Search results for: third party fund

Authors: Berna Kalkan, Kenan Aydin

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Companies give importance customer satisfaction to compete the developing and changing market. This is possible when customer reaches the right product, right quality, place, time and cost. In this regard, the extension of logistics services has played active role on formation and development of the different logistics services concept. The concept of logistics services has played important role involved in the healing of economic indicators today. Companies can use logistics providers, thus have competitive advantage and low cost, reducing time, tobe flexibility. In recent years, Fourth Party Logistics (4PL) has emerged as a new concept that includes relationship between suppliers and firms in outsourcing. 4PL provider is an integrator that offers comprehensive supply chain solutions with the technology, resources and capabilities that it possesses. Also, 4PL has attracted as a popular research topic attention in the recent past. In this paper, logistics outsourcing and 4PL concepts are analyzed and a literature review on 4PL activities is given. Also, the previous studies in literature and the approaches that are used in previous studies in literature is presented by analysing on 4PL activities. In this context, a field study will be applied to 4PL providers and service buyer in Turkey. If necessary, results related to this study will be shared in scientific areas.

Keywords: fourth party logistics, literature review, outsourcing, supply chain management

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Authors: Priyal Motwani, Garvit Goel

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In this study, we have studied and analysed the transaction data of investors of a mutual fund investment company based in India. Based on the data available, we have identified the top four biases that affect the investors of the emerging market economies through regression analysis and three uniquely defined ratios. We found that the four most prominent biases that affected the investment making decisions in India are– Chauffer Knowledge, investors tend to make ambitious decisions about sectors they know little about; Bandwagon effect – the response of the market indices to macroeconomic events are more profound and seem to last longer compared to western markets; base-rate neglect – judgement about stocks are too much based on the most recent development ignoring the long-term fundamentals of the stock; availability bias – lack of proper communication channels of market information lead people to be too reliant on limited information they already have. After segregating the investors into six groups, the results have further been studied to identify a correlation among the demographics, gender and unique cultural identity of the derived groups and the corresponding prevalent biases. On the basis of the results obtained from the derived groups, our study recommends six methods, specific to each group, to educate the investors about the prevalent biases and their role in investment decision making.

Keywords: Bandwagon effect, behavioural biases, Chauffeur knowledge, demographics, investor literacy, mutual funds

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Authors: Rorick Daniel Tovar Galvan

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The 1951 Convention relating to the status of refugees contains a conflict of law rule for the determination of the applicable law to marriage. The wording of this provision leaves much to be desired as it uses the domicile and the residence of the spouses as single main and subsidiary connecting factors. In cases where couples live in different countries, the law applicable to the case is unclear. The same problem arises when refugees are married to individuals outside of the convention’s scope of application. Different interpretations of this legal provision have arisen to solve this problem. Courts in a number of European countries apply the so-called modification doctrine: states should apply their domestic private international rules in all cases involving refugees. Courts shall, however, replace the national connecting factor by the domicile or residence in situations where nationality is used to determine the applicable law. The internal conflict of law rule will then be slightly modified in order to be applied according to the convention. However, this approach excludes these people from using their national law if they so desire. As nationality is, in all cases, replaced by domicile or residence as connecting factor, refugees are automatically deprived of the possibility to choose this law in jurisdictions that include the party autonomy in international marriage law. This contribution aims to shed light on the international legal framework applicable to marriages celebrated by refugees and the unnecessary restrictions to the exercise of the party autonomy these individuals are subjected to. The interest is motivated by the increasing number of displaced people, the significant number of states party to the Refugee Convention – approximately 150 – and the fact that more and more countries allow choice of law agreements in marriage law. Based on a study of German, Spanish and Swiss case law, the current practices in Europe, as well as some incoherencies derived from the current interpretation of the convention, will be discussed. The main objective is showing that there is neither an economic nor a legal basis to deny refugees the right to choose the law of their country of origin in those jurisdictions providing for this possibility to other foreigners. Quite the contrary, after analyzing other provisions contained in the conventions, this restriction would mean a contravention of other obligations included in the text.

Keywords: choice of law, conflict of laws, international marriage law, refugees

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Authors: Klaudia Gołębiowska

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This article analyzes the actions of Poland's ruling party facing two refugee crises. These crises emerged almost one after the other within a few months. The first concerned irregular migrants from various countries, including the Middle East, seeking to cross the Polish border from the territory of Belarus. The second was caused by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. I aim to show the evolution of the discourse and law towards immigrants and refugees by the party Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS, ang. Law and Justice), which has been in power in Poland since 2015. The authorities, in power since 2015, have radically changed its anti-immigrant discourse towards the exodus of civilians from Ukraine. Research questions are the following: What were the roots of the refugee crises in Poland in 2021 and 2022? What legal or illegal measures were taken in Poland to deal with the refugee crises? The methods of qualitative source analysis and process tracing. From the first days of the war in Ukraine, not only was aid organised for Ukrainians, but they were also given access to public services and education. All refugees were granted temporary international protection. At the same time, the basic physiological needs of those on the Polish-Belarusian border were ignored. Moreover, illegal pushbacks were used against those coming mainly from the Middle East, pushing them into the territory of Belarus, where they were often subjected to torture and inhumane treatment. The Polish government justified such treatment on the grounds that these people were part of a 'hybrid war' waged by Russia and Belarus using migrants. Only Ukrainians were treated as 'real' refugees in the analyzed crises at the Polish borders.

Keywords: refugee, irregular migrants, hybrid war, migrants

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Authors: Kudu Dangana, Pai H. Halilu, Osesienemo R. Asiribo-Sallau, Garba Inuwa Kuta

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The study examined the determinants of household water accessibility in Southern part of Niger State, Nigeria. Data for the study was obtained from primary and secondary sources using questionnaire, interview, personal observation and documents. 1,192 questionnaires were administered; sampling techniques adopted are combination of purposive, stratified and simple random. Purposive sampling technique was used to determine sample frame; sample unit was determined using stratified sampling method and simple random technique was used in administering questionnaires. The result was analyzed within the scope of “WHO” water accessibility indicators using descriptive statistics. Major sources of water in the area are well; hand and electric pump borehole and streams. These sources account for over 90% of household’s water. Average per capita water consumption in the area is 22 liters per day, while location efficiency of facilities revealed an average of 80 people per borehole. Household water accessibility is affected mainly by the factors of distances, time spent to obtain water, low income status of the majority of respondents to access modern water infrastructure, and to a lesser extent household size. Recommendations includes, all tiers of government to intensify efforts in providing water infrastructures and existing ones through budgetary provisions, and communities should organize fund raising bazaar, so as to raise fund to improve water infrastructures in the area.

Keywords: accessibility, determined, stratified, scope

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Authors: Robin Turner

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In the context of the strengthening conservative movements such as “Brexit” and the election of US President Donald Trump, the global political stage was shaken up by the election of Emmanuel Macron to the French presidency, defeating the far-right candidate Marine Le Pen. The election itself was a first for the Fifth Republic in which neither final candidate was from the traditional two major political parties: the left Parti Socialiste (PS) and the right Les Républicains (LR). Macron, who served as the Minister of Finance under his predecessor, founded the centrist liberal political party En Marche! in April 2016 before resigning from his post in August to launch his bid for the presidency. Between the time of the party’s creation to the first round of elections a year later, Emmanuel Macron and En Marche! had garnered enough support to make it to the run-off election, finishing far ahead of many seasoned national political figures. Now months into his presidency, the youngest President of the Republic shows no sign of losing fuel anytime soon. His unprecedented success raises a lot of questions with respect to international relations, economics, and the evolving relationship between the French government and its citizens. The effectiveness of Macron’s campaign, of course, relies on many factors, one of which is his manner of communicating his platform to French voters. Using data from oral discourse and primary material from Macron and En Marche! in sources such as party publications and Twitter, the study categorizes linguistic instruments – address, lexicon, tone, register, and syntax – to identify prevailing patterns of speech and communication. The linguistic analysis in this project is two-fold. In addition to these findings’ stand-alone value, these discourse patterns are contextualized by comparable discourse of other 2017 presidential candidates with high emphasis on that of Marine Le Pen. Secondly, to provide an alternative approach, the study contextualizes Macron’s discourse using those of two immediate predecessors representing the traditional stronghold political parties, François Hollande (PS) and Nicolas Sarkozy (LR). These comparative methods produce an analysis that gives insight to not only a contributing factor to Macron’s successful 2017 campaign but also provides insight into how Macron’s platform presents itself differently to previous presidential platforms. Furthermore, this study extends analysis to supply data that contributes to a wider analysis of the defeat of “traditional” French political parties by the “start-up” movement En Marche!.

Keywords: Emmanuel Macron, French, discourse analysis, political discourse

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Authors: A. F. Chikerema

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Political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalization” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power (Van Wyk:2007: p1). Political parties just like any other organizations always need leadership renewal and revamping, besides ideological and policy renewal. Zimbabwean politics present a shunned leadership renewal as reflected by the two champion political parties namely ZANU PF and MDC-T. Despite hot political power contestation between MDC and ZANUPF, the parties` internal structures are hinged on the two Godfather or Father figure that is Mugabe and Tsvangirai. They are the “labels “behind the two political parties. The suppressing of dissent voice on succession and renewal of leadership in the two parties has brew resistance from within and this has resulted in factional fights within the two political parties. The disgruntlement in the political parties has led to the stemming of the ‘bhoramusango concept’ from the electorate and party cadres whereby they are throwing or donating away their votes to other political parties. The ‘bhoramusango’ concept haunted ZANUPF in 2008 leading to its defeat by the opposition MDC-T .The paper takes the form of an analytic approach on leadership crisis in Zimbabwe. The narrative is framed on key concepts of leadership: namely leadership renewal and leadership succession, as agents operating within inherited structures negotiated political settlements, and form structures of leadership. Rulers gave priority to the consolidation of state power by installing party loyalists in the armed forces, civil service and local government. As part of this process, rulers have ensured consolidated power and authority.

Keywords: leadership renewal, leadership succession, ‘Bhora Musango’, political culture, political legitimacy

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Authors: Mai Yen Nhi Doan, Viet Le, Chamindika Weerakoon

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Social enterprises have emerged as sustainable organisations that deliver social achievement along with long-term financial advancement. However, recorded financial barriers have urged social enterprises to divert to other financing methods due to the misaligned ideology with traditional financing capitalists, in which crowdfunding can be a promising alternative. Previous studies in crowdfunding have inadequately addressed crowdfunding for social enterprises, with conflicting results due to the unsuitable analysis of signals in isolation rather than in combinations, using the data from platforms that do not support social enterprises. Extending the signalling theory, this study suggests that crowdfunding success results from the collaboration between costly and costless signals. The proposed conceptual framework enlightens the interaction between costly signals as “organisational information”, “social entrepreneur’s credibility,” and “third-party endorsement” and costless signals as various sub-signals under the “campaign preparedness” signal to achieve crowdfunding success. Using Qualitative Comparative Analysis, this study examined 45 crowdfunding campaigns run by Australian social enterprises on StartSomeGood and Chuffed. The analysis found that different combinations of costly and costless signals can lead to crowdfunding success, allowing social enterprises to adopt suitable combinations of signals to their context. Costless signal – campaign preparedness is fundamental for success, though different costless sub-signals under campaign preparedness can interact with different costly signals for the desired outcome. Third-party endorsement signal was found to be the necessary signal for crowdfunding success for Australian social enterprises.

Keywords: crowdfunding, qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), signalling theory, social enterprises

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Authors: Sophia Anastasiou, Cosmas Nathanailides, Fotini Kakali, Kostas Karipoglou

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Wild fish are considered as testier and in fish restaurants are offered at twice the price of farmed fish. Several chemical and structural differences can affect the consumer's attitudes for farmed fish. The structure and chemical composition of fish muscle is also important for the performance of farmed fish during handling, storage and processing. In the present work we present the chemical and sensory parameters which are used as indicators of fish flesh quality and we investigated the perceptions of consumers for farmed sea bass and the organoleptic differences between samples of wild and farmed sea bass. A questionnaire was distributed to a group of various ages that were regular consumers of sea bass. The questionnaire included a survey on the perceptions on taste and appearance differences between wild and farmed sea bass. A significant percentage (>40%) of the participants stated their perception of superior taste of wild sea bass versus the farmed fish. The participants took part in an organoleptic assessment of wild and farmed sea bass prepared and cooked by a local fish restaurant. Portions were evaluated for intensity of sensorial attributes from 1 (low intensity) to 5 (high intensity). The results indicate that contrary to the assessor's perception, farmed sea bass scored better in al organoleptic parameters assessed with marked superiority in texture and taste over the wild sea bass. This research has been co-financed by the European Union (European Social Fund – ESF) and Greek national funds through the Operational Program "Education and Lifelong Learning" of the National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF) - Research Funding Program: ARCHIMEDES III. Investing in knowledge society through the European Social Fund.

Keywords: fish marketing, farmed fish, seafood quality, wild fish

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Authors: M. B. Ricardo De Oliveira, A. Borghi-Silva, L. Di Thommazo, D. Braatz

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Prototypes can be understood as representations of a product concept. Furthermore, prototyping consists in an important stage in product development and results in better team communication, decision making, testing and problem solving through feedback. Although there are several methods of prototyping suggested by recent studies for designers to choose from, some methods present different advantages, such as cost and time reduction, performance and fidelity, which should be taken in account during a product development project. In this multidisciplinary study, involving areas of physiotherapy, engineering and computer science (hardware and software), we compared four developed prototypes of an ergometric step: a virtual prototype, a 3D printed prototype, a bricolage prototype and a prototype manufactured by a third-party company. These prototypes were evaluated in a comparative-qualitative approach for their contribution to the concept’s maturation of the product, the different prototyping methods used and the advantages and disadvantages of each one based on the product’s design specifications (performance, safety, materials, cost, maintenance, usability, ergonomics and portability). Our results indicated that despite prototypes show overall advantages, all of them have limitations, thus being crucial to have different methods of testing and interacting with the product. Additionally, virtual and 3D printed prototypes were essential at early stages of the project due to their low-cost and high-fidelity representation of the product, while the prototype manufactured by a third-party company and bricolage prototype introduced functional tests in real scenarios, allowing more detailed evaluations. This study also resulted in a patent for an ergometric step.

Keywords: Product Design, Product Development, Prototypes, Step

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Authors: Ifeanyi Adigwe, Thomas Van der Walt

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Digital media has been integrated into the social and entertainment life of young children, and as such, the impact of digital media appears to affect young people of all ages and it is believed that this will continue to shape the world of young children. Since, technological advancement of digital media presents adolescents with diverse contexts, platforms and avenues to engage with digital media outside the home environment and from parents' supervision, a wide range of new challenges has further complicated the already difficult tasks for parents and altered the landscape of parenting. Despite the fact that adolescents now have access to a wide range of digital media technologies both at home and in the learning environment, parenting practices such as active, restrictive, co-use, participatory and technical mediations are important in mitigating of online risks adolescents may encounter as a result of digital media use. However, these mediation practices only focus on the home environment including digital media present in the home and may not necessarily transcend outside the home and other learning environments where adolescents use digital media for school work and other activities. This poses the question of who mediates adolescent's digital media use outside the home environment. The learning environment could be a ''loose platform'' where an adolescent can maximise digital media use considering the fact that there is no restriction in terms of content and time allotted to using digital media during school hours. That is to say that an adolescent can play the ''bad boy'' online in school because there is little or no restriction of digital media use and be exposed to online risks and play the ''good boy'' at home because of ''heavy'' parental mediation. This is the reason why parent mediation practices have been ineffective because a parent may not be able to track adolescents digital media use considering the diversity of contexts, platforms and avenues adolescents use digital media. This study argues that due to the diverse nature of digital media technology, parents may not be able to monitor the 'whereabouts' of their children in the digital space. This is because adolescent digital media usage may not only be confined to the home environment but other learning environments like schools. This calls for urgent attention on the part of teachers to understand the intricacies of how digital media continue to shape the world in which young children are developing and learning. It is, therefore, imperative for parents to liaise with the schools of their children to mediate digital media use during school hours. The implication of parents- teachers mediation practices are discussed. The article concludes by suggesting that third party mediation by teachers in schools and other learning environments should be encouraged and future research needs to consider the emergent strategy of teacher-children mediation approach and the implication for policy for both the home and learning environments.

Keywords: digital media, digital age, parent mediation, third party mediation

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Authors: Erni Agustin, Zendy Prameswari

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The Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage was issued by Indonesian Government to replace the old marriage law stipulated in Burgerlijk Wetboek inherited from the Dutch colonial. The Law defines marriage as both physical and mental bond between a man and a woman as husband and wife with the purpose to form a harmonious family based on deity. Marriage shall be conducted when determined requirements are met based on the Law. Article 7 of the Law Number 1 Year 1974 stipulates the minimum age requirement to enter into marriage, which is 19 years for men and 16 years for women. This stipulation is made to make the marriage achieve the true goal to form a happy, eternal and prosperous family. It is expected at that age, each party has a mature soul and physic. However, it is possible for those who have not reached the age to enter into marriage if there is a dispensation granted by the courts or other official designated by the parents of each party in the marriage. As many other countries in the world, Indonesia has serious problems linked with the child or underage marriage. Indonesia is one of the countries with the highest absolute numbers of child marriage. In 2012, a judicial review was filed to the Constitutional Court against the provisions of the minimum age limit in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage. The appeal was filed in order to raise the limit of minimum age for women from 16 years to be 18 years. However, the Constitutional Court considered that the provisions on the minimum age in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage is constitutional. At the international level, Indonesia has participated in the formulation of variety of international human rights instrument which have an impact on children, and is a party to a number of them. Indonesia ratified the CRC through Presidential Decree of the Republic of Indonesia Number 36 Year 1990 on 5 September 1990. This paper attempts to analyze three main issues. Firstly, it will scrutinize the ratio legis of the stipulation on minimum age requirement to enter into marriage in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage. Secondly, it will discuss the conformity of Indonesian marriage law to the principles and provisions on the CRC. Last, this paper will elaborate the legal measures shall be taken to strengthen the legal protection for children against child marriage. This paper is a doctrinal research using statute, conceptual and historical approaches. This study argues that The Law-making of Indonesian marriage law influenced by religious values that live in Indonesia. With regard to the conformity of Indonesian marriage law with the CRC, Indonesia is facing the issue of the compatibility of its respective national law with the CRC. Therefore, the legal measures that have to be taken are to review and amend the Indonesian Marriage Law to provide better protection for the children against underage marriage.

Keywords: child marriage, children’s rights, indonesian marriage law, underage marriage

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Authors: Doreen Chemutai

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While women's parliamentary representation has increased over the years, most women contest the affirmative action seat (A.A). There is a lack of knowledge on why women prefer the affirmative seat vis- a- vis the open seat. This study argues that comparing women's path on the reserved and open seat to parliamentary representation enables us to pass judgment on why this trend continues. This paper provides a narrative analysis of women members of parliament's (MPs) trajectory in the open seat and Affirmative Action seat to parliamentary representation. Purposive sampling was used to select participants from the Northern Uganda districts of Kitgum, Pader, Oyam, Agago, and Gulu. The eight women MPs chosen for the study completed in-depth interviews exploring their qualifications, careers, and experiences before joining the political office, their party affiliation, and the kind of seat they currently occupy in the 10th parliament. Findings revealed similarities between women on the open and reserved to include; women generally irrespective of the seat they choose to contest for find it difficult to win elections because voters doubt women's effectiveness as leaders. All women as incumbents find it difficult to be re-elected because their evaluation is harsher than that for men. Findings also revealed that women representatives are motivated by their personal lived experiences, community work, educational leadership, and local leadership. The study establishes that the popularity of the party in a given geographical location and the opponents' quality will determine the success of the parliamentary candidate in question irrespective of whether one is contesting on the open or Affirmative seat. However, the study revealed differences between MPs' experiences in the quest for the parliamentary seat, females on the open seat are subjected to gender discrimination in elections by party leadership, stereotyped, and are victims of propaganda in the initial contesting stages. Women who win elections in the open seat have to be superior to their male opponents. In other circumstances where a woman emerges successful, she may be voted for due to other reasons beyond capability, such as physical appearance or sociability. On the other hand, MPs' revelations on affirmative action seats show that the political terrain is smoother despite larger constituencies. Findings show that women on the Affirmative Action seat do not move to the open seat because of the comfort associated with the seat and maintain consistency, since the constituencies doubt the motives of representatives who change from one seat to another. The study concludes that women MPs who contest on the open seat are likely to suffer structural barriers such as gender discrimination and political recruitment bias instead of women on the affirmative seat. This explains why the majority of women contest on the affirmative seat.

Keywords: affirmative action seats, open seats, parliamentary representation, pathways

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Authors: Ajmal Hussain

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In Indian music parlance, Rasa denotes a distinct aesthetic experience that builds up in the mind of the listeners while listening to a piece of Indian classical music. The distinction of the experience is rooted in the concept that it gives rise to an enhanced awareness about the Self or God and creates a mental state detached from mundane issues of everyday life. The theory of Rasa was initially proposed in the context of theatre but became a part of Indian musicological discourse roughly two thousand years ago, however, to this day, it remains shrouded in mystery due to its religious associations and connotations. This paper attempts to demystify the theory of Rasa in the light of available scientific knowledge fund particularly in Brain and Mind sciences. The paper initially describes the religious context of the theory of Rasa and then discusses its classical formulations by Bharata and Abhinavagupta including the steps and stages laid down by the latter to explain the creation of musical experience. The classical formulations are then interpreted with reference to the scientific knowledge fund about the human mind and mechanics of perception. The study uses the model of human mind as proposed by Portuguese-American neuroscientist Antonio Damasio in his theory ‘A Nesting Principle’. On the basis of the findings by Damasio, the paper interprets the experience of Rasa from a scientific perspective and clarifies the sequence of steps and stages involved in the making of musical experience. The study concludes that although the classical formulations of Rasa identify key aspects of musical experience, the association of Rasa with religion is misleading. The association with religion does not depend upon musical stimulus but the intellectual orientation of the listener. It further establishes that the function of Rasa is more profound as, from an evolutionary perspective, it can be seen as a catalyst for higher consciousness.

Keywords: aesthetic, consciousness, music, Rasa

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Authors: Hao-Wei Fu, Chung-Feng Kao

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In the era of rapid technological advancement, information technology (IT) has become integral to modern life, exerting significant influence across diverse sectors and serving as a catalyst for development in various industries. Within agriculture, the integration of IT offers substantial benefits, notably enhancing operational efficiency. Real-time monitoring systems, for instance, have been widely embraced in agriculture, effectively improving crop management practices. This study specifically addresses the management of rice panicle fertilizer, presenting the development of a web application tailored to handle data associated with rice panicle fertilizer management. Leveraging the normalized difference red edge index, this application optimizes the quantity of rice panicle fertilizer used, providing recommendations to agricultural stakeholders and service providers in the agricultural information sector. The overarching objective is to minimize costs while maximizing yields. Furthermore, a robust database system has been established to store and manage relevant data for future reference in rice cultivation management. Additionally, the study utilizes the Representational State Transfer software architectural style to construct an application programming interface (API), facilitating data creation, retrieval, updating, and deletion for users via the HyperText Transfer Protocol methods. Future plans involve integrating this API with third-party services to incorporate it into larger frameworks, thus catering to the diverse requirements of various third-party services.

Keywords: application programming interface, HyperText Transfer Protocol, nitrogen fertilizer intelligent management, web-based application

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Authors: Judith Enriquez-Gibson

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This paper meddles with the notion of phatic communion introduced 90 years ago by Malinowski, who was a Polish-born British anthropologist. It explores the phatic in Twitter within the contents of tweets related to moocs (massive online open courses) as a topic or trend. It is not about moocs though. It is about practices that could easily be hidden or neglected if we let big or massive topics take the lead or if we simply follow the computational or secret codes behind Twitter itself and third party software analytics. It draws from media and cultural studies. Though at first it appears data-driven as I submitted data collection and analytics into the hands of a third party software, Twitonomy, the aim is to follow how phatic communion might be practised in a social media site, such as Twitter. Lurking becomes its research method to analyse mooc-related tweets. A total of 3,000 tweets were collected on 11 October 2013 (UK timezone). The emphasis of lurking is to engage with Twitter as a system of connectivity. One interesting finding is that a click is in fact a phatic practice. A click breaks the silence. A click in one of the mooc website is actually a tweet. A tweet was posted on behalf of a user who simply chose to click without formulating the text and perhaps without knowing that it contains #mooc. Surely, this mechanism is not about reciprocity. To break the silence, users did not use words. They just clicked the ‘tweet button’ on a mooc website. A click performs and maintains connectivity – and Twitter as the medium in attendance in our everyday, available when needed to be of service. In conclusion, the phatic culture of breaking silence in Twitter does not have to submit to the power of code and analytics. It is a matter of human code.

Keywords: click, Twitter, phatic communion, social media data, mooc

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Authors: Zsofia Nagy

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A sharp increase in the number of refugees crossing Hungary during 2015, coupled with the Hungarian government’s agenda-setting strategy led to a powerful anti-migrant campaign in public, framing asylum-seekers as external threats to the country. While this campaign was, by and large, unchallenged by the Hungarian parliamentary opposition, Two-Tailed Dog Party, a Hungarian mock-party launched a counter-billboard campaign attacking the governmental discourse. Taking the latter as a case of digitally supported civic action, the paper first discusses two theoretical problems related to contemporary social movements: the problem of voice and the problem of participation. Afterward the paper presents the case of the Hungarian anti-migrant billboard campaign led by the government and the counter-billboard campaign and examines their action repertoires. It argues that a number of strategic differences are noteworthy: contrasts between traditional and digital methods, the reliance on the ’spirals of silence’ on the one hand and the breaking of this very silence on the other, where people are holding a minority opinion were given a platform and visibility in public. On a deeper level, the counter-campaign challenged the hegemonic views about public discourse. It effectively contrasted the government’s one-to-many, top-bottom approach to political communication with a campaign that relied on many-to-many communication and a bottom-up approach. While it is true that through memetic engineering, the original governmental messages were altered and the outcomes were brought back to the streets of Hungary; the effects of the two campaigns nevertheless reinforced the original anti-migrant focus of the political agenda.

Keywords: counterpublics, migration, refugees, social movements

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Authors: Yaser Ghasemi Aryan, Firoozeh Moghiminejad, Mohammadreza Shahraki

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Background: The cooperative institution is considered the first and most essential pillar of strengthening social capital, whose sustainability is the main guarantee of survival and continued participation of local communities in natural resource management projects. The Village Development Group and the Microcredit Fund are two important social and economic institutions in the implementation of the International Project for the Restoration of Degraded Forest Lands (RFLDL) in Sarayan City, South Khorasan Province, which has learned positive lessons from the participation of the beneficiaries in the implementation. They have brought more effective projects to deal with desertification. However, the low activity or liquidation of some of these institutions has become one of the important challenges and concerns of project executive experts. The current research was carried out with the aim of explaining the main components of the instability of these institutions. Materials and Methods: This research is descriptive-analytical in terms of method, practical in terms of purpose, and the method of collecting information is two documentary and survey methods. The statistical population of the research included all the members of the village development groups and microcredit funds in the target villages of the RFLDL project of Sarayan city, based on the Kochran formula and matching with the Karjesi and Morgan table. Net people were selected as a statistical sample. After confirming the validity of the expert's opinions, the reliability of the questionnaire was 0.83, which shows the appropriate reliability of the researcher-made questionnaire. Data analysis was done using SPSS software. Results: The results related to the extraction of obstacles to the stability of social and economic networks were classified and prioritized in the form of 5 groups of social-cultural, economic, administrative, educational-promotional and policy-management factors. Based on this, in the socio-cultural factors, the items ‘not paying attention to the structural characteristics and composition of groups’, ‘lack of commitment and moral responsibility in some members of the group,’ and ‘lack of a clear pattern for the preservation and survival of groups’, in the disciplinary factors, The items ‘Irregularity in holding group meetings’ and ‘Irregularity of members to participate in meetings’, in the economic factors of the items "small financial capital of the fund’, ‘the low amount of loans of the fund’ and ‘the fund's inability to conclude contracts and attract capital from other sources’, in the educational-promotional factors of the items ‘non-simultaneity of job training with the granting of loans to create jobs’ and ‘insufficient training for the effective use of loans and job creation’ and in the policy-management factors of the item ‘failure to provide government facilities for support From the funds, they had the highest priority. Conclusion: In general, the results of this research show that policy-management factors and social factors, especially the structure and composition of social and economic institutions, are the most important obstacles to their sustainability. Therefore, it is suggested to form cooperative institutions based on network analysis studies in order to achieve the appropriate composition of members.

Keywords: cooperative institution, social capital, network analysis, participation, Sarayan.

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Authors: F. Agbele

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Elections are core democratic institutions. Consequently, voter participation during elections is paramount to democratic governance as it serves as a medium to legitimize authority and make the privileges of electoral democracy meaningful to citizens. To this effect, the topic of voter mobilization and subsequent turnout level have been largely studied in advanced democracies. In young and consolidating democracies, the debate has, however, revolves around the huge reliance on ethnic and regional appeals. According to the Author’s knowledge, studies on electoral mobilization especially within the African context have argued the use of ethnic linkages by political parties to mobilize voters during elections. Literature has however not differentiated between the level of democratic dispensation among African countries and the use of ethnic linkages. The question, however, is whether the state of the country’s democracy determines the strategies employed by political parties to induce voter participation. In other words, do parties simply play ethno-regional cards as strongly suggested by literature or will consider an arrayed of strategies to mobilize voters? Additionally, studies have not differentiated the impact of mobilization strategy within a country, i.e. between high to low turnout areas. They have also not distinguished between strategies employed by an incumbent or an opposition party. This paper, therefore, is a comparative analysis of voter mobilization in Ghana. It uses original survey and interview data from three constituencies in Ghana: Nanton, Assin North, and Ellembelle, which are typical cases of high, average and low turnout areas, respectively. The data were concurrently collected during fieldworks conducted in November 2016 to February 2017, and again from July to August 2017. The study found that political parties within a consolidating democracy employ a blend of strategies to ensure turnout by both parties’ faithful and swing voters. The dominant strategies used depends on whether the party is an incumbent or in opposition. While an incumbent may depend more on personalistic and clientelistic strategies, parties in opposition will largely use programmatic strategies, which entails making many campaign promises. Additionally, opposition parties do use clientelistic tactics, but not on the same level as the incumbent. Similarly, within the context of this study, the use of ethnic linkage by political parties to mobilize voters has not been found to be as strong as suggested in the literature. Further, location was key in determining the strategy to use. In all, the consolidation process of a democratic country like Ghana means the change of mobilization strategies used by political parties, which entail a gradual shift from ethnic linkages to programmatic and other forms of non-programmatic strategies.

Keywords: comparative analysis, elections, mobilization strategies, voter turnout

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Authors: Nour Mohammad

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The concept of International Criminal Court is not a new idea.It goes back to the late 19th century and was first mooted in 1872 by Gustave Moynier of the International Commitee of the Red Cross(ICRC). This paper attempts to focus on jurisdictional problem of the international criminal court (ICC) over national of states of non parties to the Rome statute. Mor than 120 countries are state parties to the Rome Statute representing all regions, Afria, the Asia-pacofoc Eastern Europe, Latin America and the Caribben as well as Western Europe and North America.The Statute is the core document of internationa criminal law todaycontaining 128 Articles and divided in 13 parts.The Rome Statute provides that the court may sit elsewhere the judge consider it desirable.The International Criminal Court is not in a position to adjudicate all international crimes but its jurisdiction is limited to the four categories of crime viz. genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and crime of aggression as stipulated in Article 5 of the ICC Statute. It also mention here that the Court will be able to exercise its jurisdiction over the crime of aggression only when this crime is defined. Due to the highly political nature of this crime, it is unlikely that a consensus in this regard would be arrived at in the near future.The main point of this article is to discuss the mandate of international criminal court to prosecute and punish persons responsible for the henious crimes of concern to the international community.The author highlighted the principles which support the delegation of criminal jurisdiction by state to international tribunals and discuss the precedents of such delegation.It also argued that the exercise of ICC jurisdiction over acts done pursuant to the officially policy of non-party state would not be contrary to the principles requiring consent for the exercise of jurisdiction by international tribunals. The article explore the limit to jurisdiction of ICC over non-party nationals.

Keywords: jurisdiction, international, criminal, court, non-parties

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Authors: Luay Jum'a

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Many challenges are facing third-party logistics (3PL) providers in the domestic and global markets which create a volatile decision making environment. All these challenges such as managing changes in consumer behaviour, demanding expectations from customers and time compressions have turned into complex problems for 3PL providers. Since the movement towards increased outsourcing outpaces movement towards insourcing, the need to achieve a competitive advantage over competitors in 3PL market increases. This trend continues to grow over the years and as a result, areas of strengths and improvements are highlighted through the analysis of the LSQ factors that lead to B2B customers’ satisfaction which become a priority for 3PL companies. Consequently, 3PL companies are increasingly focusing on the most important issues from the perspective of their customers and relying more on this value of information in making their managerial decisions. Therefore, this study is concerned with providing guidance for improving logistics service quality (LSQ) levels in the context of 3PL industry in Jordan. The study focused on the most important factors in LSQ and used a managerial tool that guides 3PL companies in making LSQ improvements based on a quadrant analysis of two main dimensions: LSQ declared importance and LSQ inferred importance. Although, a considerable amount of research has been conducted to investigate the relationship between logistics service quality (LSQ) and customer satisfaction, there remains a lack of developing managerial tools to aid in the process of LSQ improvement decision-making. Moreover, the main advantage for the companies to use 3PL service providers as a trend is due to the realised percentage of cost reduction on the total cost of logistics operations and the incremental improvement in customer service. In this regard, having a managerial tool that help 3PL service providers in managing the LSQ factors portfolio effectively and efficiently would be a great investment for service providers. One way of suggesting LSQ improvement actions for 3PL service providers is via the adoption of analysis tools that perform attribute categorisation such as Importance–Performance matrix. In mind of the above, it can be stated that the use of quadrant analysis will provide a valuable opportunity for 3PL service providers to identify improvement opportunities as customer service attributes or factors importance are identified in two different techniques that complete each other. Moreover, the data were collected through conducting a survey and 293 questionnaires were returned from business-to-business (B2B) customers of 3PL companies in Jordan. The results showed that the LSQ factors vary in their importance and 3PL companies should focus on some LSQ factors more than other factors. Moreover, ordering procedures, timeliness/responsiveness LSQ factors considered being crucial in 3PL businesses and therefore they need to have more focus and development by 3PL service providers in the Jordanian market.

Keywords: logistics service quality, managerial decisions, quadrant analysis, third party logistics service provider

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Authors: Krish Batra

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The advent of open banking has revolutionized the financial services industry by fostering innovation, enhancing customer experience, and promoting competition. However, this paradigm shift towards more open and interconnected banking ecosystems has introduced complex cybersecurity challenges. This research paper delves into the multifaceted cybersecurity landscape of open banking, highlighting the vulnerabilities and threats inherent in sharing financial data across a network of banks and third-party providers. Through a detailed analysis of recent data breaches, phishing attacks, and other cyber incidents, the paper assesses the current state of cybersecurity within the open banking framework. It examines the effectiveness of existing security measures, such as encryption, API security protocols, and authentication mechanisms, in protecting sensitive financial information. Furthermore, the paper explores the regulatory response to these challenges, including the implementation of standards such as PSD2 in Europe and similar initiatives globally. By identifying gaps in current cybersecurity practices, the research aims to propose a set of robust, forward-looking strategies that can enhance the security and resilience of open banking systems. This includes recommendations for banks, third-party providers, regulators, and consumers on how to mitigate risks and ensure a secure open banking environment. The ultimate goal is to provide stakeholders with a comprehensive understanding of the cybersecurity implications of open banking and to outline actionable steps for safeguarding the financial ecosystem in an increasingly interconnected world.

Keywords: open banking, financial services industry, cybersecurity challenges, data breaches, phishing attacks, encryption, API security protocols, authentication mechanisms, regulatory response, PSD2, cybersecurity practices

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Authors: Marc Solé, Francesc Giné, Magda Valls, Nina Bijedic

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What people say on social media has turned into a rich source of information to understand social behavior. Specifically, the growing use of Twitter social media for political communication has arisen high opportunities to know the opinion of large numbers of politically active individuals in real time and predict the global political tendencies of a specific country. It has led to an increasing body of research on this topic. The majority of these studies have been focused on polarized political contexts characterized by only two alternatives. Unlike them, this paper tackles the challenge of forecasting Spanish political trends, characterized by multiple political parties, by means of analyzing the Twitters Users political tendency. According to this, a new strategy, named Tweets Analysis Strategy (TAS), is proposed. This is based on analyzing the users tweets by means of discovering its sentiment (positive, negative or neutral) and classifying them according to the political party they support. From this individual political tendency, the global political prediction for each political party is calculated. In order to do this, two different strategies for analyzing the sentiment analysis are proposed: one is based on Positive and Negative words Matching (PNM) and the second one is based on a Neural Networks Strategy (NNS). The complete TAS strategy has been performed in a Big-Data environment. The experimental results presented in this paper reveal that NNS strategy performs much better than PNM strategy to analyze the tweet sentiment. In addition, this research analyzes the viability of the TAS strategy to obtain the global trend in a political context make up by multiple parties with an error lower than 23%.

Keywords: political tendency, prediction, sentiment analysis, Twitter

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Mathew Hoyes

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This paper is a collation of data, studies and anecdotes on the way education is funded in New Zealand, the ideals which have lead to this method, as well as the issues it has created when combined with other factors and government policy on education over the last two decades. The purpose of this paper is to provide a historical perspective of this situation and to contribute to the global discussion of how to fund schools in an equitable manner, given that the world has become increasingly more globalised and the perception of widening gaps between the rich and the poor in the western world.

Keywords: education funding equity, egalitarianism, socio-economic, New Zealand colonialism

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Authors: J. K. Visser, H. T. Malan

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A need exists to identify the sources of risks associated with the process automation systems within petrochemical companies or similar energy related industries. These companies use many different process automation technologies in its value chain. A crucial part of the process automation system is the information technology component featuring in the supervisory control layer. The ever-changing technology within the process automation layers and the rate at which it advances pose a risk to safe and predictable automation system performance. The age of the automation equipment also provides challenges to the operations and maintenance managers of the plant due to obsolescence and unavailability of spare parts. The main objective of this research was to determine the risk sources associated with the equipment that is part of the process automation systems. A secondary objective was to establish whether technology managers and technicians were aware of the risks and share the same viewpoint on the importance of the risks associated with automation systems. A conceptual model for risk sources of automation systems was formulated from models and frameworks in literature. This model comprised six categories of risk which forms the basis for identifying specific risks. This model was used to develop a questionnaire that was sent to 172 instrument technicians and technology managers in the company to obtain primary data. 75 completed and useful responses were received. These responses were analyzed statistically to determine the highest risk sources and to determine whether there was difference in opinion between technology managers and technicians. The most important risks that were revealed in this study are: 1) the lack of skilled technicians, 2) integration capability of third-party system software, 3) reliability of the process automation hardware, 4) excessive costs pertaining to performing maintenance and migrations on process automation systems, and 5) requirements of having third-party communication interfacing compatibility as well as real-time communication networks.

Keywords: distributed control system, identification of risks, information technology, process automation system

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Authors: Amy Y. Wang, Eko L. Yi

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Can vicarious experiences of workplace ostracism affect employees’ willingness to voice? Given the increasingly interdependent nature of the modern workplace in which employees rely on social interactions to fulfill organizational goals, workplace ostracism –the extent to which an individual perceives that he or she is ignored or excluded by others in the workplace– has garnered significant interest from scholars and practitioners alike. Extending beyond conventional studies that largely focus on the perspectives and outcomes of ostracized targets, we address the indirect effects of workplace ostracism on third-party employees embedded in the same social context. Using a social information processing approach, we propose that the ostracism of coworkers acts as political information that influences third-party employees in their decisions to engage in risky and discretionary behaviors such as employee voice. To make sense of and to navigate through experiences of workplace ostracism, we posit that both political understanding and political skill allow third party employees to minimize the risks and uncertainty of voicing. This conceptual model was tested by a study involving 154 supervisor-subordinate dyads of a publicly listed bio-technology firm located in Mainland China. Each supervisor and their direct subordinates composed of a work team; each team had a minimum of two subordinates and a maximum of four subordinates. Human resources used the master list to distribute the ID coded questionnaires to the matching names. All studied constructs were measured using existing scales proved effective in previous literature. Hypotheses were tested using Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Hierarchal Multiple Regression. All three hypotheses were supported which showed that employees were less likely to engage in voice behaviors when their coworkers reported having experienced ostracism in the workplace. Results also showed a significant three-way interaction between political understanding and political skill on the relationship between coworkers’ ostracism and employee voice, indicating that political savviness is a valuable resource in mitigating ostracism’s negative and indirect effects. Our results illustrated that an employee’s coworkers being ostracized indeed adversely impacted his or her own voice behavior. However, not all individuals reacted passively to the social context; rather, we found that politically savvy individuals – possessing both political understanding and political skill – and their voice behaviors were less impacted by ostracism in their work environment. At the same time, we found that having only political understanding or only political skill was significantly less effective in mitigating ostracism’s negative effects, suggesting a necessary duality of political knowledge and political skill in combatting ostracism. Organizational implications, recommendations, and future research ideas are also discussed.

Keywords: employee voice, organizational politics, social information processing, workplace ostracism

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Authors: Victoria Crynes

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The question of England’s role in Britain is increasingly relevant due to the ongoing rise in citizens identifying as English. Furthermore, the Brexit Referendum was predominantly supported by constituents identifying as English. Few politicians appear to comprehend how Englishness is politically manifested. Politics and the media have depicted English identity as a negative and extremist problem - an inaccurate representation that ignores the breadth of English identifying citizens. This environment prompts the question, 'How are British Politicians Addressing the Modern English Identity Question?' Parliamentary debates, political blogs, and interviews are synthesized to establish a more coherent understanding of the current political attitudes towards English identity, the perceived nature of English identity, and the political manifestation of English representation and governance. Analyzed parliamentary debates addressed the democratic structure of English governance through topics such as English votes for English laws, devolution, and the union. The blogs examined include party-based, multi-author style blogs, and independently authored blogs by politicians, which provide a dynamic and up-to-date representation of party and politician viewpoints. Lastly, fourteen semi-structured interviews of British politicians provide a nuanced perspective on how politicians conceptualize Englishness. Interviewee selection was based on three criteria: (i) Members of Parliament (MP) known for discussing English identity politics, (ii) MPs of strongly English identifying constituencies, (iii) MPs with minimal English identity affiliation. Analysis of parliamentary debates reveals the discussion of English representation has gained little momentum. Many politicians fail to comprehend who the English are, why they desire greater representation and believe that increased recognition of the English would disrupt the unity of the UK. These debates highlight the disconnect of parliament from the disenfranchised English towns. A failure to recognize the legitimacy of English identity politics generates an inability for solution-focused debates to occur. Political blogs demonstrate cross-party recognition of growing English disenfranchisement. The dissatisfaction with British politics derives from multiple factors, including economic decline, shifting community structures, and the delay of Brexit. The left-behind communities have seen little response from Westminster, which is often contrasted to the devolved and louder voices of the other UK nations. Many blogs recognize the need for a political response to the English and lament the lack of party-level initiatives. In comparison, interviews depict an array of local-level initiatives reconnecting MPs to community members. Local efforts include town trips to Westminster, multi-cultural cooking classes, and English language courses. These efforts begin to rebuild positive, local narratives, promote engagement across community sectors, and acknowledge the English voices. These interviewees called for large-scale, political action. Meanwhile, several interviewees denied the saliency of English identity. For them, the term held only extremist narratives. The multi-level analysis reveals continued uncertainty on Englishness within British politics, contrasted with increased recognition of its saliency by politicians. It is paramount that politicians increase discussions on English identity politics to avoid increased alienation of English citizens and to rebuild trust in the abilities of Westminster.

Keywords: British politics, contemporary identity politics and its impacts, English identity, English nationalism, identity politics

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Authors: Debalina Ghoshal

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Nuclear security is the ‘prevention and detection of, and response to unauthorised removal, sabotage, unauthorised access, illegal transfer or other malicious acts involving nuclear or radiological material or their associated facilities.’ Ever since the end of Cold War, nuclear materials security has remained a concern for global security. However, with the increase in terrorist attacks not just in India especially, security of nuclear materials remains a priority. Therefore, India has made continued efforts to tighten its security on nuclear materials to prevent nuclear theft and radiological terrorism. Nuclear security is different from nuclear safety. Physical security is also a serious concern and India had been careful of the physical security of its nuclear materials. This is more so important since India is expanding its nuclear power capability to generate electricity for economic development. As India targets 60,000 MW of electricity production by 2030, it has a range of reactors to help it achieve its goal. These include indigenous Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors, now standardized at 700 MW per reactor Light Water Reactors, and the indigenous Fast Breeder Reactors that can generate more fuel for the future and enable the country to utilise its abundant thorium resource. Nuclear materials security can be enhanced through two important ways. One is through proliferation resistant technologies and diplomatic efforts to take non proliferation initiatives. The other is by developing technical means to prevent any leakage in nuclear materials in the hands of asymmetric organisations. New Delhi has already implemented IAEA Safeguards on their civilian nuclear installations. Moreover, the IAEA Additional Protocol has also been ratified by India in order to enhance its transparency of nuclear material and strengthen nuclear security. India is a party to the IAEA Conventions on Nuclear Safety and Security, and in particular the 1980 Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material and its amendment in 2005, Code of Conduct in Safety and Security of Radioactive Sources, 2006 which enables the country to provide for the highest international standards on nuclear and radiological safety and security. India's nuclear security approach is driven by five key components: Governance, Nuclear Security Practice and Culture, Institutions, Technology and International Cooperation. However, there is still scope for further improvements to strengthen nuclear materials and nuclear security. The NTI Report, ‘India’s improvement reflects its first contribution to the IAEA Nuclear Security Fund etc. in the future, India’s nuclear materials security conditions could be further improved by strengthening its laws and regulations for security and control of materials, particularly for control and accounting of materials, mitigating the insider threat, and for the physical security of materials during transport. India’s nuclear materials security conditions also remain adversely affected due to its continued increase in its quantities of nuclear material, and high levels of corruption among public officials.’ This paper would study briefly the progress made by India in nuclear and nuclear material security and the step ahead for India to further strengthen this.

Keywords: India, nuclear security, nuclear materials, non proliferation

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Authors: Hong Beom Hur

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Politics in America is polarized. The best illustration of this is the 2016 presidential election result map. States with megacities like California, New York, Illinois, Virginia, and others are marked blue to signify the color of the Democratic party. States located in inland and south like Texas, Florida, Tennesse, Kansas and others are marked red to signify the color of the Republican party. Such a stark difference between two colors, red and blue, combined with geolocations of each state with their borderline remarks one central message; America is divided into two colors between urban Democrats and rural Republicans. This paper seeks to defy the visualization by pointing out its limitations and search for alternative ways to visualize the 2016 election result. One such limitation is that geolocations of each state and state borderlines limit the visualization of population density. As a result, the election result map does not convey the fact that Clinton won the popular vote and only accentuates the voting patterns of urban and rural states. The paper seeks whether an alternative narrative can be observed by factoring in the population number into the size of each state and manipulating the state borderline according to the normalization. Yet another alternative narrative may be reached by factoring the size of each state by the number of the electoral college of each state by voting and visualize the number. Other alternatives will be discussed but are not implemented in visualization. Such methods include dividing the land of America into about 120 million cubes each representing a voter or by the number of whole population 300 million cubes. By exploring these alternative methods to visualize the politics of the 2016 election map, the public may be able to question whether it is possible to be free from the narrative of the divide-conquer when interpreting the election map and to look at both parties as a story of the United States of America.

Keywords: 2016 U.S. presidential election, data visualization, population scale, geo-political

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