Search results for: gendered politics

Authors: Hong Beom Hur

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Politics in America is polarized. The best illustration of this is the 2016 presidential election result map. States with megacities like California, New York, Illinois, Virginia, and others are marked blue to signify the color of the Democratic party. States located in inland and south like Texas, Florida, Tennesse, Kansas and others are marked red to signify the color of the Republican party. Such a stark difference between two colors, red and blue, combined with geolocations of each state with their borderline remarks one central message; America is divided into two colors between urban Democrats and rural Republicans. This paper seeks to defy the visualization by pointing out its limitations and search for alternative ways to visualize the 2016 election result. One such limitation is that geolocations of each state and state borderlines limit the visualization of population density. As a result, the election result map does not convey the fact that Clinton won the popular vote and only accentuates the voting patterns of urban and rural states. The paper seeks whether an alternative narrative can be observed by factoring in the population number into the size of each state and manipulating the state borderline according to the normalization. Yet another alternative narrative may be reached by factoring the size of each state by the number of the electoral college of each state by voting and visualize the number. Other alternatives will be discussed but are not implemented in visualization. Such methods include dividing the land of America into about 120 million cubes each representing a voter or by the number of whole population 300 million cubes. By exploring these alternative methods to visualize the politics of the 2016 election map, the public may be able to question whether it is possible to be free from the narrative of the divide-conquer when interpreting the election map and to look at both parties as a story of the United States of America.

Keywords: 2016 U.S. presidential election, data visualization, population scale, geo-political

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Authors: Ondiba Hesborn Andole, Kenichi Matsui

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Women entrepreneurs in the rural areas of Kenya have continually been affected by culturally engraved gendered bias customs. This research investigates challenges and prospects of rural women entrepreneurship in Kakamega County, Kenya. We conducted the questionnaire survey and interviews among 153 women entrepreneurs in the County to better understand how traditional norms influence them in conducting or seeking small businesses. We found that Luhya customs significantly affect growth and performance of rural women enterprises. Traditional Luhya society does not recognize women’s rights to land and higher education. The Luhya traditional roles of women are limited so that, without competing with men, they need to find gender biased works through networking activities. Also, without higher education degrees, their business prospects are limited. Among the respondents, 31% had primary education and about 5% had no formal education at all. We discuss how these women may succeed in businesses under these conditions.

Keywords: chama, culture, entrepreneurs, rural women

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Authors: Samantha Jeffries, Chontit Chuenurah

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Thailand incarcerates the largest number of women and has the highest female incarceration rate in South East Asia. Since the 1990s, there has been a substantial increase in the number, rate and proportion of women imprisoned. Thailand places a high priority on the gender specific contexts out of which offending arises and the different needs of women in the criminal justice system. This is manifested in work undertaken to guide the development of the United Nations Rules for the Treatment of Women Prisoners and Non-Custodial Measures for Women Offenders (the Bangkok Rules); adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2010. The Bangkok Rules make a strong statement about Thailand’s recognition of and commitment to the fair and equitable treatment of women throughout their contact with the criminal justice system including at sentencing and in prison. This makes the comparatively high use of imprisonment for women in Thailand particularly concerning and raises questions about the relationship between gender, crime and criminal justice. While there is an extensive body of research in Western jurisdictions exploring women’s pathways to prison, there is a relative dearth of methodologically robust research examining the possible gendered circumstances leading to imprisonment in Thailand. In this presentation, we will report preliminary findings from a qualitative study of women’s pathways to prison in Thailand. Our research aims were to ascertain: 1) the type, frequency, and context of criminal behavior that led to women’s incarceration, 2) women’s experiences of the criminal justice system, 3) the broader life experiences and circumstances that led women to prison in Thailand. In-depth life history interviews (n=77) were utilized to gain a comprehensive understanding of women’s journeys into prison. The interview schedule was open-ended consisting of prisoner responses to broad discussion topics. This approach provided women with the opportunity to describe significant experiences in their lives, to bring together distinct chronologies of events, and to analyze links between their varied life experiences, offending, and incarceration. Analyses showed that women’s journey’s to prison take one of eight pathways which tentatively labelled as follows, the: 1) harmed and harming pathway, 2) domestic/family violence victimization pathway, 3) drug connected pathway, 4) street woman pathway, 5) economically motivated pathway, 6) jealousy anger and/or revenge pathway, 7) naivety pathway, 8) unjust and/or corrupted criminal justice pathway. Each will be fully discussed during the presentation. This research is significant because it is the first in-depth methodologically robust exploration of women’s journeys to prison in Thailand and one of a few studies to explore gendered pathways outside of western contexts. Understanding women’s pathways into Thailand’s prisons is crucial to the development of effective planning, policy and program responses not only while women are in prison but also post-release. To best meet women’s needs in prison and effectively support their reintegration, we must have a comprehensive understanding of who these women are, what offenses they commit, the reasons that trigger their confrontations with the criminal justice system and the impact of the criminal justice system on them.

Keywords: pathways, prison, women, Thailand

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Authors: Brajesh

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Introduction: It is generally believed that women's lack power to making decision may restrict their use of modern contraceptives practices. However, few studies have examined the different dimensions of women's empowerment and contraceptive use in Asian content. Pervasive gendered inequities and norms regarding the subordination of women give Asian men disproportionately more power than women, particularly in relation to the sex. We hypothesize that lack of sexual empowerment may pose an important barrier to reproductive health and adoption of family planning methods. Using the Demographic Health Survey, we examine the association between women’s sexual empowerment and contraceptive use in Nepal, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Objectives: To understand the trend and pattern of contraceptive choices and use among women due to sexual empowerment in selected south Asian countries. To examine the association between women’s sexual empowerment and contraceptive practices among non-pregnant married and partnered women in Nepal, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Methods: Data came from the latest round of Demographic and Health Surveys conducted between 2010-12 in and during deacde1990 -92 in Nepal, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Responses from married or cohabiting women aged 15-49 years were analyzed for six dimensions of empowerment and the current use of female-only methods or couple of methods. Bi-variate and multivariate multinomial regressions were used to identify associations between the empowerment dimensions and method use. Results: Positive associations were found between the overall empowerment score and method use in all countries (relative risk ratios, 1.1-1.3). In multivariate analysis, household economic decision-making was associated with the use of either female-only or couple methods (relative risk ratios -1. 1 for all), as was agreement on fertility preferences (RRR-1.3-1.6) and the ability to negotiate sexual activity (RRR -1. 1-1.2). In Bangladesh, women's negative attitudes toward domestic violence were correlated with the use of couple of methods (RRR -1. 1). Increasing levels of sexual empowerment were found to be associated with use of contraceptives, even after adjusting for demographic predictors of contraceptive use. This association is moderated by the wealth. Formal education, increasing wealth, and being in an unmarried partnership are associated with contraceptive use, whereas women who identify as being Muslim are less likely to use contraceptives than those who identify as being Hindus or other. These findings suggest that to achieve universal access to reproductive health services, gendered disparities in sexual empowerment, particularly among economically disadvantaged women, need to be better addressed. Conclusions: Intervention programs aimed at increasing contraceptive use may need to involve different approaches, including promoting couples' discussion of fertility preferences and family planning, improving women's self-efficacy in negotiating sexual activity and increasing their economic independence. Policies are needed to encourage the rural families to give their girls a chance of attending higher level education and professional course so that can get a better job opportunity and can economically support their family as son are expected to do.

Keywords: reproductive and child health (RCH), relative risk ratios (RRR), demographic and health survey (DHS), women’s sexual empowerment (WSE)

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Authors: Mattia Testuzza

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Public health is a social endeavour, which involves many different actors: from extremely stratified, structured health systems to unofficial networks of people and knowledge. Health and diseases are an intertwined individual and social experiences. Both patients and health workers navigate this public space through relations of trust. Trust in healthcare goes from the personal trust between a patient and her/his doctor to the trust of both the patient and the health worker in the medical knowledge and the healthcare system. Trust it is not a given, but it is continuously negotiated, given and gained. The key to understand these essential relations of trust in health is to recognise them as a social practice, which therefore implies agency and power. In these terms, health is constantly public and made public, as trust emerges as a meaningfully political phenomenon. Trust as a power relation can be observed at play in the implementation of public health policies such as the WHO’s Directly-Observed Theraphy Short-course (DOTS), and with the increasing concern for drug-resistance that tuberculosis pose, looking at the role of trust in the healthcare delivery system and implementation of public health policies becomes significantly relevant. The ethnographic fieldwork was carried out in four months through observation of the daily practices at the National Tuberculosis Center of Nepal, and semi-structured interviews with MultiDrug-Resistant Tuberculosis (MDR-TB) patients at different stages of the treatment, their relatives, MDR-TB specialised nurses, and doctors. Throughout the research, the role which trust plays in tuberculosis treatment emerged as one fundamental ax that cuts through all the different factors intertwined with drug-resistance development, unfolding a tension between the DOTS policy, which undermines trust, and the day-to-day healthcare relations and practices which cannot function without trust. Trust also stands out as a key component of the solutions to unforeseen issues which develop from the overall uncertainty of the context - for example, political instability and extreme poverty - in which tuberculosis treatment is carried out in Nepal.

Keywords: trust, tuberculosis, drug-resistance, politics of health

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Authors: Ning Niu

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The study hinges on consumer taste, food industry (wine production) and cultural consumption (vineyard tourism) which are related to the Chinese market, consumers, and visitors traveling to Australian vineyards. The research topic can be summed up as: the economic importance of the Chinese market on Australian wine production; the economic importance of the Chinese market have an impact on how Australian wine is produced or packaged; the impact of mass Chinese wine tourism on Australian vineyards; the gendered and cultured experience of wine tourism for Chines visitors. This study aims to apply the theories of Pierre Bourdieu into the research in food industry and cultural consumption; investigate Chinese experiences with Australian wine products and vineyard tours; to explore the cultural, gendered and class influences on their experiences. The academic background covers the concepts of habitus, taste, capital proposed by Pierre Bourdieu along with long-lasting concepts within China’s cultural context including mianzi (face, dignity/honor/hierarchy) and guanxi (connections/social network), in order to develop new perspectives to study the tastes of Chinese tourists coming to Australia for wine experiences. The documents cited from Australian government or industries will be interpreted, and the analysis of data will constitute the economic background for this current study. The study applies qualitative research and draws from the fieldwork, choosing ethnographic observation, interviews, personal experiences and discursive analysis of government documents and tourism documents. The expected sample size includes three tourism professionals, two or three local Australian wine producers, and 20 to 30 Chinese wine consumers and visitors travelling to Australian vineyards. An embodied ethnography will be used to observe the Chinese participants’ feelings, thoughts, and experiences of their engagement with Australian wine and vineyards. The researcher will interview with Chinese consumers, tourism professionals, and Australian winemakers to collect primary data. Note-taking, picture-taking, and audio-recording will be adopted with informants’ permissions. Personal or group interview will be last for 30 and 60 minutes respectively. Personal experiences of the researcher have been analyzed to respond to some research questions, and have accumulated part of primary data (e.g., photos and stories) to discover how 'mianzi' and 'guanxi' influence Australian wine and tourism industries to meet the demands’ of Chinese consumers. At current stage, the secondary data from analysis of official and industrial documents has proved the economic importance of Chinese market is influencing Australian wine and tourism industries. And my own experiences related to this study, in some sense, has proved the Chinese cultural concepts (mianzi and guanxi) are influencing the Australian wine production and package along with vineyard tours. Future fieldwork will discover more in this research realm, contribute more to knowledge.

Keywords: habitus, taste, capital, mianzi, guanxi

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Authors: Rick Evans

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Despite over 40 years of research into why women choose not to enroll or leave undergraduate engineering programs, along with the subsequent and serious efforts to attract more women, women receiving bachelor's degrees in engineering in the US have remained disappointingly low. We know that even despite their struggles to become more welcoming and inclusive, engineering programs remain gendered, raced and classed. However, our research team has found that women who participate and indeed thrive in undergraduate engineering project teams do so in numbers that far exceed their participation in undergraduate programs. We believe part of the answer lies in the ways that project teams facilitate experiential learning, specifically providing opportunities for members to play, practice and perform. We employ a multi-case study method and assume a feminist, activist and interpretive perspective. We seek to generate concrete and context-dependent knowledge in order to explore potentially new variables and hypotheses. Our focus is to learn from those select women who are thriving. For this oral or e-poster presentation, we will focus on the results of the second of our semi-structured interviews – the learning journey interview. During this interview, we ask participants to tell us the story/ies of their participation in project teams. Our results suggest these women find joy in their experience of developing and applying engineering expertise. They experience this joy and develop their expertise in the highly patterned progression of play, practice and performance. Play is a purposeful activity in which someone enters an imaginary world, a world not yet real to them. However, this imaginary world is still very much connected to the real world, in this case, a particular kind of engineering, in that the ways of engaging are already established, codified and rule-governed. As such, these women are novices motivated to join a community of actors. Practice, better understood as practices, a count noun, is an embodied, materially interconnected collection of actions organized around the shared understandings of that community of actors. Those shared understandings reveal a social order – a particular field of engineering. No longer novices, these women begin to develop and display their emergent identities as engineers. Perform is activity meant either to demonstrate competence and/or to enable, even teach play and practice to others. As performers, these women participants become models for others. They direct play and practice, contextualizing both within a field of engineering and the specific aims of the project team community. By playing, practicing and performing engineering, women claim their identities as engineers and, equally important, have those identities acknowledged by team members. If we hope to transform our gendered, raced, classed institutions, we need to learn more about women who thrive within those institutions. We need to learn more about their processes of becoming and belonging as engineers. Our research presentation begins with a description of project teams and our multi-case study method. We then offer detailed descriptions of play, practice, and performance using the voices of women in project teams.

Keywords: engineering education, gender, identity, project teams

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Authors: Mohamed Faslan

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This research examines the impact of the politicization of the fishing dispute on India-Sri Lanka relations, particularly the influence of internal and party politics. The maritime border is clearly demarcated between India and Sri Lanka. India and Sri Lanka signed bilateral agreements on maritime boundaries in 1974 and 1976 respectively. They signed the United Nations Law of the Sea- III as well. Despite this, fishing disputes persist between the two nations. Tamil Nadu politics is closely linked with Sri Lankan Tamil issues and Tamil Nadu has been playing a significant role in Indo-Lanka relations. This is due to the fact that many Indian trawlers involved in fishing activities in Sri Lankan waters are from Tamil Nadu. The Government of Tamil Nadu is also very concerned about the issue of fishing in Sri Lankan waters. During the ethnic war, Sri Lankan fishermen were restricted on fishing activities in the Northern sea by the Sri Lankan Government and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE). This created a vacuum in the Northern sea of Sri Lanka, and Indian trawlers filled the vacuum with the support of the LTTE. After the end of the war, Northern fishermen of Sri Lanka recommenced their fishing activities and realized that the Tamil Nadu trawlers had scooped their fishing resources. The Northern fishermen started to protest the invasion of Indian trawlers and pushed the Sri Lankan Government to stop the Indian trawlers. When Sri Lanka arrested Indian fishermen and confiscated their fishing boats, the Tamil Nadu Government used this as an opportunity to accuse Sri Lanka as having a Sinhalese government, to express feelings of hatred towards Sri Lanka due to the ethnic war against Tamils and tried to increase the voting bank by selling Tamil feelings. Thus, this research finds that Tamil Nadu does not associate this fishing dispute with Tamils in Sri Lanka but with the Sinhalese despite the status quo. This research has covered the Northern fishermen and stakeholders of Sri Lanka and could not do any field research in India due to visa restrictions. However, the researcher tries to balance the gap by referring to secondary sources and a few interviews with Indian scholars.

Keywords: Indo Lanka relations, fishing dispute, maritime border, Tamil Nadu & Sri Lankan waters

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Authors: Aaron Derner

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Unlike the histories of France, the UK, or even Spain, the Russian colonial past often dissolves before the seemingly more salient Cold War figurations or Soviet dissolution. The obvious explanation behind Caucasian states’ roles—that of Russian-propped governments obeying the whims of their patron—is but the latest instance of such oversight. Where the results of colonial social and cultural interactions are indelibly stamped across France, Algeria, and every other former (and current) French holding, so to are the Muscovite and Russian colonial ambitions embedded within the modern politics and cultures of both Russia and the Caucasus. Russian colonial artefacts are enhanced and perhaps granted an additional social explanatory edge over those of the ‘typical’ colonizers, by the cyclical adoration for and noisy rejection of European cultural markers over the centuries, along with the somewhat unusual composition of the Cossacks: Russia’s main agents of colonialization within the Caucasian frontier. The story of Russia and Chechnya, of all the Caucasus, is of the manufacture of social and individual identity through “modes of subjectification” inherent within the region’s colonial history and driven by the triangular interactions between three main groups: the Cossacks, the Caucasian Mountain Tribes, and the Russian Metropol. Together, interactions between these social groups worked to shape and transform the lifestyles and institutional pathologies that constitute the Russian and Chechen states and the politics between them. At the core of this (Western) state-building is the simultaneous and seemingly contradictory desire to be more Western and emulate Western cultural and political practices while also desperately grasping for a uniquely Russian identity. This sits somewhat ironically against the backdrop that Russia hosted a frontier-based settler society and had established that distinctly European feature of settler colonialism early in its history—arguably establishing a claim to being the most “colonial” of the colonial powers. There is no doubt that these forces worked to shape contemporary Russian political and social identity—apparent in the mythic popularity of the Cossack in Russian literature, politics, and academic discourse. What needs to be expanded from the current narrative, however, is that beyond the Cossack identity’s attractiveness on the grounds of its tones of freedom and resistance to unjust authority, the identity is rooted in the imperial ambitions and colonial experiences of the Russian state, and is, therefore, a direct marker of domination and subjectification. Adding an unusual dimension to this not-uncommon cultural progression, the Russian state needed to colonize both the Caucases and the Russian Cossacks, appropriating them in much the same way they appropriated the Circassian mountain tribes. The focus of this paper is not to tell yet another story of how one culture entered an area to overpower another but how a ‘powerful,’ ‘modern,’ ‘Western(ish)’ culture was profoundly and continually changed through its contact with a group of tribal ‘savages’ and ‘braves.’

Keywords: Russia, chechnya, subjectification, caucasus, cossacks, Ukraine

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Authors: Ilona Copik

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The aim of this study is to analyze the representation of memories of the forced displacement of Poles and Germans from the eastern territories in 1945 as depicted by Polish and German feature films between the years 1945-1960. The aftermath of World War II and the Allied agreements concluded at Yalta and Potsdam (1945) resulted in changes in national borders in Central and Eastern Europe and the large-scale transfer of civilians. The westward migration became a symbol of the new post-war division of Europe, new spheres of influence separated by the Iron Curtain. For years it was a controversial topic in both Poland and Germany due to the geopolitical alignment (the socialist East and capitalist West of Europe), as well as the unfinished debate between the victims and perpetrators of the war. The research premise is to take a comparative view of the conflicted cultures of Polish and German memory, to reflect on the possibility of an international dialogue about the past recorded in film images, and to discover the potential of film as a narrative warning against totalitarian inclinations. Until now, films made between 1945 and 1960 in Poland and the German occupation zones have been analyzed mainly in the context of artistic strategies subordinated to ideology and historical politics. In this study, the intention is to take a critical approach leading to the recognition of how films work as collective memory media, how they reveal the mechanisms of memory/forgetting, and what settlement topoi and migration myths they contain. The main hypothesis is that feature films about forced displacement, in addition to the politics of history - separate in each country - reveal comparable transnational individual experiences: the chaos of migration, the trauma of losing one's home, the conflicts accompanying the familiar/foreign, the difficulty of cultural adaptation, the problem of lost identity, etc.

Keywords: forced displacement, Polish and German cinema, war victims, World War II

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Authors: Rahul Ranjan

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Using gender as a category to cull out historical analysis, feminist scholars have produced plethora of literature on the sexual symbolics and carnal practices of modern European empires. At a symbolic level, the penetration and conquest of faraway lands was charged with sexual significance and intrigue. The white male’s domination and possession of dark and fertile lands in Africa, Asia and the Americas offered, in Anne McClintock’s words, ‘a fantastic magic lantern of the mind onto which Europe projected its forbidden sexual desires and fears’. The politics of rape were also symbolically a question significant to the politics of empire. To the colonized subject, rape was a fearsome factor, a language that spoke of violent and voracious nature of imperial exploitation. The colonized often looked at rape as an act which colonizers used as tool of oppression. The rape as act of violence got encoded into the legal structure under the helm of Lord Macaulay in the so called ‘Age of Reform’ in 1860 under IPC (Indian penal code). Initially Lord Macaulay formed Indian Law Commission in 1837 in which he drafted a bill and defined the ‘crime of rape as sexual intercourse by a man to a woman against her will and without her consent , except in cases involving girls under nine years of age where consent was immaterial’. The modern English law of rape formulated under the colonial era introduced twofold issues to the forefront. On the one hand it deployed ‘technical experts’ who wrote textbooks of medical jurisprudence that were used as credential citation to make case more ‘objective’, while on the other hand the presumptions about barbaric subjects, the colonized women’s body that was docile which is prone to adultery reflected in cases. The untrustworthiness of native witness also remained an imperative for British jurists to put extra emphasis making ‘objective’ and ‘presumptuous’. This sort of formulation put women down on the pedestrian of justice because it disadvantaged her doubly through British legality and their thinking about the rape. The Imperial morality that acted as vanguards of women’s chastity coincided language of science propagated in the post-enlightenment which not only annulled non-conformist ideas but also made itself a hegemonic language, was often used as a tool and language in encoding of law. The medico-legal understanding of rape in the colonial India has its clear imprints in the post-colonial legality. The onus on the part of rape’s victim was dictated for the longest time and still continues does by widely referred idea that ‘there should signs, marks of resistance on the body of the victim’ otherwise it is likely to be considered consensual. Having said so, this paper looks at the textual continuity that had prolonged the colonial construct of women’s body and the self.

Keywords: body, politics, textual construct, phallocentric

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Authors: Taoues Hadour

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Twitter has become a popular means of communication used in a variety of fields, such as politics, journalism, and academia. This widely used online platform has an impact on the way people express themselves and is changing language usage worldwide at an unprecedented pace. The language used online reflects the linguistic battle that has been going on for several decades in French society. This study enables a deeper understanding of users' linguistic behavior online. The implications are important and allow for a rise in awareness of intercultural and cross-language exchanges. This project investigates the mixing of French-English language usage among French users of Twitter using a topic analysis approach. This analysis draws on Gumperz's theory of conversational switching. In order to collect tweets at a large scale, the data was collected in R using the rtweet package to access and retrieve French tweets data through Twitter’s REST and stream APIs (Application Program Interface) using the software RStudio, the integrated development environment for R. The dataset was filtered manually and certain repetitions of themes were observed. A total of nine topic categories were identified and analyzed in this study: entertainment, internet/social media, events/community, politics/news, sports, sex/pornography, innovation/technology, fashion/make up, and business. The study reveals that entertainment is the most frequent topic discussed on Twitter. Entertainment includes movies, music, games, and books. Anglicisms such as trailer, spoil, and live are identified in the data. Change in language usage is inevitable and is a natural result of linguistic interactions. The use of different languages online is just an example of what the real world would look like without linguistic regulations. Social media reveals a multicultural and multilinguistic richness which can deepen and expand our understanding of contemporary human attitudes.

Keywords: code-switching, French, sociolinguistics, Twitter

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Authors: Luciane Lauffer

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Over the past decade, the expansion of women’s football as a competitive sport has gained more attention from the media and researchers. However, the practice of the sport is not new, and in Asia and Oceania, women’s football has emerged as a common physical activity in many countries since the 1970s. This study recovers the major occurrences that made women’s football possible in an international context, also resulting from the main achievements of the feminist movement in most Westernized countries. Using archival research, the author reviews documents that compose the history of the women’s game, marked by many imposed barriers imposed by social and gender norms. This materials present how women managed their sport in their respective countries and regions, mostly prompted by a spirit of cooperation and partnerships that allowed the staging of major international events. The findings point out that, despite the layers of gendered boundaries that attempted to contain the expansion of the sport, women from Asia and Oceania made the sport flourish and eventually achieving recognition at the international level.

Keywords: women’s football, gender norms, game development, Asia-pacific

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Authors: Attahiru Sifawa Ahmad

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The media; electronic, print, and social, is playing very significant roles towards promoting political awareness and stability of any nation. However, for the media to play its role effectively, a clear and sound grasp of the language of communication is necessary. Otherwise, there is the tendency of the media spreading wrong and, or, misinterpreted information to the public, capable of generating rancour and political instability. One such clear misinterpretation or misrepresentation of information was the Hausa metaphorical expression, Kare Jinni Biri Jinni quoted from the statement made by Rtd. General Muhammadu Buhari, sometimes in April, 2013, while addressing his supporters from Niger State. In the political presentation of the term Kare - Jini Biri – Jini, quoted and translated by many print media in Nigeria, it was interpreted to mean; ‘The Dog and the Baboon will be soaked in blood’, denoting bloodshed and declaration of war. However, the term Kare - jini Biri - Jini, literally; the Dog with blood and the Baboon with blood, or, the Dog is bleeding the Baboon is bleeding, or, both the Dog and the Baboon sustained injuries. It is a metaphorical expression denoting a hot competition, and serious struggle, between two competing parties that are closer in strength and stamina. The expression got its origin among the hunting communities in traditional Hausa Societies. From experience, it was always not easy to wrestle and hunt Baboon by the Hunter’s Dog. In many instances, it ended a futile exercise, and even at instances whereby the latter hunted the former, it would be after a serious struggle with both two sustaining injuries. This paper seeks to highlight the poverty of vocabulary, and poor grasp of Nigerian languages among Journalists and young citizens in the country. The paper, therefore, advocated for the retention and effective teaching of the indigenous languages in primary and secondary school’s curriculums in Nigeria. The paper equally analysed the political origin of the print media in Nigeria, how since its first appearance, the print Media is being assigned very important political role by political elites in the country.

Keywords: Baboon, dog, media, politics

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Authors: Natascha Reich

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In colonial Peru, the Spanish crown relied on religious orders, most notably Dominicans, Franciscans, and Jesuits, for accelerating processes of colonization. The dissemination of Christian art, architecture, and music, and most of all, the agency of indigenous people in their production played a key role in facilitating the acceptance of the new religious and political system. Current research on Peruvian colonial music culture and its role as a vehicle for colonization focus on practices in urban centers. The lack of (written) primary sources seems to turn rural areas into a less attractive research territory for musicologists. This paper advocates for a more inclusive approach. By investigating seventeenth-century pipe organs as material remains of Franciscan missionary music culture, it shows how reactions to colonial forces and Christianization in rural Andean locations could follow tendencies different from those in urban areas. Indigenous musicians in cities tried to 'fit' into the European system in order to be accepted by the ruling Spanish elite. By contrast, the indigenous-built pipe organs in the rural Peruvian Colca-Valley show distinctly native-Andean influences. This paper argues that this syncretism can be interpreted as hybridity in Homi K. Bhabha’s sense, as a means of the colonized to undermine the power of the colonizer and to advance reactionary politics. Not only will it show the necessity of considering rural Peruvian music history in modern scholarship for arriving at a more complete picture of colonial culture, but it will also evidence the advantages of a mixed-methodology approach. Historical organology, combined with concepts from ethnomusicology and post-colonial studies, proves as a useful tool in the absence or scarcity of written primary sources.

Keywords: cultural hybridity, music as reactionary politics, Latin American pipe organs, Peruvian colonial music

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Authors: Sepideh Khavarinezhad, Paolo Pietro Biancone

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This paper sheds light on how gender entrepreneurship is influenced by economic freedom in OECD countries. Our study empirically explores the interaction of financial institutions and its effect of both motivations on total entrepreneurial activities (TEA) of women and men in these countries and to discuss the differences between women and men in this field, which is always a hot topic in entrepreneurship. Employing a dynamic method, we conducted panel data analysis in the time frame from 2012-2015. In this regard, we evaluate the relationship between the Index of Economic Freedoms and its three years, and both indicators of Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) on supportive financial institutions. We investigate that economic liberalization tends to persuade men and women entrepreneurs to start their businesses or to reduce motivation entrepreneurship. In particular, our paper demonstrates that motivation entrepreneurship seems to benefit from government support and fade barriers in legal structure in business, while we expect to confirm that free trade and economic freedom stimulate the entrepreneur’s motivation and their participation to start own business.

Keywords: economic freedom, gender entrepreneurship, financial institutions, OECD countries

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Authors: Hare Krishna Doley

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Drawing upon empirical data, this paper tries to examine how ethnic groups like Ahom, Moran, Motok, and Chutia creates and recreates ethnic boundaries while making claims for recognition as Scheduled Tribes (STs) under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India, in the state of Assam. Underlying such claim is the distinct identity consciousness amongst these groups as they assert themselves originally as tribe drawing upon primordial elements. For them, tribal identity promises social justice and give credence to their claims of indigeneity while preserving their exclusivity within the multifarious society of Assam. Having complex inter-group relationships, these groups under study displays distinct as well as overlapping identities, which demonstrate fluidity of identities across groups while making claims for recognition. In this process, the binary of ‘us’ and ‘them’ are often constructed amongst these groups, which are in turn difficult to grasp as they share common historical linkages. This paper attempts to grapple with such complex relationships the studied groups and their assertion as distinct cultural entities while making ethnic boundaries on the basis of socio-cultural identities. Such claims also involve frequent negotiation with the Sate as well as with other ethnic groups, which further creates strife among indigenous groups for tribal identity. The paper argues that identity consciousnesses amongst groups have persisted since the introduction of resource distribution on ethnic lines; therefore, issues of exclusive ethnic identity in the state of Assam can be contextualised within the colonial and post-colonial politics of redrawing ethnic and spatial boundaries. Narrative of the ethnic leaders who are in the forefront of struggle for ST status revealed that it is not merely to secure preferential treatment, but it also encompasses entitlement to land and their socio-cultural identity as aboriginal. While noting the genesis of struggle by the ethnic associations for ST status, this paper will also delineate the interactions among ethnic groups and how the identity of tribe is being performed by them to be included in the official categories of ST.

Keywords: ethnic, identity, sixth schedule, tribe

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Authors: Chu-Ching Hsu

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This paper focuses on how the government-led language policies and the political changes in Taiwan manipulate the languages choice in translations and what translation strategies are employed by the translator to show his or her language ideology behind the power struggles and decision-making. Therefore, framed by Lefevere’s theoretical concept of translating as rewriting, and carried out a diachronic and chronological study, this paper specifically sets out to investigate the language ideology and translator’s idiolect of Chinese language translations of Anglo-American novels. The examples drawn to explore these issues were taken from different versions of Chinese renditions of Mark Twain’s English-language novel The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn in which there are several different dialogues originally written in the colloquial language and dialect used in the American state of Mississippi and reproduced in Mark Twain’s works. Also, adapted corpus methodology, many examples are extracted as instances from the translated texts and source text, to illuminate how the translators in Taiwan deal with the dialectal features encoded in Twain’s works, and how different versions of Chinese translations are employed by Taiwanese translators to confirm the language polices and to express their language identity textually in different periods of the past five decades, from the 1960s onward. The finding of this study suggests that the use of Taiwanese dialect and language patterns in translations does relate to the movement of the mother-tongue language and language ideology of the translator as well as to the issue of language identity raised in the island of Taiwan. Furthermore, this study confirms that the change of political power in Taiwan does bring significantly impact in language policy-- assimilationism, pluralism or multiculturalism, which also makes Taiwan from a monolingual to multilingual society, where the language ideology and identity can be revealed not only in people’s daily communication but also in written translations.

Keywords: language politics and policies, literary translation, mother-tongue, multiculturalism, translator’s ideology

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Authors: Israel Ekanade, Richard Molapo, Patrick Dzimiri, Isaac Ndlovu

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This study aims to unravel the myth behind animosity towards foreign nationals in South Africa. Systemic violence against foreign African nationals since 2008 to date necessitates critical research with regards to migration issues connected to social upheavals. Extensive research ubiquitously tagged black-on-black violence as xenophobia or Afrophobia. In all, escalation of violence indicates a connotation of belonging. With unemployment rates approaching a crescendo, other vices have also soared in the same regard. As a result, this present generation seems cynical as the South African state has not fulfilled her obligations towards the indigent population; a situation pitching locals against foreigners. Locals have repeatedly blamed African foreign nationals for the economic downturn, using service delivery strikes to express their grievances. These strikes have continued unabatedly over the years but February 2017 marked a turning point in ‘insider-outsider’ relations as the strike was now turned to an anti-immigrant march resulting into widespread violence as the police failed to restore normalcy at some point. Over time, migration has been a harbinger of violence against the foreign black population in South Africa. Our paper encourages the state and civil society to invent new peace-building mechanisms to reduce xenophobic orchestrated violence. Our paper also contends that since the political class has hijacked the situation by using the youths for political propaganda during crises periods, a re-education of the political class and a culture of tolerance is inevitable for peace and harmony between locals and foreigners in post-apartheid South Africa.

Keywords: anti-immigrant march, politics of belonging, service delivery strikes, South Africa

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Authors: Tiffany Chuang

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The study of inequality in urban space has typically emphasized class and race as dimensions of stratification, but a small and growing body of work also pays attention to exclusionary processes based on moral grounds, as is the case with mainstream disapproval of sexually oriented businesses and red-light districts. However, many sexually-oriented businesses co-exist with similar non-sexually oriented businesses in the tourism and broader entertainment industries. Furthermore, regulators and tourism- and entertainment industries are acknowledged by regulators and ordinary citizens as important contributors to the economy, and in the case of aspiring global cities, to urban prestige. Under such circumstances, it is important to examine how policymakers, residents, and other stakeholders distinguish between sexually oriented and non-sexually oriented businesses, as well as how such efforts shape moral geographies in urban settings. To address this question, this paper introduces the concept of permeable industries to describe businesses that, by their very nature of providing adult entertainment along with a measure of privacy and discretion, facilitate easy interchange between their officially sanctioned purposes and illicit or stigmatised uses, most notably by the sex industry. The permeability and ambiguity surrounding the sexual- and non-sexual activities in such establishments is in fact, a source of tension that generates energetic boundary-drawing exercises that designate legitimate from illegitimate establishments. This paper draws on three years of ethnographic fieldwork, qualitative research, and archival research (1920—2020) on Joo Chiat, a neighborhood in the city-state of Singapore. It then analyzes how middle-class residents reacted to the sudden influx of sexually oriented businesses in the early 2000s, turning the once-quiet residential and commercial neighborhood into a semi-red-light district staffed by migrant Asian women. Ironically, the red-light district had been inadvertently precipitated by the state’s neoliberal policies in the 1990s to cultivate suburban neighborhoods as decentralized tourist attractions while loosening social regulations in pursuit of global city ambitions. Residents mobilized around the discourse of “sleaze”, using it to draw symbolic boundaries while advocating for regulatory boundaries between sexually oriented and non-sexually oriented businesses in the neighborhood. Since the concept of “sleaze” was informed by middle-class distaste for low-status sex work, the result of residents’ efforts was a state-endorsed moral geography that excluded sexually-oriented businesses while tolerating adult-oriented entertainment businesses that dovetailed with global city aspirations. This study contributes to the study of urban inequality by demonstrating the importance of boundary work in reproducing respectability politics, which in turn shapes the urban geographies of moral worth.

Keywords: moral geography, boundary work, respectability politics, entertainment businesses

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Authors: Lucie Pospíšilová, Robert Osman, Hana Porkertová

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The scholarly literature demonstrates disability and masculinity in conflict with each other. While disability is associated with dependence, weakness, or helplessness, masculinity is associated with independence, strength, and power. Thus, disabled masculinity might be a dilemma experienced on a personal level. The relationship between masculinity and disability is also interesting from a geographical point of view because the conception of space is gendered. In our society, the skills like spatial orientation, working with the maps, and navigation technologies as same as with scale are associated with masculinity. And because these skills are related to the visual imagination, it is the blindness that is associated with the limitation or even the absence of them. Thus, the conflict of masculinity and disability in the spatial experience is very well apparent in the case of visually impaired men. To study this conflict can tell us a lot not only about the experience of visually impaired men but also about the conception of space in geography and in our society. The paper uses Henri Lefebvre's theory of space based on a triad of spatial practice, representations of space, and representational space. It answers the question: How masculinity and disability intersect in the spatial experience of visually impaired men? The data come from research conducted in Brno and Prague (Czechia) in 2020 and 2021 and include 7 interviews and 6 go-alongs with visually impaired men.

Keywords: disability, masculinity, abstract space, spatial experience, visually impaired men

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Authors: A. Pascual Ramsay

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Accounts of the management of the economic and euro crisis in Spain have been dominated by an emphasis on external constraints. However, this approach leaves unanswered important questions about the role of domestic political factors. Using systematic qualitative primary research and employing elite interviewing and process tracing, this paper aims to fill this gap for the period of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) administration. The paper shows that domestic politics played a crucial role in the management of the crisis, most importantly by determining the shape of the measures undertaken. In its three distinct stages – downplaying/inaction, reaction/stimulus, and austerity/reform – the PSOE's response was certainly constrained by external factors, most notably EMU membership and the actions of sovereign-bond investors, the ECB and Germany. Yet while these external constraints forced the government to act, domestic political factors fundamentally shaped the content of key measures: the fiscal stimulus, the labour, financial and pension reforms, the refusal to accept a bailout or the reform of the Constitution. Seven factors were particularly influential: i) electoral and political cost, ii) party and partisanship, iii) organised interests, iv) domestic institutions, v) ideological preferences, vi) ineffective decision-making, and vii) judgement and personal characteristics of decision-makers. In conclusion, domestic politics played an important role in the management of the crisis, a role that has been underestimated by dominant approaches focusing on external constraints and weak domestic policy autonomy. The findings provide empirical evidence to support research agendas that identify significant state discretion in the face of international economic integration and an important role for domestic political factors such as institutions, material interests, partisanship and ideology in shaping economic outcomes.

Keywords: economic crisis, Euro, PSOE, Spain

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Authors: Saul Ngarava, Leocadia Zhou, Nomakhaya Monde

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Water crises have the fourth most significant societal impact after weapons of mass destruction, climate change, and extreme weather conditions, ahead of natural disasters. Intricacies between women and water are central to achieving the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The majority of the 1.2 billion poor people worldwide, with two-thirds being women, and mostly located in Sub Sahara Africa (SSA) and South Asia, do not have access to safe and reliable sources of water. There exist gendered differences in water security based on the division of labour associating women with water. Globally, women and girls are responsible for water collection in 80% of the households which have no water on their premises. Women spend 16 million hours a day collecting water, while men and children spend 6 million and 4 million per day, respectively, which is time foregone in the pursuit of other livelihood activities. Due to their proximity and activities concerning water, women are vulnerable to water insecurity through exposures to water-borne diseases, fatigue from physically carrying water, and exposure to sexual and physical harassment, amongst others. Proximity to treated water and their wellbeing also has an effect on their sensitivity and adaptive capacity to water insecurity. The great distances, difficult terrain and heavy lifting expose women to vulnerabilities of water insecurity. However, few studies have quantified the vulnerabilities and burdens on women, with a few taking a phenomenological qualitative approach. Vulnerability studies have also been scanty in the water security realm, with most studies taking linear forms of either quantifying exposures, sensitivities or adaptive capacities in climate change studies. The current study argues for the need for a water insecurity vulnerability assessment, especially for women into research agendas as well as policy interventions, monitoring, and evaluation. The study sought to identify and provide pathways through which female-headed households were water insecure in South Africa, the 30th driest country in the world. This was through linking the drinking water decision as well as the vulnerability frameworks. Secondary data collected during the 2016 General Household Survey (GHS) was utilised, with a sample of 5928 female-headed households. Principal Component Analysis and Structural Equation Modelling were used to analyse the data. The results show dynamic relationships between water characteristics and water treatment. There were also associations between water access and wealth status of the female-headed households. Association was also found between water access and water treatment as well as between wealth status and water treatment. The study concludes that there are dynamic relationships in water insecurity (exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity) for female-headed households in South Africa. The study recommends that a multi-prong approach is required in tackling exposures, sensitivities, and adaptive capacities to water insecurity. This should include capacitating and empowering women for wealth generation, improve access to water treatment equipment as well as prioritising the improvement of infrastructure that brings piped and safe water to female-headed households.

Keywords: gender, principal component analysis, structural equation modelling, vulnerability, water insecurity

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Authors: Akanle Florence Foluso

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This paper examined briefly the patriarchy nature of gendered power system: a network of social, political and economic relationships through which men dominate and control female labour, as well as define women’s status, privileges and rights in the society. The paper discusses the historical perspective of “the academic experience of women. It takes a look at the plight of women in a academia in some Nigeria. Universities in at present to see if both men and women have equal opportunities. This paper focuses on women in Academics today, it examines the overall gender proportions of men and women by universities, women/men ratios by lecturers, women and men ratio of associate professors, women and men ratio of professors by universities. It also examines women and men ratio by Dean also executive heads (Vice Chancellors) Expofactor design was be used. The study population comprised of three selected universities from Ondo, Ekiti and Zanfara respectively. Involuntary and indept interview was used to collect data for the study data for the study was also collected from so purposively selected academic staff in the categories of Dean and senior staff who are familiar with gender issues. Findings souls that there is gender inequality academia.

Keywords: women, gender, inequality, academia

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Authors: Felix O. Akinboyewa

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To say that Nigeria is faced with the problem of domestic terrorism is to say the obvious. The spate of political assassination during the fourth republic (1999-2010) is representative of what has become a growing trend. In this research, an attempt was made to examine the problems of political assassination within the context of significant categories of domestic-related terrorism in Nigeria Democracy. The central questions are: What exactly are the nature of political violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria nascent democracy? Was there any factor responsible for the politics of violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria democracy? What implications can the political violence and terrorist act have on democratic consolidation, national peace, and security? What solutions can be proffered to eradicate terrorist act and political violence in the Nigeria democracy? The study adopted a descriptive survey design which falls within the empirical research methodology. The sample size of the study consisted of 220 subjects randomly selected. The main instruments used were questionnaire and interview schedule. Data generated from the study were analyzed using descriptive statistics such as percentage and tables. The research findings showed that unemployed youths and the members of Nigeria Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) were the major actors in political violence in Nigeria. They have access to weapons and ammunitions which they use to terrorize the populace. The research showed that factors responsible for the political violence and terrorism in Nigeria are: poor electoral administration; election rigging; poor security system; religious and ethnic sentiment; problems of poverty and unemployment; over-exuberance and low level of education. The study also showed that electoral violence affects smooth running democracy in Nigeria. On the measures to be taken to eradicate political violence and terrorism in Nigeria, the research showed that provision of employment opportunities would go a long way to solving the problem. Civil society as an important institution can help to reduce incidence of political violence in Nigeria. Also, government has greater role to play. The study concludes that adherence to the proffered suggestions would reduce the level of political violence and terrorist act in Nigeria.

Keywords: consolidation, democracy, peace, security, terrorism, violence

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Authors: Ngong Eugene Ekia

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Education is the foundation for the success of any society as its impact transcends across all sectors, including economics, politics, and social welfare. It is through education that individuals acquire the necessary knowledge and skills to succeed in life and contribute meaningfully to society. However, the world is changing rapidly, and it is vital for education systems to adapt to these changes to remain relevant. In this paper, we will discuss the current trends and challenges in education and management and propose solutions that can enable individuals to thrive in an ever-evolving world.

Keywords: access to education, effective teaching and learning, strong management practices, and empowering and personal development

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Authors: A. Drong, K. S. Kerkhoff

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Migration affects women’s sexual and reproductive health and rights. This paper reports on the social constructs of gender, and livelihood pursuits as beauty parlours workers amongst the young Garo women in Bangladesh, and studies changes in their accessibility to the healthcare services due to migration and livelihood. The paper is based on in-depth interviews and participant-led group discussions with 30 women working in various beauty parlours across the city. The data indicate that social perceptions of ‘good’, ‘bad’ and ‘respectable’ determine the expression of sexuality, and often dictates sexual and reproductive practices for these women. This study also reveals that unregulated work conditions, and the current cost of local healthcare services, have a strong impact on the women’s accessibility to the healthcare services; thus often limiting their choices to only customary and/or unqualified practitioners for abortions and child-births. Development programmes on migrant indigenous women’s health must, therefore, take the contextual gender norms and livelihood choices into account.

Keywords: gender, indigenous women, reproductive rights, sexual rights, Garo, migration, livelihood, healthcare

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Authors: Evangelia-Matroni Tomara

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This thesis answers the question whether the media representations and reporting in 2015-2016 - especially, after the image of the drowned three-year-old Syrian boy in the Mediterranean Sea which made global headlines in the beginning of September 2015 -, the European Commission regulatory sources material and related reporting, have the power to challenge the conceptualization of humanitarianism or even redefine it. The theoretical foundations of the thesis are based on humanitarianism and its core definitions, the power of media representations and the relative portrayal of migrants, refugees and/or asylum seekers, as well as the dominant migration discourse and EU migration governance. Using content analysis for the media portrayal of migrants (436 newspaper articles) and qualitative content analysis for the European Commission Communication documents from May 2015 until June 2016 that required various depths of interpretation, this thesis allowed us to revise the concept of humanitarianism, realizing that the current crisis may seem to be a turning point for Europe but is not enough to overcome the past hostile media discourses and suppress the historical perspective of security and control-oriented EU migration policies. In particular, the crisis helped to shift the intensity of hostility and the persistence in the state-centric, border-oriented securitization in Europe into a narration of victimization rather than threat where mercy and charity dynamics are dominated and into operational mechanisms, noting the emergency of immediate management of the massive migrations flows, respectively. Although, the understanding of a rights-based response to the ongoing migration crisis, is being followed discursively in both political and media stage, the nexus described, points out that the binary between ‘us’ and ‘them’ still exists, with only difference that the ‘invaders’ are now ‘pathetic’ but still ‘invaders’. In this context, the migration crisis challenges the concept of humanitarianism because rights dignify migrants as individuals only in a discursive or secondary level while the humanitarian work is mostly related with the geopolitical and economic interests of the ‘savior’ states.

Keywords: European Union politics, humanitarianism, immigration, media representation, policy-making, refugees, security studies

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Authors: Ana Maria G. Sperandio, Murilo U. Malek-Zadeh, João Luiz de S. Areas, Jussara C. Guarnieri

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Intersectoral governance is a requirement for developing healthy cities. However, this achievement is difficult to be succeeded, especially in regions at low resources condition. Therefore, it was developed a cheap investigative procedure to diagnose sectoral wishes related to urban planning and health promotion. This procedure is composed of two phases, which can be applied to different groups in order to compare the results. The first phase is a conversation guided by a list of questions. Some of those questions aim to gather information about how individuals understand concepts such as healthy city or a health promotion and what they believe that constitutes the relation between urban planning and urban health. Other questions investigate local issues, and how citizens would like to promote dialogue between sectors. At second phase individuals stand around the investigated city (or city region) map and are asked to represent their wishes on it. They can represent it by writing text notations or inserting icons on it, with the latter representing a city element, for example, some trees, a square, a playground, a hospital, a cycle track. After groups had represented their wishes, the map can be photographed, and then the results from distinct groups can be compared. This procedure was conducted at a small city in Brazil (Holambra), in 2017 which is the first out of four years of the mayor’s term. The prefecture asked for this tool in order to make Holambra become a city of Potential Healthy Municipalities Network in Brazil. Two sectors were investigated: the government and the urban population. By the end of our investigation, the intersection from the group (i.e., population and government) maps was accounted for creating a map of common wishes. Therefore, the material produced can be used as a guide for promoting dialogue between sectors and as a tool of monitoring politics progress. The report of this procedure was directed to public managers, so they could see the common wishes between themselves and local populations, and use this tool as a guide for creating urban politics which intends to enhance health promotion and to develop a healthy city, even at low resources condition.

Keywords: governance, health promotion, intersectorality, urban planning

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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This paper deals with the comparison of women’s political participation in Korea and China. Korean women are participated more in higher education. As the economic development and the women's social participation can enhance the possibility of women's political participation in advanced democratic countries, in Asian countries such as Korea and China in which Confucianism prohibited women to participate in public life and the process of nation building is different from western countries, the political power takes an initiative to implement policies for women's participation in politics and for women's consciousness.

Keywords: korea, china, women, political participation

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