyung Bak

Abstract:

The dokkaebi, a beloved icon of Korean culture, is represented as an elf, goblin, monster, dwarf, or any similar creature in different media, such as animated shows, comics, soap operas, and movies. It is often described as a mythical creature with a horn or horns and long teeth, wearing tiger-skin pants or a grass skirt, and carrying a magic stick. Many Korean researchers agree on the similarity of the image of the Korean dokkaebi with that of the Japanese oni, a view that is regard as negative from an anti-colonial or nationalistic standpoint. They cite such similarity between the two mythical creatures as evidence that Japanese colonialism persists in Korea. The debate on the originality of dokkaebi’s visual representation is an issue that must be addressed urgently. This research demonstrates through a diagram the plurality of interpretations of dokkaebi’s visual representations in what are considered ‘authentic’ images of dokkaebi in Korean art and culture. This diagram presents the opinions of four major groups in the debate, namely, the scholars of Korean literature and folklore, art historians, authors, and artists. It also shows the creation of new dokkaebi visual representations in popular media, including those influenced by the debate. The diagram further proves that dokkaebi’s representations varied, which include the typical persons or invisible characters found in Korean literature, original Korean folk characters in traditional art, and even universal spirit characters. They are also visually represented by completely new creatures as well as oni-based mythical beings and the actual oni itself. The earlier dokkaebi representations were driven by the creation of a national ideology or national cultural paradigm and, thus, were more uniform and protected. In contrast, the more recent representations are influenced by the Korean industrial strategy of ‘cultural economics,’ which is concerned with the international rather than the domestic market. This recent Korean cultural strategy emphasizes diversity and commonality with the global culture rather than originality and locality. It employs traditional cultural resources to construct a global image. Consequently, dokkaebi’s recent representations have become more common and diverse, thereby incorporating even oni’s characteristics. This argument has rendered the grounds of the debate irrelevant. The dokkaebi has been used recently for tourist marketing purposes, particularly in revitalizing interest in regions considered the cradle of various traditional dokkaebi tales. These campaign strategies include the Jeju-do Dokkaebi Park, Koksung Dokkaebi Land, as well as the Taebaek and Sokri-san Dokkaebi Festivals. Almost dokkaebi characters are identical to the Japanese oni in tourist marketing. However, the pursuit for dokkaebi’s authentic visual representation is less interesting and fruitful than the appreciation of the entire spectrum of dokkaebi images that have been created. Thus, scholars and stakeholders must not exclude the possibilities for a variety of potentials within the visual culture. The same sentiment applies to traditional art and craft. This study aims to contribute to a new visualization of the dokkaebi that embraces the possibilities of both folk craft and art, which continue to be uncovered by diverse and careful researchers in a still-developing field.

Keywords: Dokkaebi, post-colonial period, representation, tourist marketing

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