Search results for: legislature

Authors: Olanrewaju O. Adeojo

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The constitutional system of government provides for the federating units of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the States and the Local Councils under a governing structure of the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary with attendant distinct powers and spheres of influence. The legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and of a State are vested in the National Assembly and House of Assembly of the State respectively. The Local council exercises legislative powers in clearly defined matters as provided by the Constitution. Though, the executive as constituted by the President and the Governor are charged with the powers of execution and administration, the legislature is empowered to ensure that such powers are duly exercised in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. The vast areas do not make oversight functions indefinite and more importantly the purpose for the exercise of the powers are circumscribed. It include, among others, any matter with respect to which it has power to make laws. Indeed, the law provides for the competence of the legislature to procure evidence, examine all persons as witnesses, to summon any person to give evidence and to issue a warrant to compel attendance in matters relevant to the subject matter of its investigation. The exercise of functions envisaged by the Constitution seem to an extent to be literal because it lacks power of enforcing the outcome. Furthermore, the docility of the legislature is apparent in a situation where the agency or authority being called in to question is part of the branch of government to enforce sanctions. The process allows for cover up and obstruction of justice. The oversight functions are not functional in a situation where the executive is overbearing. The friction, that ensues, between the Legislature and the Executive in an attempt by the former to project the spirit of a constitutional mandate calls for concern. It is needless to state a power that can easily be frustrated. To an extent, the arm of government with coercive authority seems to have over shadowy effect over the laid down functions of the legislature. Recourse to adjudication by the Judiciary had not proved to be of any serious utility especially in a clime where the wheels of justice grinds slowly, as in Nigeria, due to the nature of the legal system. Consequently, the law and the Constitution, drawing lessons from other jurisdiction, need to insulate the legislative oversight from the vagaries of the executive. A strong and virile Constitutional Court that determines, within specific time line, issues pertaining to the oversight functions of the legislative power, is apposite.

Keywords: constitution, legislative, oversight, power

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Authors: Veljko Turanjanin

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In this article, an author deals with the issue of life imprisonment. Life imprisonment represents a new sentence in the Serbian legislature, in addition to the standard one, imprisonment. The author elaborated on judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), imposing the possibility of parole for the person sentenced to life imprisonment, emphasizing rehabilitation as the primary goal of penalties. According to the ECtHR, life imprisonment without parole is not permitted. The right to rehabilitation is very strictly set in the ECtHR jurisprudence. Life imprisonment represents a new sentence in the Serbian legislature, in addition to the standard one, imprisonment. The legislator provided the possibility of parole for most criminal offenses after 27 years in prison, while for some of them, a possibility of parole is explicitly prohibited. The author points out the shortcomings of the legal solution that exists in Serbia, which flagrantly threatens to violate the human rights of the offenders.

Keywords: European Court of Human Rights, life imprisonment, parole, rehabilitation

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Authors: Linda Muswaka

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The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 ranks the Constitution as the Supreme law of the Republic. Law or conduct, inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution is invalid to the extent of the inconsistency. The Constitution binds all persons and legislative, executive and judicial organs of the State at all levels of government. The Constitution embodies a Bill of Rights and expressly allows for judicial review. The introduction of a chapter of rights requires the judiciary to examine the decisions of the legislature and the executive. In a situation where these conflicts with the Bill of Rights, the judiciary have the constitutional power to overrule such decisions. In exercising its adjudicatory and interpretative powers, the judiciary sometimes arrives at unpopular decisions and accusations of judicial overreach are made. A problem, therefore, emerges on the issue of the separation of powers and judicial review. This paper proposes to, through the South African perspective, investigate the application of the doctrine of separation of powers and judicial review. In this regard, the qualitative method of research will be employed. The reason is that it is best suited to this type of study which entails a critical analysis of legal issues. The following findings are made: (i) a complete separation of powers is not possible. This is because some overlapping of the functions of the three branches of state are unavoidable; (ii) the powers vested in the judiciary does not make it more powerful than the executive and the legislature; (iii) interference by the judiciary in matters concerning other branches is not automatically, judicial overreach; and (iv) if both the executive and legislative organs of government adhere to their constitutional obligations there would be a decrease in the need for judicial interference through court adjudication. The researcher concludes by submitting that the judiciary should not derogate from their constitutionally mandated function of judicial review. The rationale being that that if the values contained in the Constitution are not scrupulously observed and their precepts not carried out conscientiously, the result will be a constitutional crisis of great magnitude.

Keywords: constitution, judicial review, judicial overreach, separation of powers

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Authors: Joohyun Park, Jin Baek

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The purpose of this study is to Analyze the role and effect arise from Diagonal Plane Control by Street Width (DPCSW) in Architecture in Seoul, and to predict the aspect of transition about the relationship among buildings and Urban morphology After the abolition. To find the tendency of building shape regulation, This study review Building Acts concerned with form making (the building to land Ratio, building designated line, wall designated line, building height limit (DPCSW) and etc.) and simulate the shape of urban blocks made by Acts in drawings. The review results show DPCSW is not only limitation about height, but also making the building setback from road and make the Road broader. And it makes the typical shape of the urban block that buildings are moving away from surrounding road After the Abolition of DPCSW; it is expected by the legislature that domestic real estate’s market would be promoted by increased total floor areas in each building. Some substitution from the legislature is announced, but it just deals with Building Maximum unit by Block unit except the regulation about arrangement in urban Figure and Ground. In conclusion, refrain from the uncontrolled development of city, It is important to make regulation about not only height factors but limitation line in land. Furthermore, through revising District Unit Plan, It is positively necessary to reset the relationship between buildings for the making the city space better.

Keywords: diagonal plane control by street width, building maximum height, district unit plan, building acts, urban block type, morphology, building shape

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Authors: Milene Magalhães Pinto, Irlen Antônio Gonçalves

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This paper is within the area of History of Education in Brazil, having a descriptive and exploratory nature. It has been built on the belief that professional education is organized under political guidelines and solidifies through institutionalized discourses, allowing to know its mission concerning the society in which it operates by studying these speeches. Our purpose is to analyze how the Republican political culture yielded changes in public education through reforms to professional education in the First Republic, based on seven procedures of law that occurred in the Legislature of State of Minas Gerais. The Republican effort to reform the teaching was the result of a conception of society that aspired to advance the country by way of the national worker.

Keywords: professional education, republican political culture, education reforms, Brazil

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Authors: N. Sathish Gowda

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A constitution without fundamental rights will become zero. The very object of constitution of three organs viz, legislature, executive and judiciary under the constitution of India is to protect, preserve and promote fundamental rights guaranteed under part-III. In India, along with express fundamental rights, Supreme Court has also recognized implied fundamental rights. But, unfortunately State has not been implementing these implied fundamental rights. In this regard, this research paper discusses the catalogue of implied fundamental rights evolved by the judiciary in interpreting Article 21 of the Constitution of India and seeks to examine the effects and applicability of these rights in India.

Keywords: fundamental rights, nuances of Article 21, express fundamental rights, implied fundamental rights, procedure established by law

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Authors: Mallikarjun Vaddenkeri, Suresh Jange

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This research study reports results of information behaviour by members of faculty and research scholars of various departments of social sciences working at universities with a sample of 300 and Members of Legislative Assembly and Council with 216 samples in Karnataka State, India. The results reveal that 29.3% and 20.3% of Social Scientists indicated medium and high level of awareness of primary sources - Primary Journals are found to be at scale level 5 and 9. The usage of primary journals by social scientists is found to be 28% at level 4, 24% of the respondent’s opined use of primary Conference Proceedings at level 5 as medium level of use. Similarly, the use of Secondary Information Sources at scale 8 and 9 particularly in case of Dictionaries (31.0% and 5.0%), Encyclopaedias (22.3% and 6.3%), Indexing Periodicals (7.0% and 15.3%) and Abstracting Periodicals (5.7% and 20.7%). For searching information from Journals Literature available in CD-ROM version, Keywords (43.7%) followed by Keywords with logical operators (39.7%) have been used for finding the required information. Statistical inference reveals rejection of null hypothesis `there is no association between designation of the respondents and awareness of primary information resources’. On the other hand, educational qualification possessed by Legislative members, more than half of them possess graduate degree as their academic qualification (57.4%) and just 16.7% of the respondents possess graduate degree while only 26.8% of the respondents possess degree in law and just 1.8% possess post-graduate degree in law. About 42.6% indicated the importance of information required to discharge their duties and responsibilities as a Policy Maker in the scale 8, as a Scholar (27.8%) on a scale 6, as a politician (64.8%) on a scale 10 and as a Councillor (51.9%) on a scale 8. The most preferred information agencies/sources very often contacted for obtaining useful information are by means of contacting the people of Karnataka State Legislative Library, listening Radio programmes, viewing Television programmes and reading the newspapers. The methods adopted for obtaining needed information quite often by means of sending their assistants to libraries to gather information (35.2%) and personally visiting the information source (64.8%). The null hypotheses `There is no association between Members of Legislature and Opinion on the usefulness of the resources of the Karnataka State Legislature Library’ is accepted using F ANOVA test. The studies conclude with a note revamp the existing library system in its structure and adopt latest technologies and educate and train social scientists and Legislators in using these resources in the interest of academic, government policies and decision making of the country.

Keywords: information use behaviour, government information, searching behaviour, policy makers

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Authors: Huang Gui

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This paper supplies some possible approaches of the death penalty reform in China basic on the analyzing the reformation conducted by the Ninth Amendment. There now are 46 crimes punishable by death, and this penalty still plays a significant role in the criminal punishment structure. In order to abolish entirely the death penalty in Penal Code, the legislature of China should gradually abolish the death penalty for the nonviolent crimes and then for the nonlethal violent crimes and finally for the lethal violent crimes. In the case where the death penalty has not yet been abolished completely, increasing the applicable conditions of suspension of execution of death penalty and reducing the scope of applicable objects (elderly defendant and other kinds of special objects) of death penalty would be an effective road to control and limit the use of death penalty in judicial practice.

Keywords: death penalty, the eighth amendment, the ninth amendment, suspension of execution of death, immediate execution of death, China

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Authors: Amir Shafiq, Asif Shahzad, Shabbar Mehmood, Muhammad Saeed, Hamid Mustafa

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Administration of justice in a society is evolutionary process. In pre-modern societies vital organs that we consider separate today i.e. legislation, implementation and adjudication were controlled by a King, the sovereign authority. Whereas now it is recognized that Development of a country revolves in seven arenas i.e. Civil Society, Political Society, Economic Society, Legislature, Judiciary, Executive & Bureaucracy. Each society whether developing or developed, has need of institutions and structures that can resolve difference of opinions of private or public nature between contending parties. Administration of justice has a key-role in the development of the society. Through this paper, it is to highlight that an independent judiciary having the support of public opinion therefore is inevitable to wriggle out from such problems in order to restore and protect the fundamental rights, constitution and democratic political system in third world countries like Pakistan.

Keywords: role of judiciary, developing countries, judicial activism, present scenario

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Authors: Mairo Musa Galadima, Phoebe Mshelia

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In Nigeria, the national policy of education stipulates that the kindergarten primary schools and the legislature are to use the three popular Nigerian Languages namely: Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. However, the English language seems to be preferred and this calls for this paper. Attempts were made to draw out the challenges faced by learners in understanding English speech sounds and using them to communicate effectively in English; using 5(five) selected secondary school in Bauchi. It was discover that challenges abound in the wrong use of stress and intonation, transfer of phonetic features from their first language. Others are inadequate qualified teachers and relevant materials including text-books. It is recommended that teachers of English should lay more emphasis on the teaching of supra-segmental features and should be encouraged to go for further studies, seminars and refresher courses.

Keywords: kindergarten, stress, phonetic and intonation, Nigeria

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Authors: Mairo Musa Galadima, Phoebe Mshelia

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In Nigeria, the national policy of education stipulates that the kindergarten-primary schools and the legislature are to use the three popular Nigerian Languages namely: Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba. However, the English language seems to be preferred and this calls for this paper. Attempts were made to draw out the challenges faced by learners in understanding English speech sounds and using them to communicate effectively in English; using 5 (five) selected secondary school in Bauchi. It was discovered that challenges abound in the wrong use of stress and intonation, transfer of phonetic features from their first language. Others are inadequately qualified teachers and relevant materials including textbooks. It is recommended that teachers of English should lay more emphasis on the teaching of supra-segmental features and should be encouraged to go for further studies, seminars and refresher courses.

Keywords: stress and intonation, phonetic and challenges, teaching and learning English, secondary schools

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Authors: Pooja Bakshi

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In the following paper, an attempt would be made to engage with the relationship between the state and the imperatives of security from a gendered lens. This will be juxtaposed with the feminist engagement with International Law. Theorizations from the literature on South Asian politics and Global politics would be applied to the manner in which the Indian state has defined and proposed to deal with concerns of internal security pertaining to the ‘Left Wing Extremism’ in 2010-2011. It would be argued that the state needs to be disaggregated into the legislature, executive and the judiciary; since there are times when some institutional parts of the state provide space for progressive democratic engagement whilst other institutions don’t. The specific contours of violence faced by women and children at the hands of the state, in the above-mentioned discourse would also be examined. In the end, implications of the security state discourse on debates in International Law would be elaborated.

Keywords: feminist engagement, human rights, state response to left extremism, security studies in South Asia

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Authors: Tholaine Matadi

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South Africa is a democratic country with a historical record of racially-motivated marginalisation and exclusion of the majority. During the apartheid era the country was run along pieces of legislation and policies based on racial segregation. The system held a tight clamp on interracial mixing which forced people to remain in segregated areas. For example, a citizen from the Indian community could not own property in an area allocated to white people. In this way, a great majority of people were denied basic human rights. Now, there is a supreme constitution with an entrenched justiciable Bill of Rights founded on democratic values of social justice, human dignity, equality and the advancement of human rights and freedoms. The Constitution also enshrines the values of non-racialism and non-sexism. The Constitutional Court has the power to declare unconstitutional any law or conduct considered to be inconsistent with it. Now, more than two decades down the line, despite the abolition of apartheid, there is evidence that South Africa still experiences hate crimes which violate the entrenched right of vulnerable groups not to be discriminated against on the basis of race, sexual orientation, gender, national origin, occupation, or disability. To remedy this mischief parliament has responded by drafting the Prevention and Combatting of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill. The Bill has been disseminated for public comment and suggestions. It is intended to combat hate crimes and hate speech based on sheer prejudice. The other purpose of the Bill is to bring South Africa in line with international human rights instruments against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related expressions of intolerance identified in several international instruments. It is against this backdrop that this paper intends to analyse the impact of the Bill on the rights to human dignity, equality, and freedom. This study is significant because the Bill was highly contested and creates a huge debate. This study relies on a qualitative evaluative approach based on desktop and library research. The article recurs to primary and secondary sources. For comparative purpose, the paper compares South Africa with countries such as Australia, Canada, Kenya, Cuba, and United Kingdom which have criminalised hate crimes and hate speech. The finding from this study is that despite the Bill’s expressed positive intentions, this draft legislation is problematic for several reasons. The main reason is that it generates considerable controversy mostly because it is considered to infringe the right to freedom of expression. Though the author suggests that the Bill should not be rejected in its entirety, she notes the brutal psychological effect of hate crimes on their direct victims and the writer emphasises that a legislature can succeed to combat hate-crimes only if it provides for them as a separate stand-alone category of offences. In view of these findings, the study recommended that since hate speech clauses have a negative impact on freedom of expression it can be promulgated, subject to the legislature enacting the Prevention and Combatting of Hate-Crimes Bill as a stand-alone law which criminalises hate crimes.

Keywords: freedom of expression, hate crimes, hate speech, human dignity

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Authors: Alireza Tavakoli Nia

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In order to understand the role of the injured party's fault in dividing liability, we studied its historical background. In common law, the traditional contributory negligence rule was a complete defense. Then the legislature and judicial procedure modified that rule to one of apportionment. In Islamic law, too, the Action rule was at first used when the injured party was the sole cause, but jurists expanded the scope of this rule, so this rule was used in cases where both the injured party's fault and that of the other party are involved. There are some popular approaches for apportionment of damages. Some common law countries like Britain had chosen ‘the causal potency approach’ and ‘fixed apportionment’. Islamic countries like Iran have chosen both ‘the relative blameworthiness’ and ‘equal apportionment’ approaches. The article concludes that both common law and Islamic law believe in the division of responsibility between a wrongdoer claimant and the defendant. In contrast, in the apportionment of responsibility, Islamic law mostly believes in equal apportionment that is way easier and saves time and money, but common law legal systems have chosen the causal potency approach, which is more complicated than the rival approach but is fairer.

Keywords: contributory negligence, tort law, damage apportionment, common law, Islamic law

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Authors: Umberto Platini

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This paper analyses the role of government fragmentation as predictor of the use of emergency decrees in parliamentary democracies. In particular, it focuses on the relationship between ideological divisiveness within cabinets and the choice by executives to issue emergency decrees rather initiating ordinary legislative procedures. A Bayesian multilevel analysis conducted on the population of government-initiated legislation in Italy between 1996 and 2018 finds significant evidence that those legislative proposals which are further away from the ideological centre of gravity of the executive are around three times more likely to be issued as emergency decrees. Likewise, legislative projects regulating more contentious policy areas are significantly more likely to be issued by decree. However, for more contentious issues the importance of ideological distance as a predictor diminishes. This evidence suggests that cabinets prefer decrees to ordinary legislative procedures when they expect that the bargaining environment in Parliament is more hostile. These results persist regardless of the fluctuations of the political-economic cycle. Their robustness is also tested against a battery of controls and against fixed effects both at the government level and at the legislature level.

Keywords: Bayesian multilevel logit models, executive action, executive decrees, ideology, legislative studies, polarization

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Authors: Rana Tajammal Rashid

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Federalism is a political system in which government power and responsibility are divided between a federal legislature and units of the state or provincial legislatures. This system provides the structure for the states having large territory and through that can manage the state affairs and administration easily. Many of the largest countries in the world are federations, like; The United States, Canada, India, Pakistan South Africa, Argentina, and Australia. Every large democratic nation has a federal system of government. This study will explore the feature and good governance of two developed countries Canada and Australia. This study will be helpful to the developing countries like Pakistan, India which have a federal form of structure to run the affairs of the state. In the federal system of Pakistan there are lot of issues and conflicts with the provinces with a comparative study of these two developed countries, i.e., Australia and Canada, our policy and decision maker political actors will understand in which way a state will successfully manage the issues related to federalism. This study will also provide the help to the students of comparative politics that how to analysis the different political system of the developed countries of the world.

Keywords: federalism, features of federalism, types of federalism, history of federalism, Australian federalism, Canadian federalism, federalism developments, executives, federal and provincial autonomy legislative, judicial

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Authors: Ilija Musa

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Positive legal regulation of juvenile privacy protection, current state of showing a child in BH media and possibilities of a child’s privacy protection by more adequate media legislature which should be arranged in accordance to recommendations of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Privacy of the minors in Bosnian-Herzegovinian media is insufficiently legally arranged. Due to the fact that there is no law on media area arrangement at the state level, electronic media are under jurisdiction of Communications regulatory agency, which at least partially, regulated the sector of radio and television broadcasting by adequate protection of child’s privacy. However, print and online media are under jurisdiction of non-governmental association Print and online media council in B&H which is not authorized to punish violators of this body’s Codex, what points out the necessity of passing the unique media law which would enable sanctioning the child’s privacy violation. The analysis of media content, which is a common violation of the child's privacy, analysis of positive legislation which regulates the media, confirmed the working hypothesis by which the minor’s protection policy in BH media is not protected at the appropriate level. Taking this into consideration, in the conclusion of this article the author gives recommendations for the regulation of legal protection of minor’s privacy in BH media.

Keywords: children, media, legislation, privacy protection, Bosnia Herzegovina

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Authors: Serges Djoyou Kamga, Gerard Emmanuel Kamdem Kamga

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Any serious constitutionalism entails a system of government characterised by the separation of powers between the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. The latter is generally in charge of upholding the rule of law and the respect for human rights which are vital for the functioning of any democracy. Therefore, for the judiciary to play its role as a watchdog, it should be independent from other branches of government. The aim of this paper is to examine the independence of the judiciary in South Africa after 20 of democracy. Defining judicial independence as the courts’ ability ‘to decide cases on the basis of established law and the merits of the case, without interference from other political or governmental agents’, the paper examines the extent to which the South African judiciary is independent after twenty years of democracy. As part of assessing the independence of the judiciary, the paper begins by looking at the situation during apartheid, then proceeds with an examination of the post-apartheid legal order. It also examines the institutional independence of the judiciary by looking into its day to day activities which revolve around its self-governance, or administrative and financial independence. In addition, the paper assesses the judges’ individual independence by examining whether judicial appointment, security of tenure, judges’ remuneration and disciplinary actions and the removal of judges from office do not contain loopholes that can hinder judicial independence. Ultimately, the chapter argues that although the South African model of judicial independence is yet to be perfect, it is a good practice that can be emulated by other African countries.

Keywords: judical independence, South Africa, democracy, separation of powers

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Authors: Asriana Issa Sofia, Retno Hendrowati, Dewi Kurniaty

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This study aims at analyzing the role of Corruption Eradication Commission in combating corruption cases including punishing high-profile corruptors and changing the culture of corruption in Indonesia by strengthening the relations with other agencies. Corruption Eradicating Commission was created in 2002 as Indonesia’s most trusted government institution as the anti-corruption agency that will exercise investigatory and prosecutorial power independently from the executive, legislature, and judiciary. The analysis of partnership addressed the role of collaboration with other institutions including Non-Government Organization, Youth Organization, Governmental Institution and Society. The collaboration is needed due to the limitations of Corruption Eradication Commission in preventing corruption. The collaboration focuses on the intensive communication, strengthening leadership, commitment, and creating trust. The research method used the qualitative study by employing the literature study and having a semi-structured interview with the key informant in Corruption Eradication Commission and its partners. The analysis found that intensive communication, leadership, communication, and creating trust were the important pillars in assisting Corruption Eradication Commission to prevent the incoming seed of corruption. The pillars will support the Indonesian Government to deliver better services for society.

Keywords: corruption, corruption eradicating commission, partnership, preventing actions

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Authors: Renz Paolo B. Ramos, Jake S. Espina

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The Local Government Academy of the Philippines explains that Local legislation is both a power and a process by which it enacts ordinances and resolutions that have the force and effect of law while engaging with a range of stakeholders for their implementation. Legislative effectiveness is crucial for the development of any given area. This study's objective is to evaluate the legislative performance of the 10th Sangguniang of Kawayan, a legislative body in a fifth-class municipality in the Province of Biliran, during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic (2019-2021) with a focus on legislation, accountability, and participation, institution-building, and intergovernmental relations. The aim of the study was that a mixed-methods strategy was used to gather data. The Local Legislative Performance Appraisal Form (LLPAF) was completed, while Focus Interviews for Local Government Unit (LGU) personnel, a survey questionnaire for constituents, and ethnographic diary-writing were conducted. Convenience Sampling was utilized for LGU workers, whereas Simple Random Sampling was used to identify the number of constituents participating. Interviews were analyzed using thematic analysis, while frequency data analysis was employed to describe and evaluate the nature and connection of the data to the underlying population. From this data, the researchers draw opportunities and challenges met by the local legislature during the height of the pandemic.

Keywords: local legislation, local governance, legislative effectiveness, legislative analysis

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Authors: H. Florianová, J. Nešleha

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Financial derivatives are considered to be risky investment instruments which could possibly bring another financial crisis. As prevention, European Union and its member states have released new legal acts adjusting this area of law in recent years. There have been several cases in history of capital markets worldwide where it was shown that legislature may affect behavior of subjects on capital markets. In our paper we analyze main events on selected European stock exchanges in order to apply them on three chosen markets - Czech capital market represented by Prague Stock Exchange, German capital market represented by Deutsche Börse and Polish capital market represented by Warsaw Stock Exchange. We follow time series of development of the sum of listed derivatives on these three stock exchanges in order to evaluate popularity of those exchanges. Afterwards we compare newly listed derivatives in relation to the speed of development of these exchanges. We also make a comparison between trends in derivatives and shares development. We explain how a legal regulation may affect situation on capital markets. If the regulation is too strict, potential investors or traders are not willing to undertake it and move to other markets. On the other hand, if the regulation is too vague, trading scandals occur and the market is not reliable from the prospect of potential investors or issuers. We see that making the regulation stricter usually discourages subjects to stay on the market immediately although making the regulation vaguer to interest more subjects is usually much slower process.

Keywords: capital markets, financial derivatives, investors' behavior, regulation

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Authors: Stacie Nelson Colling, Adele Cummings

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The United States Supreme Court recently announced that it is unconstitutional to sentence a child to life without parole for non-homicide offenses, and that each child so situated must be afforded a meaningful opportunity for release from prison in his lifetime. The Court also declared that it is unconstitutional to impose a mandatory sentence of life without parole on a child for homicide offenses. Across the United States, attorneys and advocates continue to litigate issues surrounding the implementation of these legal principles. Some states have held that any sentence to a finite term of years, no matter how long, is not the same as ‘life’ and therefore does not violate the constitution. Other states have held that a sentence to a term of years that is less than the expected life of that particular child is not unconstitutional. In Colorado, the courts have routinely looked to life expectancy estimates from governmental organizations to determine how long a particular child is expected to live. They then compare that the date that the child is expected to be eligible for parole, and if the child is expected to still be living when he is eligible for parole, the sentence is deemed constitutional. This paper argues that it is inappropriate, reckless, unconstitutional and not scientifically sound to use such estimates in determining whether a child will have a meaningful opportunity for release from prison and life outside of prison before he dies. This paper argues that the opportunity for release must mean more than a probability that a child will be released before his death, and that it must include an opportunity for a meaningful life outside of prison (not just the opportunity to be released and then die on the outside). The paper further argues that life expectancy estimates cannot guide a court or a legislature in determining whether a sentence is or is not constitutional.

Keywords: life without parole, life expectancy, juvenile sentencing, meaningful opportunity for release from prison

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Authors: Oscar Sang, Shadrack David Rotich

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Parliamentary immunity is grounded on the notion that parliaments need certain rights or immunities to ensure they can operate independently make fair and impartial decisions without capitulating to political pressure or intimidation. The 2013 election in Kenya marked an important milestone in the development of the law of parliamentary privilege. Such importance relates to the dramatic increase in the number of legislatures in the country from one unicameral parliament, to a bicameral national parliament and forty-seven other regional legislative assemblies. The increase in legislatures has resulted in a dramatic increase in political contestations which have led to legal wrangles. The judiciary in Kenya, once considered submissive, has been invited to arbitrate on various matters pitting individual rights and parliamentary privilege and have invalidated a number of legislative action. While judicial intervention is indeed necessary to ensure that legislatures in Kenya live true to the constitutional aspirations of the Kenyan people, certain judicial decisions have had an effect on eroding parliamentary immunity. This paper highlights a number of instances in which it could be argued that parliamentary privilege came under attack by the courts in Kenya. The paper aims to make a case that while Kenya’s progressive constitution necessitates the scope and extent of legislature’s immunities and privilege to be determined by the courts, it is important that courts exercise restraint in its review of legislative action. The paper makes the argument that unrestrained judicial action in Kenya on questions within the realm parliamentary privilege may undermine the functioning of Kenya’s legislatures. The paper explores approaches taken by a number of jurisdictions in establishing a proper balance between maintaining a viable parliamentary privilege regime in a rights-based constitutional system.

Keywords: Kenya, constitution, judicial restraint, parliamentary privilege

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Authors: Kamil Jonski

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Last year vividly demonstrated, that populism and political instability can endanger democratic institutions in countries regarded as democratic transition champions (Poland) or cornerstones of liberal order (UK, US). So called ‘illiberal democracy’ is winning hearts and minds of voters, keen to believe that rule of strongman is a viable alternative to perceived decay of western values and institutions. These developments pose a serious threat to the democratic institutions (including rule of law), proven critical for both personal freedom and economic development. Although scholars proposed some structural explanations of the illiberal wave (notably focusing on inequality, stagnant incomes and drawbacks of globalization), they seem to have little predictive value. Indeed, events like Trump’s victory, Brexit or Polish shift towards populist nationalism always came as a surprise. Intriguingly, in the case of US election, simple rules like ‘Bread and Peace model’ gauged prospects of Trump’s victory better than pundits and pollsters. This paper attempts to compile set of indicators, in order to gauge various democracies’ vulnerability to populism, instability and pursuance of ‘illiberal’ projects. Among them, it identifies the gap between consensus assessment of institutional performance (as measured by WGI indicators) and citizens’ subjective assessment (survey based confidence in institutions). Plotting these variables against each other, reveals three clusters of countries – ‘predictable’ (good institutions and high confidence, poor institutions and low confidence), ‘blind’ (poor institutions, high confidence e.g. Uzbekistan or Azerbaijan) and ‘disillusioned’ (good institutions, low confidence e.g. Spain, Chile, Poland and US). It seems that this clustering – carried out separately for various institutions (like legislature, executive and courts) and blended with economic indicators like inequality and living standards (using PCA) – offers reasonably good watchlist of countries, that should ‘expect the unexpected’.

Keywords: illiberal democracy, populism, political instability, political risk measurement

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Authors: Natsuda Rattamanee

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Like other countries, Thailand continually experiences strong protests against dam and reservoir proposals, especially large-scale projects. The protestors are constantly worried about the potential significant adverse impacts of the projects on the environment and society. Although project proponents are required by laws to assess the environmental and social impacts of the dam proposals by making environmental impact assessment (EIA) reports and finding mitigation measures before implementing the plans, the outcomes of the assessments often do not lessen the affected people and public’s concerns about the potential negative effects of the projects. One of the main reasons is that Thailand does not have a proper and efficient law to regulate project proponents when determining the scope of environmental impact assessments. Scoping is the crucial second stage of the preparation of an EIA report. The appropriate scope of assessments will allow EIA studies to focus only on the significant effects of the proposed project on particular resources, areas, and communities. It will offer crucial and sufficient information to the decision-makers and the public. The decision to implement the dam and reservoir projects considered based on the assessments with a proper scoping will eventually be more widely accepted by the public and reduce community opposition. The research work seeks to identify flaws in the current requirements of scoping steps under Thai laws and regulations and proposes recommendations to improve the legal scheme. The paper explores the well-established United States laws and relevant rules regulating how lead agencies determine the scope of their environmental impact assessments and some guidelines concerning scoping published by dominant institutions. Policymakers and legislature will find the results of studies helpful in improving the scoping-step requirements of EIA for dam and reservoir projects and reducing the level of anti-dam protests in Thailand.

Keywords: dam and reservoir, EIA, environmental impact assessment, law, scoping, Thailand

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Authors: Onyinyechi Lilian Uche

Abstract:

Limiting arbitrariness and political power in governance is expressed in the concept of constitutionalism. Constitutionalism acknowledges the necessity for government but insists upon a limitation being placed upon its powers. It is therefore clear that the essence of constitutionalism is obviation of arbitrariness in governance and maximisation of liberty with adequate and expedient restraint on government. The doctrine of separation of powers accompanied by a system of checks and balances in Nigeria like many other African countries is marked by elements of ‘personal government’ and this has raised questions about whether the apparent separation of powers provided for in the Nigerian Constitution is not just a euphemism for the hegemony of the executive over the other two arms of government; the legislature and the judiciary. Another question raised in the article is whether the doctrine is merely an abstract philosophical inheritance that lacks both content and relevance to the realities of the country and region today? The current happenings in Nigeria and most African countries such as the flagrant disregard of court orders by the Executive, indicate clearly that the concept constitutionalism ordinarily goes beyond mere form and strikes at the substance of a constitution. It, therefore, involves a consideration of whether there are provisions in the constitution which limit arbitrariness in the exercise of political powers by providing checks and balances upon such exercise. These questions underscore the need for Africa to craft its own understanding of the separation of powers between the arms of government in furtherance of good governance as it has been seen that it is possible to have a constitution in place which may just be a mere statement of unenforceable ‘rights’ or may be bereft of provisions guaranteeing liberty or adequate and necessary restraint on exercise of government. This paper seeks to expatiate on the importance of the nexus between constitutionalism and democratic process and a juxtaposition of practices between Nigeria and South Africa. The article notes that an abstract analysis of constitutionalism without recourse to the democratic process is meaningless and also analyses the structure of government of some selected African countries. These are examined the extent to which the doctrine operates within the arms of government and concludes that it should not just be regarded as a general constitutional principle but made rigid or perhaps effective and binding through law and institutional reforms.

Keywords: checks and balances, constitutionalism, democratic process, separation of power

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Authors: Moses Mncwabe

Abstract:

Both Public Representatives and Legislatures have an imperative role towards strengthening interventions to reduce and cease Sexual Transmitted Infections (STIs) specifically the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV). Scaling-up constituency work in support of interventions earmarked for mitigating the compromising socio-economic impacts of advanced HIV is extremely essential. Though the antiretroviral treatment (ART) has saved million lives that would have perished without it, the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (2012) states that more efforts should be redirected to prevention strategies to close the tap of new infections. It is against this backdrop that Legislatures as law making institutions have undisputed role to play in HIV alleviation because of the position they occupy in the society. Furthermore, Public Representatives are arguably idolised by young people for the role they play hence it is incumbent upon them to use their moral and political responsibility to aid the interventions for HIV prevention (Inter-Parliamentary Union, Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS & United Nations Development Programme, 2007). Moreover, the continuous HIV infection and its devastating effects specifically in Southern African region has brought closer the disease to public representatives and demanded calculated interventions warranting both public representatives and legislatures to be more visible in various ways such as taking HIV counselling and testing publicly, oversight, reducing stigma and discrimination, partnering with civil society organisations (CSOs) and facilitating debates on HIV across parliamentary and social platforms. The effects of advanced HIV yearn for public representatives to be seen, accessed, felt, engaged, partnered and lobbied for pro-human rights legislations and ideal oversight to coerce the executive to deliver on their core responsibilities like providing basic services to the electorates (AIDS Law Project (2003). The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and the Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum (2004) assert that the omission of Public Representatives and Legislatures in the HIV prevention agenda is a serious deficiency in the fight against HIV and AIDS. In light of this, this paper argues the innovative and legislative ways in which both the Public Representative and the Legislatures should play in HIV prevention.

Keywords: legislature, public representative, oversight, HIV and AIDS, constituency, service delivery

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Authors: Sheel Chakraborty

Abstract:

Modern society in developed countries has distanced itself from the earlier norm of joint family living, and with the increase of economic pressure, parents' availability for their children during their infant years has been consistently decreasing over the past three decades. During the same time, the pre-primary education system - built mainly on the developmental psychology theory framework of Jean Piaget and Lev Vygotsky, has been promoted in the US through the legislature and funding. Early care and education may have a positive impact on young minds, but a growing number of kids facing social challenges in making friendships in their teenage years raises serious concerns about its effectiveness. The survey-based primary research presented here shows a statistically significant number of millennials between the ages of 10 and 25 prefer to build friendships virtually than face-to-face interactions. Moreover, many teenagers depend more on their virtual friends whom they never met. Contrary to the belief that early social interactions in a non-home setup make the kids confident and more prepared for the real world, many shy-natured kids seem to develop a sense of shakiness in forming social relationships, resulting in loneliness by the time they are young adults. Reflecting on George Mead’s theory of self that is made up of “I” and “Me”, most functioning homes provide the required freedom and forgivable, congenial environment for building the "I" of a toddler; however, daycare or preschools can barely match that. It seems social images created from the expectations perceived by preschoolers “Me" in a non-home setting may interfere and greatly overpower the formation of a confident "I" thus creating a crisis around the inability to form friendships face to face when they grow older. Though the pervasive nature of social media can’t be ignored, the non-parental early care and education practices adopted largely by the urban population have created a favorable platform of teen psychology on which social media popularity thrived, especially providing refuge to shy Gen-Z teenagers. This can explain why young adults today perceive social media as their preferred outlet of expression and a place to form dependable friendships, despite the risk of being cyberbullied.

Keywords: digital socialization, shyness, developmental psychology, friendship, early education

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Authors: Priya Sepaha

Abstract:

Commercial Surrogacy refers to a contract in which a woman carries a pregnancy for intended parents. There are two types of surrogacy; first, Traditional Surrogacy, in which, sperm of the donor or father is artificially inseminated in the women and carries the fetus till birth. Second, Gestational Surrogacy, in which the egg and sperm of the intended parent are collected for artificial fertilization through In Vitro Fertilization (IVF) technique and after the embryo formation, it is transferred into the womb of a surrogate mother with the help of Assisted Reproductive Technique. Surrogacy has become so widespread in India that it has now been nicknamed the "rent-a-womb" capital of the world due to relatively low cost and lack of stringent regulatory legalisation. The legal aspects surrounding surrogacy are complex, diverse and mostly unsettled. Although this appears to be beneficial for the parties concerned, there are certain sensitive issues which need to be addressed to ensure ample protection to all stakeholders. Commercial surrogacy is an emerging business and a new means of human trafficking particularly in India. Poor and illiterate women are often lured in such deals by their spouse or broker for earning easy money. Traffickers also use force, fraud, or coercion at times to intimidate the probable surrogate mothers. A major chunk of money received from covert surrogacy agreement is taken away by the brokers. The Law Commission of India has specifically reviewed the issue as India is emerging as a major global surrogacy destination. The Supreme Court of India held in the Manji's case in 2008, that commercial surrogacy can be permitted with certain restrictions but had directed the Legislature to pass an appropriate Law for governing Surrogacy in India. The draft Assisted Reproductive Technique (ART) Bill, 2010 is still pending for approval. At present, the Surrogacy Contract between the parties and the ART Clinics Guidelines are perhaps the only guiding force. The Immoral Trafficking Prevention Act (ITPA), 1956 and Sections 366(A) and 372 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860 are perhaps the only existing laws, which deal with human trafficking. Yet, none of these provisions specifically deal with the serious issue of trafficking for the purpose of Commercial Surrogacy. India remains one of the few countries that still allow commercial surrogacy. International Surrogacy involves bilateral issues, where the laws of both the nations have to be at par in order to ensure that the concerns and interests of parties involved get amicably resolved. There is urgent need to pass a comprehensive law by incorporating the latest developments in this field in order to make it ethical on the one hand and to curb disguised human trafficking on the other.

Keywords: business, human trafficking, legal, surrogacy

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Authors: Meszár Tárik

Abstract:

The aim of the study is to introduce the minority groups living in Iraq and to shed light on their current situation. The Middle East is a rather heterogeneous region in ethnic terms. It includes many ethnic, national, religious, linguistic, or ethnoreligious groups. The relationship between the majority and minority is the main cause of various conflicts in the region. It seems that most of the post-Ottoman states have not yet developed a unified national identity capable of integrating their multi-ethnic societies. The issue of minorities living in the Middle East is highly politicized and controversial, as the various Arab states consider the treatment of minorities as their internal affair, do not recognize discrimination or even deny the existence of any kind of minorities on their territory. This attitude of the Middle Eastern states may also be due to the fact that the minority issue can be abused and can serve as a reference point for the intervention policies of Western countries at any time. Methodologically, the challenges of these groups are perceived through the manifestos of prominent individuals and organizations belonging to minorities. The basic aim is to present the minorities’ own history in dealing with the issue. It also introduces the different ethnic and religious minorities in Iraq and analyzes their situation during the operation of the terrorist organization „Islamic State” and in the aftermath. It is clear that the situation of these communities deteriorated significantly with the advance of ISIS, but it is also clear that even after the expulsion of the militant group, we cannot necessarily report an improvement in this area, especially in terms of the ability of minorities to assert their interests and physical security. The emergence of armed militias involved in the expulsion of ISIS sometimes has extremely negative effects on them. Until the interests of non-Muslims are adequately represented at the local level and in the legislature, most experts and advocates believe that little will change in their situation. When conflicts flare, many Iraqi citizens usually leave Iraq, but because of the poor public security situation (threats from terrorist organizations, interventions by other countries), emigration causes serious problems not only outside the country’s borders but also within the country. Another ominous implication for minorities is that their communities are very slow if ever, to return to their homes after fleeing their own settlements. An important finding of the study is that this phenomenon is changing the face of traditional Iraqi settlements and threatens to plunge groups that have lived there for thousands of years into the abyss of history. Therefore, we not only present the current situation of minorities living in Iraq but also discuss their future possibilities.

Keywords: Middle East, Iraq, Islamic State, minorities

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