Search results for: democratic elections

Authors: Samuel Pimpong

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In most liberal and constitutional democracies, the media serves as a dominant power in the construction of the fundamental building blocks for the consolidation of democratic governance. However, the extent to which the media can enhance democratic consolidation in a country depends to a large extent on the independence of the media, the robustness of legislative frameworks and the safety of journalists in discharging their duties without fear or favor. This study sought to examine pertinent issues, practices and challenges facing the media in Ghana’s Fourth Republic and attempts to make recommendations regarding the way forward. The work adopted a qualitative study approach. A total of sixteen (16) participants were purposively selected for face-to-face interviews. The study hinges on the democratic participant media theory and the development media theory. Primary data was analyzed via thematic analysis procedure. The study revealed that although Ghana has repealed its criminal libel laws, nonetheless other statutory Acts, such as the Electronic Communications Act 2008 (ACT 775) and the Criminal and other offences Act 1960 (Act 29), among others continue to stifle freedom of expression. On the other hand, press freedom is being abused by the use of fake content publication. Further, the study revealed that the absence of a comprehensive regulatory structure impedes the activities carried out by the media. Consequently, the study recommends a regulatory structure to oversee media activities and content, as the National Media Commission (NMC) lacks the authority to do so. In this direction, the study recommends a limitation on the role of the National Communications Authority (NCA) to administer broadcasting signals and transfer its licensing and sanctioning powers to the NMC in order to create one sole and completely independent media regulatory authority that deals with all media related issues.

Keywords: media, constitutional democracy, democratic consolidation, fourth republic

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Authors: Dishari Rakshit, Mitchell Gallagher

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The global landscape is witnessing a disconcerting surge in democratic backsliding, engendering concerns over the rise of autocratisation. This research demonstrates the intricate relationship between a nation's domestic propensity for autocratic governance and its trade relations with China. Giving prominence to Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) investments, this study adopts a rigorous neorealist framework to discern the complexities of nations' economic interests amidst an anarchic milieu and how these interests may transcend steadfast adherence to democratic principles. The burgeoning bipolarity in the international political setting serves as a backdrop to our inquiry. To operationalise our hypothesis, we conduct a large-scale 'N' study, encompassing a comprehensive global dataset comprising countries' democracy indicators, total trade volume with China, and cumulative Chinese BRI investments over a substantial temporal expanse. By meticulously examining BRI signatories’, we aim to ascertain the potential accentuation of democratic backsliding among these nations. To test our empirical underpinning, we will validate our findings through cogent case studies. Our analysis adds to the scholarship on multifaceted interactions between trade dynamics and democratic governance within the fabric of the international political landscape. In its culmination, the paper addresses the question- has the erstwhile grandeur of bipolarity resurfaced in the contemporary global panorama? Concurrently, we explore the nexus between the ascendant wave of autocratisation as a by-product of the Beijing Consensus? Pertinent to policymakers, our discoveries stand poised to furnish a comprehensive grasp of the manifold implications arising from the deepening entanglements with China under the auspices of the BRI.

Keywords: democracy, autocracy, china, belt road initiative, international political economy

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Authors: Krambia-Kapardis Maria, Neophytidou Christina

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Lobbying is an inherent aspect within the democratic regimes across the globe. Although it can provide decision-makers with valuable knowledge and grant access to stakeholders in the decision-making process, it can also lead to undue influence and unfair competition at the expense of the public interest if it not transparent. Given the multi-level governance structure of the EU, it is no surprise that the EU policy-making arena has become a place-to-be for lobbyists. However, in order to ensure that influence is legitimate and not biased of any business interests, lobbying must be effectively regulated. A comparison with the US and Canadian lobbying regulatory framework and utilising some good practices from EU countries it is apparent that lobbying is the Achilles’ heel to transparency in the EU. It is evident that EU institutions suffer from ineffective regulations and could in fact benefit from a more robust, mandatory and better implemented system of lobbying regulation.

Keywords: EU, lobbying regulation, transparency, democratic regimes

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Authors: Ana Luiza Aranha

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This paper contributes to the discussions that consider corruption as a challenge to the establishment of more democratically inclusive societies in Latin America. The paper advocates an intrinsic connection between democratic principles and corruption control – it is only possible to achieve just forms of democratic life if accountability institutions are able to control corruption, and therefore control the political exclusions that it brings. Departing from a non-trivial approach to corruption, and recognizing a gap in democratic theory when thinking about this phenomenon, corruption is understood as the breakdown of the democratic inclusive rule, whereby political decisions are made (and actions were taken) in spite of those potentially affected by them. Based on this idea, this paper proposes a new way of measuring corruption, moving away from usual aggregate measures – such as the Corruption Perception Index – and case studies of corruption scandals. The main argument sustains that corruption is intrinsically connected with the ability to be accountable and to provide public justification for the political conduct. The point advocated is that corruption involves a dimension of political exclusion. It generates a private benefit which is, from a democratic point of view, illegitimate, since it benefits some at the expense of the decisions made by the political community. Corruption is then a form of exclusion based on deception and opacity - for corruption, there is no plausible justification. Empirically, the paper uses the audit reports produced by the Brazilian anti-corruption agency (the CGU - Office of the Comptroller General) in its Inspections From Public Lotteries Program to exemplify how we can use this definition to separate corruption cases from mismanagement irregularities. On one side, there is poor management and inefficiencies, and, on the other, corruption, defined by the implausibility of public justifications – because the public officials would have to publicize illegitimate privileges and undue advantages. CGU reports provide the justifications given by the public officials for the irregularities found and also the acceptance or not by the control agency of these justifications. The analysis of this dialogue – between public officials and control agents – makes it possible to divide the irregularities on those that can be publicly justified versus those that cannot. In order to hold public officials accountable for their actions, making them responsible for the exclusions that they may cause (such as corruption), the accountability institutions fulfil an important role in reinforcing and empowering democracy and its basic inclusive condition.

Keywords: accountability, brazil, corruption, democracy

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Authors: Kamil Jonski

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Last year vividly demonstrated, that populism and political instability can endanger democratic institutions in countries regarded as democratic transition champions (Poland) or cornerstones of liberal order (UK, US). So called ‘illiberal democracy’ is winning hearts and minds of voters, keen to believe that rule of strongman is a viable alternative to perceived decay of western values and institutions. These developments pose a serious threat to the democratic institutions (including rule of law), proven critical for both personal freedom and economic development. Although scholars proposed some structural explanations of the illiberal wave (notably focusing on inequality, stagnant incomes and drawbacks of globalization), they seem to have little predictive value. Indeed, events like Trump’s victory, Brexit or Polish shift towards populist nationalism always came as a surprise. Intriguingly, in the case of US election, simple rules like ‘Bread and Peace model’ gauged prospects of Trump’s victory better than pundits and pollsters. This paper attempts to compile set of indicators, in order to gauge various democracies’ vulnerability to populism, instability and pursuance of ‘illiberal’ projects. Among them, it identifies the gap between consensus assessment of institutional performance (as measured by WGI indicators) and citizens’ subjective assessment (survey based confidence in institutions). Plotting these variables against each other, reveals three clusters of countries – ‘predictable’ (good institutions and high confidence, poor institutions and low confidence), ‘blind’ (poor institutions, high confidence e.g. Uzbekistan or Azerbaijan) and ‘disillusioned’ (good institutions, low confidence e.g. Spain, Chile, Poland and US). It seems that this clustering – carried out separately for various institutions (like legislature, executive and courts) and blended with economic indicators like inequality and living standards (using PCA) – offers reasonably good watchlist of countries, that should ‘expect the unexpected’.

Keywords: illiberal democracy, populism, political instability, political risk measurement

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Authors: Kuldeep Singh

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The present paper is an attempt for tracing the changes in the welfare state in Indian democracy from the starting point till now and aims to critical analyse the social-welfare programmes in India with respect to welfare state. After getting independence from Britishers, India became a welfare state and is aiming towards the upliftment of its citizens. Indian democracy is considered to be the largest amongst democratic countries, instead of this after forty-five years of independence, Panchayati Raj Institution became one of the branches of democratic decentralization institutions in India by 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment in 1992. Unfortunately, desired purpose of introducing Panchayati Raj Institution is not achieved after all these delayed efforts. The basic problem regarding achievement of welfare state in India in true sense is unawareness and non-implementation of these social-welfare programmes. Presently, Indian government is only focusing on economic growth of the country but lacking from the social point. The doctrinal method of research is used in this research paper. In the concluding remarks, researcher is partly favoring the government in introducing welfare programmes as there are abundant of welfare schemes and programmes, but majority are facing implementation problem. In last, researcher has suggested regarding programmes and schemes that these should be qualitative in nature and power would be given to effective machinery for further check upon their proper implementation and aware the citizens regarding their rights so that welfare state would be achieved.

Keywords: democratic decentralization, Indian democracy, Panchayati Raj institution, social-welfare programmes, welfare state

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Authors: Thomai Voulgari, Vasilis Vasilopoulos, Antonis Skamnakis

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The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of the European election campaigns (May 23-26, 2019) on Twitter achieving with artificial intelligence tools such as troll factories and automated inauthentic accounts. Our research focuses on the last European Parliamentary elections that took place between 23 and 26 May 2019 specifically in Italy, Greece, Germany and France. It is difficult to estimate how many Twitter users are actually bots (Echeverría, 2017). Detection for fake accounts is becoming even more complicated as AI bots are made more advanced. A political bot can be programmed to post comments on a Twitter account for a political candidate, target journalists with manipulated content or engage with politicians and artificially increase their impact and popularity. We analyze variables related to 1) the scope of activity of automated bots accounts and 2) degree of coherence and 3) degree of interaction taking into account different factors, such as the type of content of Twitter messages and their intentions, as well as the spreading to the general public. For this purpose, we collected large volumes of Twitter accounts of party leaders and MEP candidates between 10th of May and 26th of July based on content analysis of tweets based on hashtags while using an innovative network analysis tool known as MediaWatch.io (https://mediawatch.io/). According to our findings, one of the highest percentage (64.6%) of automated “bot” accounts during 2019 European election campaigns was in Greece. In general terms, political bots aim to proliferation of misinformation on social media. Targeting voters is a way that it can be achieved contribute to social media manipulation. We found that political parties and individual politicians create and promote purposeful content on Twitter using algorithmic tools. Based on this analysis, online political advertising play an important role to the process of spreading misinformation during elections campaigns. Overall, inauthentic accounts and social media algorithms are being used to manipulate political behavior and public opinion.

Keywords: artificial intelligence tools, human-bot interactions, political manipulation, social networking, troll factories

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Authors: Marc Arthur Bien Aimé, Julio da Silveira Moreira

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This study examines the political speech in Haiti over the course of the decade 2011-2021, focusing on the speeches of the presidents Michel J. Martelly and Jovenel Moïse and their impacts on their awareness collective. In using a qualitative approach, we have analyzed the speech of the president pronounced in response to the political instability of countries, as well as interviews with a group of 20 Haitians living in Port- Au-Prince. Our results put in evidence their complex relationship between politics, awareness collective, and the influence of the powers imperialists. We show that the situation in Haiti's disastrous social and political situation is driven by personal political interests and the absence of a state political project. Moreover, the speeches of the president’s analysis are meaningless, transforming concepts such as social progress and justice in simple words. This political rhetoric contributes to the domination symbolic of the population of Haitian. This study is also linked to the theme “Constitutions, processes democratic and critical of the state in Latin America,” emphasizing the importance of analysis of political speech to understand the complexities of the democratic process and criticism of the State in their Latin American region. We suggest future research to deepen our understanding of these political dynamics and their impact on public policies and developments of the constitutions throughout Latin America.

Keywords: political discourse, conscience collective, inequality social, democratic processes, constitutions, Haiti

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Authors: Alphan Telek

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Political secularism is different from philosophical secularism in terms of its inclusionary, peaceful, liberal and democratic aspects. Secularism as a political principle not only takes the separation of state and religion as a basis but also it aims to exclude any kind of ethnic, religious, racial, gender domination at the state level. Thus, although political secularism does not see any problem with the visibility and implementation of religious views and symbols in the public sphere, it stands against the fusion of political power and religious views or more generally any kind of identity. Iranian context especially the post-reformist period, which starts in 2005, shows religious and/or reformist intellectuals try to put forward the political secularism and make it attractable to the large masses. Three prominent figures of reformist intellectualism Abdolkarim Soroush, Mohsen Kadivar and Akbar Ganji form the basic vocabulary of political secularism in the post-reformist period of Iran. Their intellectual and political struggle against the Islamic regime’s anti-democratic policies and actions do carry significance not only for Iranian democracy but also for all Muslim people around the world that demand a more equal, free, and just society. The political and intellectual discourses of Iranian intellectuals indicate that political secularism is a requirement of democratic state and society. In this paper, it is discussed the relationship between political secularism, state, society, and Islam. Thus, it will be argued that secularism as a political principle is increasingly held by Iranian intellectuals to show the relation between secularism and democracy.

Keywords: political secularism, Iranian intellectuals, democracy, Middle East

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Authors: Igbozuruike Chigozie Jude, Agwu Agwu Ejem

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This research examines the comparative influence of social media and TV campaigns on youth participation in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria. It interrogates the roles played by these two media in influencing youth participation, especially youths in Nigeria, while revealing the factors that influenced their exposure to the media and their participation. The study employed a survey design of quantitative research method to gather the data for this study. Data was collected through a questionnaire from 300 youths in Lagos. The sample size was selected using a multi-stage cluster sampling technique. Social media was the most media that was rated to have had the most impact on youth participation during the election period with its political campaigns. The elaborate likelihood model was used to underpin the study. The study concluded that social media campaigns played a major role in political participation among the youth during the 2023 general election. It revealed how social media contributed to the youths' participation and influenced them to engage in common forms of political participation. The main recommendation of this study is that since the majority of the youths are between the ages of 18 to 35, the media should work on coming up with more content around the year to sensitize them about their political rights and enlighten them socio-politically so that they grow up to become responsible citizens in the country both politically and socially.

Keywords: social media, general election, Nigeria, political apathy, youth

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Authors: Jakub Gren

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The recent transfer of banking supervision to the ECB has expanded its influence as of a non-majoritarian and technocratic policy-shaper in EU supervisory policies. To fulfil the main policy objectives of the Single Supervisory Mechanism, the ECB has been tasked with building a single supervisory approach to supervised banks across the euro area and is now exclusively responsible for direct supervision of the largest ‘significant’ euro area banks and the oversight of the remaining ‘less significant’ banks. This enhanced supranational position of the ECB significantly alters the EU institutional order and creates powerful incentives to actively pursue integrationist agenda by the ECB. However, this drastic shift has a little impact upon adapting the ECB’s new supervisory mandate to the requirements of democratic legitimacy. Whereas the ECB’s strong pre-crisis independence and limited accountability could be reconciled with democratic principles through a clearly articulated price stability mandate, independence and limited accountability in the context of a more complex supervisory mandate is problematic. Hence, in order to ensure the democratic legitimacy of the ECB/SSM’s supervisory policies, the ECB’s supervisory mandate requires both a lower scope of independence and higher accountability requirements. To address this situation, organizational separation (“Chinese Wall”) between the ECB monetary and supervisory arms was introduced. This separation includes different reporting lines and the relocation of the ECB’s monetary function to a new building complex while leaving its supervisory function at the Euro-tower (“Two Towers”). This paper argues that these measures are not sufficient to establish proper checks and balances on the ECB’s powers to pursue euro zone’s wide supervisory policies. As a remedy, this contribution suggests that the ECB’s Treaties-embedded independence, as set out by art. 130 TFEU, designed to carry out its monetary function shall not be fully applicable to its supervisory function. Indeed functional and conditional reading of this provision to ECB supervisory function could enhance the legitimacy of future ECB’s supervisory action.

Keywords: accountability and transparency, democratic governance, financial management, rule of law

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Authors: Syeda Salina Aziz, Tanvir Ahmed Mozumder

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Citizenship is an important concept of democracy which broadly defines the relationship between the state and its citizens; at the same time, it analyzes the rights and duties of a citizen. The universal citizenship principle demands that citizens should be aware of the political system, possess democratic attitudes, and join the political activity. Bangladesh presents an interesting case for democracy; the democratic practices in the country have been long introduced, have been interrupted several times, and the democratic values and practices have yet to be established in the country. These transitions have influenced citizens’ ideologies and participation in decision-making and also shaped their expectations differently. In this backdrop, this paper aims to understand and explain the citizenship behavior of Bangladeshi nationals. Based on nationally representative household survey data of 4000 respondents, this paper creates a composite citizenship index which is a combination of three separate indices, including participation index, knowledge and awareness index, and ideology index. The paper then tries to explain the factors that affect the citizenship index. Using fixed effect regression analysis, the paper intends to explore the association between citizenship and socio-demographic variables, including education, location, gender, and exposure to the media of respondents. Additionally, using national election polls, the paper creates a variable to measure long-term support towards the current ruling party and tests whether and how this affects the citizenship variables.

Keywords: citizenship, political participation, Bangladesh, stronghold

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Authors: Mwamba Mwamini Ruth

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For many authors,the percentage of married or in union persons using family planning methods has increased significantly since the 1960s, despite this progress, important differences across régions are observer.These différences become even greater,to present a paradox,when studying the issue in smallest territorial entities in developing countries.In line with the above,the general objective of this research is to investigate into "knowledge , attitude and practice"of households from a basic territorial entity,here in"Murara Sector"(in the city of Goma, province of North Kivu,Democratic Republic of Congo,Africa)on family planning (as defined and provisioned by the four World Health Organization-WHO key texts on the matter)

Keywords: DRC, family planning methods, information technology, Murara

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Authors: Tolga Yazıcı

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As a matter of the fact that online social networks like Twitter, Facebook and MySpace have experienced an extensive growth in recent years. Social media offers individuals with a tool for communicating and interacting with one another. These social networks enable people to stay in touch with other people and express themselves. This process makes the users of online social networks active creators of content rather than being only consumers of traditional media. That’s why millions of people show strong desire to learn the methods and tools of digital content production and necessary communication skills. However, the booming interest in communication and interaction through online social networks and high level of eagerness to invent and implement the ways to participate in content production raise some privacy and security concerns. This presentation aims to open the assumed revolutionary, democratic and liberating nature of the online social media up for discussion by reviewing some recent political developments in Turkey. Firstly, the role of Internet and online social networks in mobilizing collective movements through social interactions and communications will be questioned. Secondly, some cases from Gezi and Okmeydanı Protests and also December 17-25 period will be presented in order to illustrate misinformation and manipulation in social media and violation of individual privacy through online social networks in order to damage social unity and stability contradictory to democratic nature of online social networking.

Keywords: online social media networks, democratic participation, social movements, social polarization, privacy of individuals, Turkey

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Authors: Hatem Radwan Ibrahim Radwan

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Leadership is crucial for hotel survival and success. It enables hotels to develop and compete effectively. This research intends to explore the implementation of six leadership styles by frontline hotel managers in four star hotels in Cairo and assess its impact on employees’ creativity and organizational commitment. The leadership patterns considered in this study includes: democratic, autocratic, laissez-faire, transformational, transactional, and ethical leaderships. Questionnaire was used as a research method to gather data. A structured survey was established and distributed on employees in Cairo’s four star hotels. A total of 284 questionnaire forms were returned and usable for statistical analysis. The results of this study identified that transactional and autocratic leadership were the prevalent styles used in four star hotels in Cairo. Two leadership styles proved to have significant high correlation and impact on employees’ creativity and organizational commitment including: transformational and democratic leadership. Besides, laissez-faire leadership was found had a smaller effect on employees’ creativity and ethical leadership had a lesser influence on employees’ commitment. The autocratic leadership had strong negative correlation and significant impact on both dependent variables. This research concludes that frontline hotel managers should adopt transformational and/or democratic leadership style in managing their subordinates.

Keywords: creativity, hotels, leadership styles, organizational commitment

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Authors: Leonard Mike McNelly Longwa, Divine Kusosa Musiku, D. Nahum Kabeya

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In this paper the bifurcation analysis of oilfield in Democratic Republic of Congo is presented in order to enhance petroleum production in an intense tectonic evolution characterized by distinct compressive and extensive phases and the digenetic transformation in the reservoirs during burial geological configuration. The use of porous media in Makelekese MS-25 field has been established to simulate the boundaries within 3 sedimentary basins open to exploration including the coastal basin with an area of 5992 km2, a central basin with an area of 800,000 km2, the western branch of the East African Rift in which there are 50,000 km2. The fractal characterization of complex hydro-dynamic fractures in oilfield is developed to facilitate oil production process based on reservoirs bifurcation model.

Keywords: reservoir bifurcation, fractal characterisation, permeability, conductivity, skin effect

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Authors: Koami West Togbetse

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The global shift towards clean and sustainable energy sources, known as the energy transition, is compelling numerous countries to transition from polluting energy systems to cleaner alternatives, commonly referred to as green energies. In this context, cobalt holds significant importance as a crucial mineral in facilitating this energy transition due to its pivotal role in electric batteries. Considering the Democratic Republic of Congo’s reputation for political instability and its position as the largest producer of cobalt, possessing over 50% of the world’s reserves, we have assessed the potential conflicts that may arise as a result of the rapid increase in cobalt demand. The results show that cobalt does not appear to be a determinant contributing to all past conflicts over the study period in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Gold, on the other hand, stands out as one of the coveted metals for rebel groups engaged in rampant exploitation, increasing the likelihood of conflicts occurring. However, a more in-depth analysis reveals a shift in the relationship between cobalt production and conflict events around 2006. Prior to 2006, increased cobalt production was significantly associated with a reduction in conflict events. However, after 2006, this relationship became positive, indicating that higher cobalt production is now linked to a slight increase in conflict events. This suggests a change in the dynamics affecting conflicts related to cobalt production before and after 2006. According to our predictive model, cobalt has the potential to emerge increasingly as a contributing factor, just like gold.

Keywords: conflicts, natural resources, energy transition, geopolitics

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Authors: Sean Vincent

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Within the academic community, there is a consensus that political parties in established liberal democracies are facing a myriad of organisational challenges as a result of falling membership, weakening links to grass-roots support and rising voter apathy. During the same period of party decline and growing public disengagement political parties have become increasingly professionalised. The professionalisation of political parties owes much to changes in technology, with television becoming the dominant medium for political communication. In recent years, however, it has become clear that a new medium of communication is becoming utilised by political parties and candidates – New Media. New Media, a term hard to define but related to internet based communication, offers a potential revolution in political communication. It can be utilised by anyone with access to the internet and its most widely used platforms of communication such as Facebook and Twitter, are free to use. The advent of Web 2.0 has dramatically changed what can be done with the Internet. Websites now allow candidates at the constituency level to fundraise, organise and set out personalised policies. Social media allows them to communicate with supporters and potential voters practically cost-free. As such candidate dependency on the national party for resources and image now lies open to debate. Arguing that greater candidate independence may be a natural next step in light of the contemporary challenges faced by parties, this paper examines how New Media is being used by candidates at the constituency level to increase their personal vote. The paper will present findings from research carried out during two elections – the Japanese Lower House election of 2014 and the UK general election of 2015. During these elections a sample of candidates, totalling 150 candidates, from the three biggest parties in each country were selected and their new media output, specifically candidate websites, Twitter and Facebook output subjected to content analysis. The analysis examines how candidates are using new media to both become more functionally, through fundraising and volunteer mobilisation and politically, through the promotion of personal/local policies, independent from the national party. In order to validate the results of content analysis this paper will also present evidence from interviews carried out with 17 candidates that stood in the 2014 Japanese Lower House election or 2015 UK general election. With a combination of statistical analysis and interviews, several conclusions can be made about the use of New Media at constituency level. The findings show not just a clear difference in the way candidates from each country are using New Media but also differences within countries based upon the particular circumstances of each constituency. While it has not yet replaced traditional methods of fundraising and activist mobilisation, New Media is also becoming increasingly important in campaign organisation and the general consensus amongst candidates is that its importance will continue to grow along as politics in both countries becomes more diffuse.

Keywords: political campaigns, elections, new media, political communication

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Authors: Leonard Mike McNelly Longwa, Divine Kusosa Musiku, Dieudonne Nahum Kabeya

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In this paper, the bifurcation analysis of oilfields in the Democratic Republic of Congo is presented in order to enhance petroleum production in an intense tectonic evolution characterized by distinct compressive and extensive phases and the digenetic transformation in the reservoirs during burial geological configuration. The use of porous media in the Makelekese MS-25 field has been established to simulate the boundaries within 3 sedimentary basins open to exploration including the coastal basin with an area of 5992 km², a central basin with an area of 800,000 km², the western branch of the East African Rift in which there are 50,000 km². The fractal characterization of complex hydro-dynamic fractures in oilfields is developed to facilitate the oil production process based on the reservoirs bifurcation model.

Keywords: reservoir bifurcation, fractal characterization, permeability, conductivity, skin effect

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Authors: Roberto Feltrero, Sara Osuna-Acedo

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Responsible Research and Innovation have to accomplish one fundamental aim: everybody has to participate in the benefits of innovation, but also innovation has to be democratic; that is to say, everybody may have the possibility to participate in the decisions in the innovation process. Particularly, a democratic and inclusive model of social participation and innovation includes persons with disabilities and people at risk of discrimination. Innovations on Artificial Intelligence for social development have to accomplish the same dual goal: improving equality for accessing fields of public interest like education, training and public services, as well as improving civic and democratic participation in the process of developing such innovations for all. This research aims to develop innovations, policies and policy recommendations to apply and disseminate such artificial intelligence and social model for making educational and administrative processes more accessible. First, designing a citizen participation process to engage citizens in the designing and use of artificial intelligence tools for public services. This will result in improving trust in democratic institutions contributing to enhancing the transparency, effectiveness, accountability and legitimacy of public policy-making and allowing people to participate in the development of ethical standards for the use of such technologies. Second, improving educational tools for lifelong learning with AI models to improve accountability and educational data management. Dissemination, education and social participation will be integrated, measured and evaluated in innovative educational processes to make accessible all the educational technologies and content developed on AI about responsible and social innovation. A particular case will be presented regarding access for all to educational tools and public services. This accessibility requires cognitive adaptability because, many times, legal or administrative language is very complex. Not only for people with cognitive disabilities but also for old people or citizens at risk of educational or social discrimination. Artificial Intelligence natural language processing technologies can provide tools to translate legal, administrative, or educational texts to a more simple language that can be accessible to everybody. Despite technological advances in language processing and machine learning, this becomes a huge project if we really want to respect ethical and legal consequences because that kinds of consequences can only be achieved with civil and democratic engagement in two realms: 1) to democratically select texts that need and can be translated and 2) to involved citizens, experts and nonexperts, to produce and validate real examples of legal texts with cognitive adaptations to feed artificial intelligence algorithms for learning how to translate those texts to a more simple and accessible language, adapted to any kind of population.

Keywords: responsible research and innovation, AI social innovations, cognitive accessibility, public participation

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Authors: Mahlet Nigussie Worku

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The main purpose of this study was to examine the effects of different leadership styles on employee engagement in Ethiopian Airlines head quarter located in Addis Ababa. Specific objectives of the study were stated to examine the effects of five leadership styles namely transformational, transactional, democratic, lassies fair and autocratic leadership styles on employees’ engagement. The study was conducted on 288 sample size and a simple random sampling technique was employed. The quantitative findings were presented and analyzed by table, ANOVA, bivariate correlation and regression model through SPSS software version 23. Out of 288 total distributed questionnaires 280 were returned and 8 of the returned were rejected due to missing data while the remaining 280 responses were used for data analysis. Data was analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). The study employed both descriptive and explanatory research design. Correlation and regression were used to analyze the relationship and its effect between leadership Style and employee’s engagement. The regression results showed that transformational, transactional and democratic leadership Styles have significant contribution for employee’s engagement. Similarly transformational, transactional land democratic leadership style had a positive and strong correlation with employee’s engagement. However lassies-fair and autocratic leadership style showed negative and insignificant effect on employee engagement. Finally, based on the findings, workable recommendations and implications for further studies were forwarded

Keywords: leadership, leadership style, employee engagement, autocratic leadership styles

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Authors: Agnieszka Szczudlińska-Kanoś

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Nowadays the participation of citizens in public life increasingly effect on management at all levels of public authority. Today, however, democratic systems in many countries, also in Poland, based on the first - on the institutions of representative democracy, which is mainly on elections, party activity, on the other hand - on the basic instruments of direct democracy, which, in particular, we can include a referendum or initiative of citizenship - although these are often rather complementary. Other forms of participatory democracy, such as deliberative democracy, participatory budgeting, public consultation in practice in many countries are still rare. Appropriate use of the potential invested in participatory democracy can bring enormous and multilateral benefits. On the one hand, local and regional communities taking an active part in public life express their needs, point out problems and thus affect the decisions of public authorities. Authorities using knowledge acquired from the citizens also implement the policy tailored to their needs, thus obtaining support in the next election. The purpose of this study is to show how the Polish citizens affect to resolve issues of social policy pursued at different levels of government. This problem is very important because today the observed changes seen in virtually all fields of life create new social problems, which nowadays are no longer only the problems of the region, the country but they are international, global issues. From such this perspective we should talk about them, discuss, try to solve at all levels. Article will be useful not only theorists involved in the management of the public, local government, or social but also practitioners - local government acting as their functions at different levels of government. Conclusions drawn from the publication will also be useful to politicians and those directly affecting for: functioning social security systems, the scope and quality of public services and the overall shape of the contemporary social policy in different countries.

Keywords: social policy, local government, social participation, social services

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Authors: Tulasi Acharya

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The paper is a qualitative analysis of status of women and women in politics and administration in Nepal Himalaya. The paper reviews data of women in civil service and in administrative levels. Looking at the Nepali politics and administration from the social constructivist perspective, the paper highlights some social and cultural issues that have othered women as “second sex.” As the country is heading towards modernity, gender friendly approaches are being instituted. Although the data reflects on the progress on women’s status and on women’s political and administrative participation, the data is not enough to predict the democratic gender practices in political and administrative levels. The political and administrative culture of Nepal Himalaya should be changed by promoting gender practices and deconstructing gender images in administrative culture through representative bureaucracy and by introducing democratic policies.

Keywords: politics, policy, administration, culture, women, Nepal, democracy

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Authors: Abu Bakar Siddik

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The July Movement in Bangladesh marked a pivotal moment in the nation’s struggle for democratic freedom and the right to free speech. This movement, driven by citizens, intellectuals, and activists, opposed authoritarian governance and the violation of civil liberties. By encouraging support for democratic reforms, it significantly changed the political landscape and highlighted the importance of grassroots activism for human rights. This essay examines the sociopolitical dynamics of the July Movement and its roots in popular resistance to authoritarian rule. It explores the movement's beginnings, emphasizing how citizens, scholars, and activists united to challenge the regime that restricted freedom of speech. In order to show how the movement gathered support for democratic reforms and ultimately helped bring about the overthrow of the regime, the article examines significant demonstrations, speeches, and government acts. This book offers a thorough examination of how the July Movement changed Bangladesh's political landscape by acting as a revolution for free speech and a trigger for the overthrow of autocratic authority, using historical documents, media coverage, and firsthand recollections. This study provides insightful information about how grassroots activism advances human rights.

Keywords: July movement, Bangladesh, free speech, democracy, authoritarianism, civil liberties, political change, human rights, social movements, protests, political landscape, regime change, activism, socio-political dynamics

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Authors: Onyinyechi Lilian Uche

Abstract:

Limiting arbitrariness and political power in governance is expressed in the concept of constitutionalism. Constitutionalism acknowledges the necessity for government but insists upon a limitation being placed upon its powers. It is therefore clear that the essence of constitutionalism is obviation of arbitrariness in governance and maximisation of liberty with adequate and expedient restraint on government. The doctrine of separation of powers accompanied by a system of checks and balances in Nigeria like many other African countries is marked by elements of ‘personal government’ and this has raised questions about whether the apparent separation of powers provided for in the Nigerian Constitution is not just a euphemism for the hegemony of the executive over the other two arms of government; the legislature and the judiciary. Another question raised in the article is whether the doctrine is merely an abstract philosophical inheritance that lacks both content and relevance to the realities of the country and region today? The current happenings in Nigeria and most African countries such as the flagrant disregard of court orders by the Executive, indicate clearly that the concept constitutionalism ordinarily goes beyond mere form and strikes at the substance of a constitution. It, therefore, involves a consideration of whether there are provisions in the constitution which limit arbitrariness in the exercise of political powers by providing checks and balances upon such exercise. These questions underscore the need for Africa to craft its own understanding of the separation of powers between the arms of government in furtherance of good governance as it has been seen that it is possible to have a constitution in place which may just be a mere statement of unenforceable ‘rights’ or may be bereft of provisions guaranteeing liberty or adequate and necessary restraint on exercise of government. This paper seeks to expatiate on the importance of the nexus between constitutionalism and democratic process and a juxtaposition of practices between Nigeria and South Africa. The article notes that an abstract analysis of constitutionalism without recourse to the democratic process is meaningless and also analyses the structure of government of some selected African countries. These are examined the extent to which the doctrine operates within the arms of government and concludes that it should not just be regarded as a general constitutional principle but made rigid or perhaps effective and binding through law and institutional reforms.

Keywords: checks and balances, constitutionalism, democratic process, separation of power

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Authors: Yaron Katz

Abstract:

The investigation of immigrants' electoral choices has remained relatively uncharted territory despite the fact that numerous nations extend political rights to their expatriates. This paper centers its attention on the matter of public trust in democracy, with a focus on the intricacies of Israeli politics as a divided system. It delves into the potential implications of political and social transformations stemming from the involvement of expatriate voters in elections taking place in their country of origin. In doing so, the article endeavors to explore a pathway for resolving a persistent challenge facing the stability of the Israeli political landscape over the past decade: the difficulty in forming a resilient government that genuinely represents the majority of voters. An examination is conducted into the role played by a demographic with the capacity to exert significant influence on election outcomes, namely, individuals residing outside of Israel. The objective of this research is to delve into this subject, dissecting social developments and political prospects that may shape the country's trajectory in the coming decades. This inquiry is especially pertinent given the extensive engagement of migrants in Israeli politics and the link between Israelis living abroad and their home country. Nevertheless, the study's findings reveal that while former citizens exhibit extensive involvement in Israeli politics and are cognizant of the potential consequences of permitting them to participate in elections, they maintain steadfastly unfavorable views regarding the inclusion of Israelis living overseas in their home country's electoral processes.

Keywords: trust, globalization, policy, democracy

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Authors: Adnan Skhawat Ali

Abstract:

Overseas voting was a long debatable issue in Pakistan because major political parties claimed that their overseas voters could not participate in the electoral system. In the history of Pakistan, the first time Election Management body- Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), gave political rights to overseas Pakistanis in 2018 and promoted the true spirit of democracy to give political rights to those people who are living abroad. The main aim of this study is to highlight the crucial factors that are the main hindrance to overseas voting registration. This study conducted purposive sampling and held overseas voters’, from all over the world interviewed for the deep understanding of their behavior towards national politics and elections. This study highlighted the factors which are hindrances in the registration of overseas voters and election administration. These factors are lack of mass media campaign, lack of technical knowledge, complicated registration process, and no information sharing cells in concerned embassies and consulates. ECP should disseminate information about overseas voting via foreign embassies or consulate generals because these are more effective ways to provide information to the Pakistani community/overseas and conduct mass media awareness campaigns to properly inform citizens. Citizens have not only supported the country in terms of remittances but have also made the country’s image in front of other country’s citizens.

Keywords: election administration, political parties, election management body, overseas Pakistanis, elections, registration of overseas voters

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Authors: Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

Abstract:

In places from Latin America to Africa, a big number of authoritarian regimes have given way to democratic forces and increasingly responsive and open societies. Many countries have embarked upon a process of democratisation for the first time while many others have moved to restore their democratic roots. Mexico is one of these countries, and although the Mexican state is not democratic neither dictatorial in the strict sense the Anglo-Saxon and European tradition has defined these concepts, it is possible to find elements that combine both concepts. History helps us understand and study the past, interpret the present and predict the future. In the case of the Mexican political system, history has had a very specific effect in each of the areas that comprise the making of what it is now the contemporary Mexican system. Each of the different historical periods has left a legacy that has marked the way the political system has evolved. The historical periods that Mexico has undergone since its emergence as an independent state, have permeated until modern days and some of these legacies are the ones which will help us understand and interpret many of the structures of the current Mexican political system. The most notorious characteristic of contemporary Latin America is its dependency, underdevelopment and economic disparity once this region if compared with Europe and North America. There is a widespread persistence of economic dependence and social problems despite the creation of independent countries. The role of the state is to supervise the development of relations among actors. The political phenomenon is full of a constant process of transitions and the particular case of the formation of the Mexican state evidences this.

Keywords: Mexico, democratisation process, PRI, authoritarian regimes, political transitions, Latin America

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Authors: Ali Isa Danlami

Abstract:

This study examined the coaching leadership behaviours preferred by athletes in individual and team sports in Nigeria that may lead to increased satisfaction and performance. Six leadership behaviours were identified; these are democratic, training and instruction, situational consideration, autocratic, social support and positive feedback. The six leadership behaviours relate to the preference of coaches by athletes that leads to increased performance were the focus of this study. The population of this study is comprised of male and female athletes of states sports councils in Nigeria. An ex-post facto research design was employed for this study. Stratified and purposive sampling techniques were used to select the sampled states according to the six geo-political zones of the country. Two states (North Central (FCT, Nasarawa), North East (Bauchi, Gombe), North West (Kaduna, Sokoto), South East (Anambra, Imo), South west (Ogun, Ondo), South South (Delta, and Rivers) were selected from each stratum. A modified questionnaire was used to collect data for this study, and the data collected were subjected to a reliability test using the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) to analyse the data. A two sample Z-test procedure was used to test the significant differences because of the large number of subjects involved in the different groups. All hypotheses were tested at 0.05 alpha value. The findings of the study concluded that: Athletes in team and individual sports generally preferred coaches who were more disposed towards training and instructions, social support, positive feedback, situational consideration and democratic behaviours. It was also found that athletes in team sports have higher preference for coaches with democratic behaviour. The result revealed that athletes in team and individual sports did not have a preference for coaches disposed towards autocratic behaviour. Based on this, the following recommendations were made: Democratic behaviour by coaches should be encouraged in team and individual sports. Coaches should not be engaged in autocratic behaviours when coaching. These behaviours should be adopted by coaches to increase athletes’ satisfaction and enhancement in performance.

Keywords: leadership behaviour, preference, athletes, individual, team, coaches’

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Authors: Tim Bakken

Abstract:

The paper will discuss to what extent political polarization contributes to censorship, lack of civil discourse, and even violence. Most researchers have been unable to identify precisely what factors or processes contribute significantly to conflict. Absent such recognition, we have been unable to select effective remedies to address conflict. Through this paper, it will consider whether legal remedies can help to reduce conflict and polarization. My sense is that many current conflicts cannot be remedied primarily by law. But, there is little research on this hypothesis. Absent research and findings, nations may be looking to law for relief when, in fact, they should be looking at conditions underlying the formation of law or the absence of a more precise and effective legal remedy. It is hypothesized that the underlying reasons for conflict include sub-groups’ separation from the larger democratic society; misplaced loyalty to members of sub-groups; a culture of silence when recognizing wrongdoing; and retaliation against people who speak up. In sum, the greater distance citizens or institutions place between themselves and democratic norms, the more likely the members of a sub-group or institution will be to adopt conflict, even violence, as a method to obtain personal goals.

Keywords: constitutional law, conflict, criminal law, polarization

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