Search results for: moral politics

Authors: Su-Lin Yu

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This paper will explore how gender and care discourse are intersected, reformulated and contested in American daughters’ caregiving memoirs. In particular, it will attempt to show how gender structure has worked to regulate a daughter’s response to her mother’s illness. In other words, how do certain cultural notions and class difference affect the ways in which the daughter enacts her caregiving response to her mother’s illness? What is the interrelation of female subjectivity and care practice? To understand care and gender politics in the memoirs, this paper will engage in close readings of five texts: Sandra Bullock Simith’s Trading Places: Becoming My Mother’s Mother: A Daughter’s Memoir (2015),Martha Stettinius’s Inside the Dementia Epidemic: A Daughter’s Memoir (2012), Patricia Thompson Collamer’s Grace on the Ledge: a Caregiver's Memoir, Judith Henry’s The Dutiful Daughter's Guide to Caregiving: A Practical Memoir (2015), and The Daughter's Dilemma: A Survival Guide to Caring for an Aging, Abusive Parent by Emily Wanderer Cohen (2018). By analyzing these texts, this paper will show why adult daughters become the primary caregivers, how gender norms and care practices influence a daughter’s thoughts and actions, and how it affects her self-understanding. Taken as a whole, then, the paper will provide an important examination not only of care and gender politics, but also a contribution to the intersecting discourses of illness, death, and mother-daughter relationship.

Keywords: care ethics, daughter-mother relationship, gender politics, memoirs

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Authors: Shagufta Jahangir, Raisa Jahangir

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According to researches the 3rd world youth crave to go to developed countries just merely to get sustainable economic situation. To accomplish their wish they use each and every thing like cross boarder marriages is one of them. The basic and main point of cross boarder marriages is financial sustainability neither cross boarder culture nor cross boarder religion or others. The consequences of this research are that 60% to 70% men of 3rd world do cross boarder marriages just for only economic firmness. Due to this thoughts these men flipside to their native areas with only economic firmness rather social attitudes, moral attitudes behaviors, norms, myths and religion.40% to 50 % men do cross boarder marriages to get firmness even they have families in their native areas.2nd family formation is the easy way to get their desired, according to their eyes. After satisfying their needs they back unaccompanied to their native areas even they leave their offspring. They give precedence to their inhabitant families. This study has been design to find out that economic perspective is the basic phenomena of cross boarder marriages in the 3rd world countries men.

Keywords: cross boarder marriages, moral attitudes, native areas, flipside, norms

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Authors: S. Opadere Olaolu

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Religion, as a belief-system, has been with humanity for a long time. It has been recognised to impact the lives of individuals, groups, and communities that hold it dear. Whether the impact is regarded as positive or not depends on the assessor. Thus, for reasons of likely subjectiveness, possible irrationality, and even outright deliberate abuse, most emerging economies seek to follow the pattern of separating the State from religion; yet it is certain that the influence of religion on the State is incontrovertible. Corruption, on the other hand, though difficult to define in precise terms, is clearly perceptible. It could manifest in very diverse ways, including the abuse of a position of trust for the gain of an individual, or of a group with shared ulterior motive. Religion has been perceived, among others, as a means to societal stability, marital stability, infusion of moral rectitude, and conscience with regards to right and wrong. In time past, credible and dependable characters reposed largely and almost exclusively with those bearing deep religious conviction. Even in the political circle, it was thought that the involvement of those committed to religion would bring about positive changes, for the benefit of the society at large. On the contrary, in recent times, religion has failed in these lofty expectations. The level of corruption in most developing economies, and the increase of religion seem to be advancing pari passu. For instance, religion has encroached into political space, and vice versa, without any differentiable posture to the issue of corruption. Worse still, religion appears to be aiding and abetting corruption, overtly and/or covertly. Therefore, this discourse examined from the Nigerian perspective—as a developing economy—, and from a multidisciplinary stand-point of Law and Religion, the issue of religion; secularism; corruption; romance of religion and politics; inability of religion to exemplify moral rectitude; indulgence of corruption by religion; and the need to keep religion in private sphere, with proper checks. The study employed primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended; judicial decisions; and the Bible. The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study include the breach of constitutional provisions to keep religion out of State affairs; failure of religion to curb corruption; outright indulgence of corruption by religion; and religion having become a political tool. In conclusion, it is considered apposite still to keep the State out of religion, and to seek enforcement of the constitutional provisions in this respect. The stamp of legality placed on overt and covert corruption by religion should be removed by all means.

Keywords: corruption, complicity, legalizing, religion

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Authors: Sally Barsoum

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This paper is providing a significant insight into the role of satire in Egyptian politics and how it has been received from the government and viewer’s point of view. It mainly sets out to test whether Bassem Youssef’s satirical program has played a significant role in Egypt recent politics and to investigate what is the nature and extent of this role. In order to test this hypothesis, the researcher chose to critically analyze one episode of Bassem Youssef’s satirical show, El Bernameg. This paper goes further to highlight that the aims of satire is to invite citizens to analyze, criticize and question people in power and the realm of politics rather than remain as untouched subjects by combining humor with critique in order to enhance citizens’ political awareness and perhaps even political engagement. Moreover it identifies that Bassem Youssef’s satire is to use laughter as a medium to communicate his political message. By first informing the public and secondly engaging them through laughter, satire plays a very constructive political role, which have been argued finally that Bassem Youssef has indeed played an important part in the Egyptian political scene of today and this can be measured by the degree of censorship that he has been subject to and the level of international and domestic reaction towards his satirical show. At the end, this paper is suggesting that the measure of a strong government is its ability not only to accommodate satire but also to learn from it.

Keywords: political satirist, Bassem Youssef, capital broadcasting center, TV channel, muslims brotherhood regime, ONTV Egyptian TV channel

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Authors: Tiffany Yung Hsuan Ma

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The Whole Language Approach, which gained prominence in the 1980s, and the increasing emphasis on multimodal resources in educational research have elevated the utilization of picture books in English as a foreign language (EFL) instruction. This approach underscores real-world language application, providing EFL learners with a range of sensory stimuli, including visual elements. Additionally, the substantial impact of picture books on fostering prosocial behaviors in children has garnered recognition. These narratives offer opportunities to impart essential values such as kindness, fairness, and respect. Examining how picture books enhance vocabulary acquisition can offer valuable insights for educators in devising engaging language activities conducive to a positive learning environment. This research entails a case study involving two kindergarten-aged EFL learners and employs qualitative methods, including worksheets, observations, and interviews with parents. It centers on three pivotal inquiries: (1) The extent of young learners' acquisition of essential vocabulary, (2) The influence of these books on their behavior at home, and (3) Effective teaching strategies for the seamless integration of picture storybooks into EFL instruction for young learners. The findings can provide guidance to parents, educators, curriculum developers, and policymakers regarding the advantages and optimal approaches to incorporating picture books into language instruction. Ultimately, this research has the potential to enhance English language learning outcomes and promote moral education within the Taiwanese EFL context.

Keywords: EFL, vocabulary acquisition, young learners, picture book, moral education

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Authors: Clarissa Valença Travassos da Silva

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In this article, it is intended to study the book “The unbearable Lightness of Being” by the Czech Republican writer Milan Kundera. The main objective is to be an interdisciplinary study basis for students in the world about love and politics at old communist Czechoslovakia. Love is presented by discussing the relationship between Tomas and Tereza and the discovery of true love. Furthermore, it is debated the Russian invasion in Czechoslovakia and the outcomes of it for the personages, all this related to the contradiction of lightness and heaviness in life. For the production of this didactic material, the researcher based her work on the original book, “The Unbearable Lightness of Being” by Kundera, Milan Kundera’s interviews, Friedrich Nietzche, Zygmunt Bauman and George Orwell, among Brazilian and international articles on the issue.

Keywords: lightness, heaviness, Russia, Czechoslovakia, love

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Authors: Md Motibur Rahman

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The present paper attempts to study the electoral politics and voting behavior of 2011 assembly election of West Bengal state in India. Electoral geography is considered as the study of geographical aspects of the organization, conduct, and result of elections. It deals with the spatial voting patterns/behaviour or the study of the spatial distribution of political phenomena of voting. Voting behavior is a form of political psychology which played a great role in political decision-making process. The voting behavior of the electorates is largely influenced by their perception that existing during the time of election. The main focus of the study will be to analyze the electoral politics of the party organizations and political profile of the electorates. The principle objectives of the present work are i) to study the spatial patterns of voting behavior in 2011 assembly election in West Bengal, ii) to analysis the result and finding of 2011 assembly election. The whole study based on the secondary source of data. The electoral data have taken from Election Commission of India, New Delhi and Centre for the study of Developing Societies (CSDS) in New Delhi. In the battle of 2011 Assembly election in West Bengal, the two major parties were Left Front and Trinamool Congress. This election witnessed the remarkable successes of Trinamool Congress and decline of 34 years longest ruler party that is Left Front. Trinamool Congress won a majority of seats that 227 out of 294 but Left Front won only 62 seats out of 294 seats. The significance of the present study is that it helps in understanding the voting pattern, voting behaviour, trends of voting and also helps for further study of electoral geography in West Bengal. The study would be highly significant and helpful to the planners, politicians, and administrators who are involved in the formulation of development plans and programmes for the people of the state.

Keywords: assembly election, electoral geography, electoral politics, voting behaviour

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Authors: Adi Goldiner

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Historically, the social model of disability has played a pivotal role in bringing rights discourse into the disability debate. Against this backdrop, the paper explores the conceptual alignment between the social model’s account of disability and the nature of rights. Specifically, the paper examines the possibility that the social model conceptualizes disability in a way that aligns with the nature of rights and thus motivates the invocation of disability rights. Methodologically, the paper juxtaposes the literature on the social model of disability, primarily the work of the Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation in the UK and related scholarship, with theories of moral rights. By focusing on the interplay between the social model of disability and rights, the paper provides a conceptual explanation for the rise of disability rights. In addition, the paper sheds light on the nature of rights, their function and limitations, in the context of disability rights. The paper concludes that the social model’s conceptualization of disability is hospitable to rights, because it opens up the possibility that there are duties that correlate with disability rights. Under the social model, disability is a condition that can be eliminated by the removal of social, structural, and attitudinal barriers. Accordingly, the social model dispels the idea that the actions of others towards disabled people will have a marginal impact on their interests in not being disabled. Equally important, the social model refutes the idea that in order to significantly serve people's interest in not being disabled, it is necessary to cure bodily impairments, which is not always possible. As rights correlate with duties that are possible to comply with, as well as those that significantly serve the interests of the right holders, the social model’s conceptualization of disability invites the reframing of problems related to disability in terms of infringements of disability rights. A possible objection to the paper’s argument is raised, according to which the social model is at odds with the invocation of disability rights because disability rights are ineffective in realizing the social model's goal of improving the lives of disabled by eliminating disability. The paper responds to this objection by drawing a distinction between ‘moral rights,’ which, conceptually, are not subject to criticism of ineffectiveness, and ‘legal rights’ which are.

Keywords: disability rights, duties, moral rights, social model

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Authors: Elham Davoodi, Kylie King, Laura Jobson

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Depression is one of the most common mental health disorders. Self-silencing theory adopts a socio-cultural lens to examine the development and maintenance of depression. Self-silencing can be a vulnerability factor in depression, and personality vulnerabilities (e.g., perfectionism) and moral emotions (e.g., guilt) are strongly related to self-silencing and depression. Yet, the relationships between all four variables among different cultural groups are not clear. We aimed to address this gap by examining whether perfectionism and depression are related indirectly through self-silencing and guilt and whether cultural group moderates these associations. Participants (N=288) from either European Australian or Iranian Australian cultural backgrounds completed an online survey assessing self-silencing, guilt, perfectionism, and depression. First, we found an indirect relationship between perfectionism and depression through self-silencing. Second, using a serial mediation model, we found an indirect association between perfectionism and depression through self-silencing and guilt. There was no evidence that cultural groups moderated these indirect relationships. Our findings leave an important question for future longitudinal studies to answer; that is, whether the association between self-silencing and depression is oversimplified and whether moral emotions in this relationship have been overlooked.

Keywords: perfectionism, depression, self-silencing, culture, guilt

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Authors: Yaron Katz

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The investigation of immigrants' electoral choices has remained relatively uncharted territory despite the fact that numerous nations extend political rights to their expatriates. This paper centers its attention on the matter of public trust in democracy, with a focus on the intricacies of Israeli politics as a divided system. It delves into the potential implications of political and social transformations stemming from the involvement of expatriate voters in elections taking place in their country of origin. In doing so, the article endeavors to explore a pathway for resolving a persistent challenge facing the stability of the Israeli political landscape over the past decade: the difficulty in forming a resilient government that genuinely represents the majority of voters. An examination is conducted into the role played by a demographic with the capacity to exert significant influence on election outcomes, namely, individuals residing outside of Israel. The objective of this research is to delve into this subject, dissecting social developments and political prospects that may shape the country's trajectory in the coming decades. This inquiry is especially pertinent given the extensive engagement of migrants in Israeli politics and the link between Israelis living abroad and their home country. Nevertheless, the study's findings reveal that while former citizens exhibit extensive involvement in Israeli politics and are cognizant of the potential consequences of permitting them to participate in elections, they maintain steadfastly unfavorable views regarding the inclusion of Israelis living overseas in their home country's electoral processes.

Keywords: trust, globalization, policy, democracy

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Authors: Muhammad Hamza Tariq

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The regrouping of the Islamists and the politics of religious education was the most common debate in the last decades of Turkish history. Religious schools were criticized to be influenced by partisan politics. Within this turmoil, the faculty of Ilahiyat which was established by the Republic to cherish Islamic modernism and to raise modern clergy also underwent a considerable change. This research studies the revisions in the curriculum of the faculty over the last few decades. A series of interviews were also conducted to observe the prevalent trends, especially modernist among the professors at the Ilahiyat faculties. Lastly, a survey was done among the freshman and final year students based on the similar questions to observe the changes of opinions with regards to their views on Islam, modernity, political Islam, interpretation, etc. A shift in the curriculum was noted though it cannot be overgeneralized whereas a degree of prevalence of modernist thoughts was also recorded among the teachers and the students.

Keywords: ilahiyat, divinity, religion, Islamization

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Authors: Victoria Crynes

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The question of England’s role in Britain is increasingly relevant due to the ongoing rise in citizens identifying as English. Furthermore, the Brexit Referendum was predominantly supported by constituents identifying as English. Few politicians appear to comprehend how Englishness is politically manifested. Politics and the media have depicted English identity as a negative and extremist problem - an inaccurate representation that ignores the breadth of English identifying citizens. This environment prompts the question, 'How are British Politicians Addressing the Modern English Identity Question?' Parliamentary debates, political blogs, and interviews are synthesized to establish a more coherent understanding of the current political attitudes towards English identity, the perceived nature of English identity, and the political manifestation of English representation and governance. Analyzed parliamentary debates addressed the democratic structure of English governance through topics such as English votes for English laws, devolution, and the union. The blogs examined include party-based, multi-author style blogs, and independently authored blogs by politicians, which provide a dynamic and up-to-date representation of party and politician viewpoints. Lastly, fourteen semi-structured interviews of British politicians provide a nuanced perspective on how politicians conceptualize Englishness. Interviewee selection was based on three criteria: (i) Members of Parliament (MP) known for discussing English identity politics, (ii) MPs of strongly English identifying constituencies, (iii) MPs with minimal English identity affiliation. Analysis of parliamentary debates reveals the discussion of English representation has gained little momentum. Many politicians fail to comprehend who the English are, why they desire greater representation and believe that increased recognition of the English would disrupt the unity of the UK. These debates highlight the disconnect of parliament from the disenfranchised English towns. A failure to recognize the legitimacy of English identity politics generates an inability for solution-focused debates to occur. Political blogs demonstrate cross-party recognition of growing English disenfranchisement. The dissatisfaction with British politics derives from multiple factors, including economic decline, shifting community structures, and the delay of Brexit. The left-behind communities have seen little response from Westminster, which is often contrasted to the devolved and louder voices of the other UK nations. Many blogs recognize the need for a political response to the English and lament the lack of party-level initiatives. In comparison, interviews depict an array of local-level initiatives reconnecting MPs to community members. Local efforts include town trips to Westminster, multi-cultural cooking classes, and English language courses. These efforts begin to rebuild positive, local narratives, promote engagement across community sectors, and acknowledge the English voices. These interviewees called for large-scale, political action. Meanwhile, several interviewees denied the saliency of English identity. For them, the term held only extremist narratives. The multi-level analysis reveals continued uncertainty on Englishness within British politics, contrasted with increased recognition of its saliency by politicians. It is paramount that politicians increase discussions on English identity politics to avoid increased alienation of English citizens and to rebuild trust in the abilities of Westminster.

Keywords: British politics, contemporary identity politics and its impacts, English identity, English nationalism, identity politics

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Authors: Lucile Richard

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Contemporary thinkers studying biopolitics and its lethal logic find little interest in Foucault's "vague sketch of the pastorate.” Despite pastoral power being depicted as the matrix of governmentality in the genealogy of biopower, most post-Foucauldian theorists disregard its study. Sovereign power takes precedence in the examination of the governmental connection between care, violence, and death. Questioning this recurring motif, this article advocates for a feminist exploration of pastoral power. It argues that giving attention to the genealogy of the pastorate is essential to account for the carelessness that runs today's politics. Examining Foucault's understanding of this "power to care" uncovers the link between care work and politics, a facet of governmentality often overlooked in sovereignty-centered perspectives. His description of “pastoral insurrections”, in so far as it highlights that caring, far from being excluded from politics, is the object of competing problematizations, also calls for a more nuanced and complex comprehension of the politicization of care and care work than the ones developed by feminist theorists. As such, it provides an opportunity to delve into under-theorized dimensions of the "care crisis" in feminist accounts. On one hand, it reveals how populations are disciplined and controlled, not only through caregiving obligations, but also through being assigned or excluded from receiving care. On the other, it stresses that the organization of the public sphere is just as important as the organization of the private sphere, which is the main focus for most feminists, in preventing marginalized perspectives on caring from gaining political momentum.

Keywords: Foucault, feminist theory, resistance, pastoral power, crisis of care, biopolitics

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Authors: Emmanuel Dangana Monday

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Africa as a continent has been ravaged and bedeviled by series of political conflicts associated with politics and power-sharing maneuvering. As a result it has become the most unstable continent in the world in terms of power distribution and stable political culture. This paper examines the efficacy of conscious and deliberate power-sharing strategies to settle or resolve political conflicts in Africa in the arrangements of creation of states, revenue and resources allocation, and office distribution systems. The study is concerned with the spatial impact of conflicts generated in some renowned African countries in which power-sharing would have been a solution. Ethno-regional elite groups are identified as the major actors in the struggles for the distribution of territorial, economic and political powers in Africa. The struggle for power has become so intense that it has degenerated to conflicts and wars of inter and intra-political classes and parties respectively. Secondary data and deductive techniques were used in data collection and analysis. It is discovered that power-sharing has become an indispensable tool to curb the incessant political and power crisis in Africa. It is one of the finest tolerable modality of mediating elite’ competition, since it reflects the interests of both the dominant and the perceived marginalized groups. The study recommends that countries and regions of political, ethnic and religious differences in Africa should employed power-sharing strategy in order to avoid unnecessary political tension and resultant crisis. Interest groups should always come to the negotiation table to reach a realistic, durable and expected compromise to secure a peacefully resolute Africa.

Keywords: Africa, power-sharing, conflicts, politics and political stability

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Authors: Liz van Acker, Linda Colley

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Political processes are shaped by the gendered culture of parliaments. This paper examines how the institution of parliament has been affected by the changing number of women in politics. In order to understand how and why gender change occurs, the paper employs a feminist historical institutionalism approach. It argues that while it is difficult to change the gendered nature of political institutions, it is possible, from a gender perspective, to understand the processes of change both formally and informally. Increasing women’s representation has been a slow process which has not occurred without political struggles. A broadly defined ‘feminist historical institutionalism’ has critiqued existing approaches to institutions and combined historical institutional analysis with tools of gender to enhance our understanding of institutional processes and change. The paper examines the gendered rules, norms, and practices that influence institutional design choices and processes. Institutions such as Parliament often are able to adjust to women’s entry and absorb them without too much interruption. Exploring the hidden aspects to informal institutions involves identifying unspoken and accepted norms that may guide decision-making – exposing and questioning the gender status quo. This paper examines the representation of women in the Queensland Parliament, Australia. It places the Queensland experience in historical context, as well as in the national and international context. The study is interesting, given that its gender representation has rocketed from one of the worst performing states in 2012 to one of the best performing in 2015 with further improvements in 2017. The state currently has a re-elected female Premier, a female Deputy Premier and a female-dominated cabinet – in fact, Queensland was the first ministry in Australia to have a majority of women in its Cabinet. However, it is unnecessary to dig far below these headlines to see that this is uncharacteristic of its history: progress towards this current position has been slow and patchy. The paper finds that matters such as the glass ceiling and the use of quotas explain women’s recent success in Queensland politics.

Keywords: feminist historical institutional approach, glass ceiling, quotas, women’s participation in politics

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Authors: Raja Rodziah Binti Raja Zainal Hassan

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The development of Malaysian political cinema is rapidly taking shape in the local film industry. The paper focuses on the production of independent political documentary by two Malaysian filmmakers, Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza. Revolutionary cinema can be understood by utilizing the Third Cinema Theory in order to analyse the meaning and its impact on the audience. The issue surrounding the political cinema in Malaysia is the question of national identity. The implementation of racial or ethnic based politics has resulted in hostility within Malaysia’s multiracial society. Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza revisit the Malaysian political history through their films in order to understand the reasons behind the hostility and conflict.

Keywords: Political cinema, third cinema theory, revolutionary cinema, national identity, racial or ethnic politics

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Authors: Joy Shihyi Huang

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This paper discusses the concept of community in Anna Deavere Smith’s performance, one that challenges and explores existing notions of justice and the other. In contrast to unwavering assumptions of essentialism that have helped to propel a discourse on moral agency within the black community, Smith employs postmodern ideas in which the theatrical attributes of doubling and repetition are conceptualized as part of what Marvin Carlson coined as a ‘memory machine.’ Her dismissal of the need for linear time, such as that regulated by Aristotle’s The Poetics and its concomitant ethics, values, and emotions as a primary ontological and epistemological construct produced by the existing African American historiography, demonstrates an urgency to produce an alternative communal self to override metanarratives in which the African Americans’ lives are contained and sublated by specific historical confines. Drawing on Emmanuel Levinas’ theories in ethics, specifically his notion of ‘proximity’ and ‘the third,’ the paper argues that Smith enacts a new model of ethics by launching an acting method that eliminates the boundary of self and other. Defying psychological realism, Smith conceptualizes an approach to acting that surpasses the mere mimetic value of invoking a ‘likeness’ of an actor to a character, which as such, resembles the mere attribution of various racial or sexual attributes in identity politics. Such acting, she contends, reduces the other to a representation of, at best, an ultimate rendering of me/my experience. She instead appreciates ‘unlikeness,’ recognizes the unavoidable actor/character gap as a power that humbles the self, whose irreversible journey to the other carves out its own image.

Keywords: Anna Deavere Smith, Emmanuel Levinas, other, performance

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Authors: Hyeon Sop Baek

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This paper will investigate the Korean concept of han and suggest that the feeling of han is essentially inseparable from the central project of the Korean neo-Confucian philosophical tradition. Han is a complex sentiment, but one may characterize it as an internally directed complex of sentiments of frustration, sadness, and anger. In particular, this paper aims to demonstrate that the Korean neo-Confucian project's ultimate objective was to build a pluralistic world – where different people can coexist together in harmony and participate in building the ideal world. Nevertheless, the confrontation between the neo-Confucian idea – that every person has the intrinsic potential to be moral – and the bleakness of reality that made their objective virtually impossible to achieve led to the formation and development of the feeling of han. The paper will first examine the concept of han and what it entails and then investigate the core elements of Korean neo-Confucianism, examining the works of Korean neo-Confucians, including Toegye, Yulgok, and Jeong Dojeon. Furthermore, the concept of plurality will be drawn from the political theory of Hannah Arendt. While the Arendtian and Korean neo-Confucian philosophies are ultimately different, this paper will contend that the two philosophies' broader aims share many resonating points. Specifically, within both philosophies, the human plurality – that all humans are equal but not the same – underlies the foundation of an ideal political realm. From there, an argument that the difficulty faced by the neo-Confucians in Korea in constructing a polity based on the ideal of respect and human moral capacity ultimately contributed to the emergence of the sentiment han will be presented. In conclusion, this paper will demonstrate that the ultimate objectives of Korean Confucianism lie in closing the gap between the ideal and reality in moral cultivation as well as its political project of building an ideal, pluralistic world, and han emerges from the realization of the difficulty of achieving that goal. Finally, this paper will contest that han needs not be perceived negatively, and han can be a driving force for political participation in the contemporary democratic, pluralistic society.

Keywords: Korea, Confucianism, neo-Confucianism, philosophy, han, Korean philosophy

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Authors: Sylvie Michel, Emmanuelle Gagnou, Joanne Hamet

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Researchers in the fields of AI and Robotics frequently encounter ethical dilemmas throughout their research endeavors. Various ethical challenges have been pinpointed in the existing literature, including biases and discriminatory outcomes, diffusion of responsibility, and a deficit in transparency within AI operations. This research aims to pinpoint these ethical quandaries faced by researchers and shed light on the mechanisms behind ethical decision-making in the research process. By synthesizing insights from existing literature and acknowledging prevalent shortcomings, such as overlooking the heterogeneous nature of decision-making, non-accumulative results, and a lack of consensus on numerous factors due to limited empirical research, the objective is to conceptualize and validate a model. This model will incorporate influences from individual perspectives and situational contexts, considering potential moderating factors in the ethical decision-making process. Qualitative analyses were conducted based on direct observation of an AI/Robotics research team focusing on collaborative robotics for several months. Subsequently, semi-structured interviews with 16 team members were conducted. The entire process took place during the first semester of 2023. Observations were analyzed using an analysis grid, and the interviews underwent thematic analysis using Nvivo software. An initial finding involves identifying the ethical challenges that AI/robotics researchers confront, underlining a disparity between practical applications and theoretical considerations regarding ethical dilemmas in the realm of AI. Notably, researchers in AI prioritize the publication and recognition of their work, sparking the genesis of these ethical inquiries. Furthermore, this article illustrated that researchers tend to embrace a consequentialist ethical framework concerning safety (for humans engaging with robots/AI), worker autonomy in relation to robots, and the societal implications of labor (can robots displace jobs?). A second significant contribution entails proposing a model for ethical decision-making within the AI/Robotics research sphere. The model proposed adopts a process-oriented approach, delineating various research stages (topic proposal, hypothesis formulation, experimentation, conclusion, and valorization). Across these stages and the ethical queries, they entail, a comprehensive four-point comprehension of ethical decision-making is presented: recognition of the moral quandary; moral judgment, signifying the decision-maker's aptitude to discern the morally righteous course of action; moral intention, reflecting the ability to prioritize moral values above others; and moral behavior, denoting the application of moral intention to the situation. Variables such as political inclinations ((anti)-capitalism, environmentalism, veganism) seem to wield significant influence. Moreover, age emerges as a noteworthy moderating factor. AI and robotics researchers are continually confronted with ethical dilemmas during their research endeavors, necessitating thoughtful decision-making. The contribution involves introducing a contextually tailored model, derived from meticulous observations and insightful interviews, enabling the identification of factors that shape ethical decision-making at different stages of the research process.

Keywords: ethical decision making, artificial intelligence, robotics, research

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Authors: Isabelle Gobatto

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Based on an anthropological approach, this paper explores the medical profession and the construction of medical practices by considering the multiform articulations between structural poverty and the production of care from a low-resource francophone West African country, Burkina Faso. This country is considered in its exemplary dimension of culturally differentiated countries of the African continent that share the same situation of structural poverty. The objective is to expose the effects of structural poverty on the ways of constructing professional knowledge and thinking about the sense of the medical profession. If doctors are trained to have the same capacities in South and West countries, which are to treat and save lives whatever the cultural contexts of the practice of medicine, the ways of investing their role and of dealing with this context of action fracture the homogenization of the medical profession. In the line of anthropology of biomedicine, this paper outlines the complex effects of structural poverty on health care, care relations, and the moral economy of doctors. The materials analyzed are based on an ethnography including two temporalities located thirty years apart (1990-1994 and 2020-2021), based on long-term observations of care practices conducted in healthcare institutions, interviews coupled with the life histories of physicians. The findings reveal that disabilities faced by doctors to deliver care are interpreted as policy gaps, but they are also considered by physicians as constitutive of the social and cultural characteristics of patients, making their capacities and incapacities in terms of accompanying caregivers in the production of care. These perceptions have effects on know-how, structured around the need to act even when diagnoses are not made so as not to see patients desert health structures if the costs of care are too high for them. But these interpretations of highly individualizing dimensions of these difficulties place part of the blame on patients for the difficulties in using learned knowledge and delivering effective care. These situations challenge the ethics of caregivers but also of ethnologists. Firstly because the interpretations of disabilities prevent caregivers from considering vulnerabilities of care as constituting a common condition shared with their patients in these health systems, affecting them in an identical way although in different places in the production of care. Correlatively, these results underline that these professional conceptions prevent the emergence of a figure of victim, which could be shared between patients and caregivers who, together, undergo working and care conditions at the limit of the acceptable. This dimension directly involves politics. Secondly, structural poverty and its effects on care challenge the ethics of the anthropologist who observes caregivers producing, without intent to arm, experiences of care marked by an ordinary violence, by not giving them the care they need. It is worth asking how anthropologists could get doctors to think in this light in west-African societies.

Keywords: Africa, care, ethics, poverty

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Authors: Pooja Bakshi

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In the following paper, an attempt would be made to engage with the relationship between the state and the imperatives of security from a gendered lens. This will be juxtaposed with the feminist engagement with International Law. Theorizations from the literature on South Asian politics and Global politics would be applied to the manner in which the Indian state has defined and proposed to deal with concerns of internal security pertaining to the ‘Left Wing Extremism’ in 2010-2011. It would be argued that the state needs to be disaggregated into the legislature, executive and the judiciary; since there are times when some institutional parts of the state provide space for progressive democratic engagement whilst other institutions don’t. The specific contours of violence faced by women and children at the hands of the state, in the above-mentioned discourse would also be examined. In the end, implications of the security state discourse on debates in International Law would be elaborated.

Keywords: feminist engagement, human rights, state response to left extremism, security studies in South Asia

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Authors: Ibrahim Elshaer, Samar Kamel

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Organizational politics (OP) has received a great deal of attention in the management literature due to its popularity, mystery, and potential advantages for those how can use it. It involves the use of power and social networks within an organization to promote interests and gain potential benefits. Its implication for human resource (HR) management decisions is heretofore one of its least studied aspects, and awaits further investigation. Therefore, it is our intention to investigate certain relations between organizational politics and the validity of HR decisions in addition to the expected dysfunctional consequences. The study is undertaken on two HR management practices- Performance appraisal (measured by the distributive justice scale) and downsizing- depending on data gathered from the hotel industry in Egypt; a developing Non-Western country, in which Political practices of HR management are common in public and private organizations. Data was obtained from a survey of 600 employees in the Egyptian hotel industry. A total of 500 responses were attained. 100 uncompleted questionnaires were excluded leaving 400 usable with response rate of around 80%. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was employed to test the causal relationship between the research variables. The analysis of the current study data reveals that organizational politics is negatively linked to the perception of distributive justice of performance appraisal, additionally, the perception of distributive justice in performance appraisal is positively linked to the perception of validity in the downsizing decisions and finally the perception of OP is negatively linked to the perception of downsizing decisions validity. This study makes three important contributions. First although there have been several studies on OP, the majority of these studies have focused on examining its effect on employees’ attitudes in workplace. This empirical study helps in identifying the influence of OP on the effectiveness and success of HR decisions and accordingly the organizational system. Second, it draws attention to OP as an important phenomenon that influence HR management in hospitality industry, since empirical evidences concerning OP in the hospitality management literature are meager. Third, this study contributes to the existing downsizing literature by examining OP and low distributive justice as challenges of the effectiveness of the downsizing process. Finally, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, no empirical study in the tourism and hospitality management literature has examined the effect of OP and distributive justice on the workplace using data gathered from the hotel industry in Egypt; a developing non-Western setting.

Keywords: organizational politics, performance appraisal, downsizing, structural equation modeling, hotel industry

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Authors: Cindy Carvalho

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Leaders play a crucial role in shaping employee behavior through their communication. Language is a powerful tool used by leaders to influence perceptions, frame actions, and shape organizational culture. While euphemisms and metaphors are widely used, their impact on unethical behaviors in organizational settings remains underexplored. This study investigates how euphemistic and aggressive (military) language in leaders’ speeches can influence employees’ perceptions and encourage unethical behaviors. Two studies were conducted using a between-subjects design where 200 participants for the first study and 280 participants for the second study, recruited through Prolific, were exposed to either a euphemistic or aggressive (military) version of a hypothetical CEO’s speech. They evaluated their perception of the CEO and the company’s attractiveness. In the second part, participants were presented with three vignettes describing each different daily business situation tainted with ethical issues and they were asked how likely they would engage in such behavior. The type of speech impacted the perceptions of the CEO, with the military version leading to participants judging the CEO as less trustworthy, fair, and moral. However, no significant difference in moral judgment or organizational perception was observed. Interestingly, younger participants and female participants rated the CEO more negatively compared to older and male counterparts. The findings suggest that language framing influences perceptions of leadership but may have a limited immediate impact on ethical decision-making. The study's limitations include hypothetical context, isolated focus on language, and lack of incentives. Incentives push participants to consider their responses carefully and align them with perceived norms, reducing biases like social desirability. Future research should examine real-world settings and consider factors such as age, gender, and experience to understand unethical behavior in organizations better.

Keywords: leadership communication, language framing, ethical behavior, euphemism

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Authors: Baljit Soroya

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Transnational communities are as a consequence of greater mobility of people, globalization and digitization have had a major impact on international relations and diasporas in the context of external conflicts. To a significant extent conflicts are becoming deterritorialised and informed by both internal (state politics) and external (foreign policy) players such as in Iraq and Syria leading to forced migration of unprecedented levels within the last two decades. The situation of forced migrants has, it is suggested, worsened as a consequence of the neo-liberal policies and requirements of organizations such as the European Bank. A case example of this being that of Greece, and the exacerbation of insecurity for Greek nationals and the demonization of refugees seeking sanctuary. This has been as a consequence, in part, of the neoliberal dogma of the European Bank. The article analyses the complex intersection of the real and perceived threats of international terrorism and the manner in which UK migration policy and Practice is unfolding. The policy and practice developments are explored in the context of the shift in politics in both the UK and wider Europe to the far right and the drift of main stream political parties to the right. In many cases, the mainstream political groupings, have co-opted the fears as presented by far right organization for political their own political gains, such as in the UK and France In its analysis it will be argued that, whilst international terrorism is an issue of concern, however in the context of the UK it is not of the same scale as the effects of climate change or indeed domestic violence. Given that, the question has to be asked why the threat of international terrorism is having such an impact on UK migration policy and practice and, specifically refugees. Furthermore, it is argued that this policy and practice are being formulated within a narrative that portrays migrants as the problem both in relation to terrorism and the disenfranchisement of ‘ordinary white communities’. The intersectionality of social, economic inequalities, fear of international terrorism, increase in conflicts and the political climate have contributed to a lack of trust of political establishments that have in turn sought to impress the public with their anti-immigrant rhetoric and policy agendas. The article ends by suggesting that whilst politics and political affiliations have become fractured there are nevertheless spaces for collective action, particularly in relation to issues of refugees.

Keywords: international terrorism, migration policy, conflict, media, community, politics

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Authors: Narender Banwala

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The study critically evaluates that the politics of foreign aid and its effect on Afghanistan. The study argues that dynamics of foreign aid to Afghanistan are not driven solely by the Afghan political, social, and economic realities but much more by the ephemeral political goals of international donor countries. The objective of this paper is to find out the political reality of foreign aid given to Afghanistan in a post 9/11 era. The study analyses the gap between the donor countries' interests and the Afghan government's priorities in aid coordination and management. The aid given to Afghanistan has been accompanied by the political interests of the major powers and therefore violated the core principles of humanitarianism, i.e., humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. This research attempts to explain the areas which are of high priority, extremely vulnerable, and have been a neglected part since 2001. The study focuses on how as a result of politicization, foreign aid could not yield the expected results even after prolong presence of international donors in Afghanistan. Methodologically, the study includes both qualitative and quantitative data, which are collected by interviews with government officials and other government documents.

Keywords: Afganistan, aid, politics, security

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Authors: Adam J. Bowen

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Abstract— Should robots have rights or legal protections. Often debates concerning whether robots and AI should be afforded rights focus on conditions of personhood and the possibility of future advanced forms of AI satisfying particular intrinsic cognitive and moral attributes of rights-holding persons. Such discussions raise compelling questions about machine consciousness, autonomy, and value alignment with human interests. Although these are important theoretical concerns, especially from a future design perspective, they provide limited guidance for addressing the moral and legal standing of current and near-term AI that operate well below the cognitive and moral agency of human persons. Robots and AI are already being pressed into service in a wide range of roles, especially in healthcare and biomedical contexts. The design and large-scale implementation of robots in the context of core societal institutions like healthcare systems continues to rapidly develop. For example, we bring them into our homes, hospitals, and other care facilities to assist in care for the sick, disabled, elderly, children, or otherwise vulnerable persons. We enlist surgical robotic systems in precision tasks, albeit still human-in-the-loop technology controlled by surgeons. We also entrust them with social roles involving companionship and even assisting in intimate caregiving tasks (e.g., bathing, feeding, turning, medicine administration, monitoring, transporting). There have been advances to enable severely disabled persons to use robots to feed themselves or pilot robot avatars to work in service industries. As the applications for near-term AI increase and the roles of robots in restructuring our biomedical practices expand, we face pressing questions about the normative implications of human-robot interactions and collaborations in our collective worldmaking, as well as the moral and legal status of robots. This paper argues that robots operating in public and private spaces be afforded some protections as either moral patients or legal agents to establish prohibitions on robot abuse, misuse, and mistreatment. We already implement robots and embed them in our practices and institutions, which generates a host of human-to-machine and machine-to-machine relationships. As we interact with machines, whether in service contexts, medical assistance, or home health companions, these robots are first encountered in relationship to us and our respective roles in the encounter (e.g., surgeon, physical or occupational therapist, recipient of care, patient’s family, healthcare professional, stakeholder). This proposal aims to outline a framework for establishing limiting factors and determining the extent of moral or legal protections for robots. In doing so, it advocates for a relational approach that emphasizes the priority of mapping the complex contextually sensitive roles played and the relations in which humans and robots stand to guide policy determinations by relevant institutions and authorities. The relational approach must also be technically informed by the intended uses of the biomedical technologies in question, Design History Files, extensive risk assessments and hazard analyses, as well as use case social impact assessments.

Keywords: biomedical robots, robot ethics, robot laws, human-robot interaction

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Authors: Eunyup Yeom

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The roles of male and female in context of cuisine have developed into stereotypes throughout history. However¬— with Korea’s fast advancement in politics, technology, society and social standards¬— gender stereotypes have become blurred. This is not to say that such stereotypes no longer exist for they still remain present in media and advertisements embedding ‘idealistic’ ideas into the unconscious state of minds of viewers. Many media outlets, especially commercials, portray males expressing pleasure of food [that they are advertising] through audible qualities generally considered ‘rude’ and ‘unmannered’ in the Korean society. Females, on the other hand, express such pleasures only verbally. This happenstance of a stereotype is displayed bluntly in instant noodle, namely ramen, commercials. This research explores the cultural significance of a type of audible gesture that can be found in Korean speech in which is termed the Fricative Voice Gesture (FVG). There are two forms of FVGs: the reactive and the prosodic. The reactive FVG is a legitimate form of expression while the prosodic FVG works as a speech intensifier. So, in order to understand this stereotype of who is authorized to express sensorial pleasure as a reactive FVG as opposed to a prosodic FVG, information has been extracted from interviews and dissected numerous ramen/instant noodle commercials and its appearances in other mediums of media. The commercials were tediously analyzed in all aspects of dialogue, featured contents, background music, actors and/or actresses selling the product, body language, and voice gestures. To effectively understand the exact impact these commercials have on the audience, each commercial was viewed with an interviewee. In this research, there were main informants whom were all Korean students residing in South Korea. All three interviewees were able to attend interview and commercial viewing sessions via Skype. This research, overall, focuses and concludes on Harkness’s statement of how the reactive FVG is a recognizable index of the privileging of males for Korean culture norms and, in parallel, food commercials are still conforming to male ideals and fantasies.

Keywords: advertisement, food politics, fricative voice gestures, gender politics

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Authors: Hernando Santamaría-García, Sandra Báez, Pablo Reyes, José Santamaría-García, Diana Matallana, Adolfo García, Agustín Ibañez

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The study of moral emotions (i.e., Schadenfreude and envy) is critical to understand the ecological complexity of everyday interactions between cognitive, affective, and social cognition processes. Most previous studies in this area have used correlational imaging techniques and framed Schadenfreude and envy as monolithic domains. Here, we profit from a relevant neurodegeneration model to disentangle the brain regions engaged in three dimensions of Schadenfreude and envy: deservingness, morality, and legality. We tested 20 patients with behavioral variant frontotemporal dementia (bvFTD), 24 patients with Alzheimer’s disease (AD), as a contrastive neurodegeneration model, and 20 healthy controls on a novel task highlighting each of these dimensions in scenarios eliciting Schadenfreude and envy. Compared with the AD and control groups, bvFTD patients obtained significantly higher scores on all dimensions for both emotions. Interestingly, the legal dimension for both envy and Schadenfreude elicited higher emotional scores than the deservingness and moral dimensions. Furthermore, correlational analyses in bvFTD showed that higher envy and Schadenfreude scores were associated with greater deficits in social cognition, inhibitory control, and behavior. Brain anatomy findings (restricted to bvFTD and controls) confirmed differences in how these groups process each dimension. Schadenfreude was associated with the ventral striatum in all subjects. Also, in bvFTD patients, increased Schadenfreude across dimensions was negatively correlated with regions supporting social-value rewards, mentalizing, and social cognition (frontal pole, temporal pole, angular gyrus and precuneus). In all subjects, all dimensions of envy positively correlated with the volume of the anterior cingulate cortex, a region involved in processing unfair social comparisons. By contrast, in bvFTD patients, the intensified experience of envy across all dimensions was negatively correlated with a set of areas subserving social cognition, including the prefrontal cortex, the parahippocampus, and the amygdala. Together, the present results provide the first lesion-based evidence for the multidimensional nature of the emotional experiences of envy and Schadenfreude. Moreover, this is the first demonstration of a selective exacerbation of envy and Schadenfreude in bvFTD patients, probably triggered by atrophy to social cognition networks. Our results offer new insights into the mechanisms subserving complex emotions and moral cognition in neurodegeneration, paving the way for groundbreaking research on their interaction with other cognitive, social, and emotional processes.

Keywords: social cognition, moral emotions, neuroimaging, frontotemporal dementia

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Authors: Jahnu Bharadwaj

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In the third decade of the 19th century, the political landscape of the Brahmaputra valley changed at many levels. The establishment of East India Company’s authority in ‘Assam’ was complete with the Treaty of Yandaboo. The whole phenomenon of the annexation of Assam into the British Indian Empire led to several administrative reorganizations and reforms under the new regime. British colonial rule was distinguished by new systems and institutions of governance. This paper broadly looks at the historical proceedings of the introduction of the Rule of Law and a new legal structure in the region of ‘Assam’. With numerous archival data, this paper seeks to chiefly examine the trajectory of an important element in the new legal apparatus, i.e. the jury in the British criminal courts introduced in the newly annexed region. Right from the beginning of colonial legal innovations with the establishment of the panchayats and the parallel courts in Assam, the jury became an important element in the structure of the judicial system. In both civil and criminal courts, the jury was to be formed from the learned members of the ‘native’ society. In the working of the criminal court, the jury became significantly powerful and influential. The structure meant that the judge or the British authority eventually had no compulsion to obey the verdict of the jury. However, the structure also provided that the jury had a considerable say in matters of the court proceedings, and their verdict had significant weight. This study seeks to look at certain important criminal cases pertaining to the nineteenth century and the functioning of the jury in those cases. The power play at display between the British officials, judges and the members of the jury would be helpful in highlighting the important deliberations and politics that were in place in the functioning of the British criminal legal apparatus in colonial Assam. The working and the politics of the members of the jury in many cases exerted considerable influence in the court proceedings. The interesting negotiations of the British officials or judges also present us with vital insights. By reflecting on the difficulty that the British officials and judges felt with the considerable space for opinion and difference that was provided to important members of the local society, this paper seeks to locate, with evidence, the racial politics at play within the official formulations of the legal apparatus in the colonial rule in Assam. This study seeks to argue that despite the rhetorical claims of legal equality within the Empire, racial consideration and racial politics was a reality even in the making of the structure itself. This in a way helps to enrich our ideas about the racial elements at work in numerous layers sustaining the colonial regime.

Keywords: criminal courts, colonial regime, jury, race

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Authors: Abdulrahman Al Lily

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This article spans the domains of education, technology and geo-politics. It uses as an instance the Arab scholarship of education and technology, viewing its scholarly community through the geographical lens of regionalism. It enquires into the power relations among scholars in the Arab region and between scholars in the Arab region and their fellows from outside the region. It addresses the research question: to what extent have region-informed factors affected the scholarly community of education and technology in the Arab region? This question was answered by both qualitative and numerical enquiry, analysing documents, interviews and a survey of native Arabic-speaking scholars. Having analysed the data using the grounded theory approach, two categories of power relations among scholars were identified: power relations within a particular region and power relations across regions. Considering these two categories, a theoretical proposition could be posited that there could be power relationships among scholars that exist on a regional basis. The recommendation is therefore that research should further shed light upon the regionalistic (and thus geographically informed political) dynamics of scholarly communities.

Keywords: education, technology, politics, geography, regionalism, Arab

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