Search results for: international relations of sub-state governments

Authors: Mattia Testuzza

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Public health is a social endeavour, which involves many different actors: from extremely stratified, structured health systems to unofficial networks of people and knowledge. Health and diseases are an intertwined individual and social experiences. Both patients and health workers navigate this public space through relations of trust. Trust in healthcare goes from the personal trust between a patient and her/his doctor to the trust of both the patient and the health worker in the medical knowledge and the healthcare system. Trust it is not a given, but it is continuously negotiated, given and gained. The key to understand these essential relations of trust in health is to recognise them as a social practice, which therefore implies agency and power. In these terms, health is constantly public and made public, as trust emerges as a meaningfully political phenomenon. Trust as a power relation can be observed at play in the implementation of public health policies such as the WHO’s Directly-Observed Theraphy Short-course (DOTS), and with the increasing concern for drug-resistance that tuberculosis pose, looking at the role of trust in the healthcare delivery system and implementation of public health policies becomes significantly relevant. The ethnographic fieldwork was carried out in four months through observation of the daily practices at the National Tuberculosis Center of Nepal, and semi-structured interviews with MultiDrug-Resistant Tuberculosis (MDR-TB) patients at different stages of the treatment, their relatives, MDR-TB specialised nurses, and doctors. Throughout the research, the role which trust plays in tuberculosis treatment emerged as one fundamental ax that cuts through all the different factors intertwined with drug-resistance development, unfolding a tension between the DOTS policy, which undermines trust, and the day-to-day healthcare relations and practices which cannot function without trust. Trust also stands out as a key component of the solutions to unforeseen issues which develop from the overall uncertainty of the context - for example, political instability and extreme poverty - in which tuberculosis treatment is carried out in Nepal.

Keywords: trust, tuberculosis, drug-resistance, politics of health

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Authors: Grant Bifolchi

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As global environmental problems continue to have highly adverse effects, finding long-term, sustainable solutions to combat ecological distress are of growing paramount concern. Ghost Gear—also known as abandoned, lost or otherwise discarded fishing gear (ALDFG) and derelict fishing gear (DFG)—represents one of the greatest threats to the world’s oceans, posing a significant hazard to human health, livelihoods, and global food security. In fact, according to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), abandoned, lost and discarded fishing gear represents approximately 10% of marine debris by volume. Around the world, many governments, governmental and non-profit organizations are doing their best to manage the reporting and retrieval of nets, lines, ropes, traps, floats and more from their respective bodies of water. However, these organizations’ ability to effectively manage files and documents about the environmental problem further complicates matters. In Ghost Gear monitoring and management, organizations face additional complexities. Whether it’s data ingest, industry regulations and standards, garnering actionable insights into the location, security, and management of data, or the application of enforcement due to disparate data—all of these factors are placing massive strains on organizations struggling to save the planet from the dangers of Ghost Gear. In this 90-minute educational session, globally recognized Ghost Gear technology expert Grant Bifolchi CET, BBA, Bcom, will provide real-world insight into how governments currently manage Ghost Gear and the technology that can accelerate success in combatting ALDFG and DFG. In this session, attendees will learn how to: • Identify specific technologies to solve the ingest and management of Ghost Gear data categories, including type, geo-location, size, ownership, regional assignment, collection and disposal. • Provide enhanced access to authorities, fisheries, independent fishing vessels, individuals, etc., while securely controlling confidential and privileged data to globally recognized standards. • Create and maintain processing accuracy to effectively track ALDFG/DFG reporting progress—including acknowledging receipt of the report and sharing it with all pertinent stakeholders to ensure approvals are secured. • Enable and utilize Business Intelligence (BI) and Analytics to store and analyze data to optimize organizational performance, maintain anytime-visibility of report status, user accountability, scheduling, management, and foster governmental transparency. • Maintain Compliance Reporting through highly defined, detailed and automated reports—enabling all stakeholders to share critical insights with internal colleagues, regulatory agencies, and national and international partners.

Keywords: ghost gear, ALDFG, DFG, abandoned, lost or otherwise discarded fishing gear, data, technology

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Authors: Asmamaw Yehun

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The name “TANA” is one of International Geodetic Service (IGS) Global Positioning System (GPS) station which is found in Bahir Dar University in Institute of Land Administration. The station name taken from one of big Lakes in Africa ,Lake Tana. The Institute of Land Administration (ILA) is part of Bahir Dar University, located in the capital of the Amhara National Regional State, Bahir Dar. The institute is the first of its kind in East Africa. The station is installed by cooperation of ILA and Sweden International Development Agency (SIDA) fund support. The Continues Operating Reference Station (CORS) is a network of stations that provide global satellite system navigation data to help three dimensional positioning, meteorology, space, weather, and geophysical applications throughout the globe. TANA station was as CORS since 2013 and sites are independently owned and operated by governments, research and education facilities and others. The data collected by the reference station is downloadable through Internet for post processing purpose by interested parties who carry out GNSS measurements and want to achieve a higher accuracy. We made a first observation on TANA, monitor stations on May 29th 2013. We used Leica 1200 receivers and AX1202GG antennas and made observations from 11:30 until 15:20 for about 3h 50minutes. Processing of data was done in an automatic post processing service CSRS-PPP by Natural Resources Canada (NRCan) . Post processing was done June 27th 2013 so precise ephemeris was used 30 days after observation. We found Latitude (ITRF08): 11 34 08.6573 (dms) / 0.008 (m), Longitude (ITRF08): 37 19 44.7811 (dms) / 0.018 (m) and Ellipsoidal Height (ITRF08): 1850.958 (m) / 0.037 (m). We were compared this result with GAMIT/GLOBK processed data and it was very closed and accurate. TANA station is one of the second IGS station for Ethiopia since 2015 up to now. It provides data for any civilian users, researchers, governmental and nongovernmental users. TANA station is installed with very advanced choke ring antenna and GR25 Leica receiver and also the site is very good for satellite accessibility. In order to test hydrostatic and wet zenith delay for positional data quality, we used GAMIT/GLOBK and we found that TANA station is the most accurate IGS station in East Africa. Due to lower tropospheric zenith and ionospheric delay, TANA and ADIS IGS stations has 2 and 1.9 meters 3D positional accuracy respectively.

Keywords: atmosphere, GNSS, neutral atmosphere, precipitable water vapour

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Authors: Michael Miller, G. David Gearhart

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The role of the American college presidency continues to evolve, increasingly incorporating varied elements of responsibility of institutional management. Once primarily focused on the academic operation of an institution, the role has changed to incorporate all of the business-related and public agency operations of an institution. This means that the modern college president must be capable of persuasively talking to legislators and donors, as well as students taking classes and the faculty who teach them. In addition to these dimensions, the contemporary college president must also be an expert on state and federal compliance issues, and must have the talent to steer marketing and public relations activities in a persuasive manner. This paper will report the findings of a spring 2020 survey of nearly 300 college presidents in the United States concerning their perceptions about the changing nature of the college presidency, with special consideration given to media relations, fundraising, business development, internationalization, and facility management.Survey results will be analyzed based on institutional type, gender, length of tenure in the presidential position, and career pathway to the presidency.

Keywords: college president, leadership, education management, neo-liberal higher education

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Authors: William Thomas Worster

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Diplomatic assurances issued by states declaring that they will not mistreat individuals returned to them occupy a strange middle ground between being legal and non-legal obligations. States assert that they are non-binding, yet at other times that they are binding. However, this assertion may not be the end of the discussion. The International Court of Justice and other tribunals have concluded that similar instruments were binding, states have disagreed that certain similar instruments were binding, and the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and its travaux prépératoires do not appear to contemplate non-binding instruments. This paper is a case study of diplomatic assurances but, by necessity, touches on the delicate question of whether certain texts are treaties, promises, or non-binding political statements. International law, and law in general, requires a binary approach to obligation. All communications must be binding or not, even if the fit is not precise. Through this study, we will find that some of the obligations in certain assurances can be understood as legal and some not. We will attempt to state the current methodology for determining which obligations are legal under the law of treaties and law on binding unilateral promises. The paper begins with some background of the legal environment of diplomatic assurances and their use in cases of expulsion. The paper then turns to discuss the legal nature of diplomatic assurances, proceeding to address various possibilities for legal value as treaties and as binding unilateral statements. This paper will not examine the legal value of diplomatic assurances solely under customary international law other than the way in which customary international law might further refine the treaty definition. In order to identify whether any assurances are contained in legal acts, this study identifies a pool of relevant assurances and qualitatively analyzes whether any of those are contained in treaties or binding unilateral statements. To the author’s best knowledge, this study is the first large-scale, qualitative qualitative analysis of assurances as a group of instruments that accounts for their heterogenous nature. It is also the first study to identify the indicators of whether an instrument is a treaty or promise.

Keywords: diplomatic assurances, deportation, extradition, expulsion, non-refoulement, torture, persecution, death penalty, human rights, memorandum of understanding, promises, secret, monitoring, compliance, enforcement

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Authors: Michelle Odudu

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Ghana and Nigeria are known for their high levels of Occupational Fraud in public offices. The governments of both countries have emphasised their commitment to reducing the losses caused to the state by pledging their allegiance to the counter-fraud agencies to help tackle Occupational Fraud. Yet it seems that the prosecution of such cases is ineffective as high-profile fraudsters can operate with immunity and their cases remain unprosecuted. This research project was based on in-depth examinations of 50 occupational fraud cases involving high-profile individuals in both countries. In doing so, it established the characteristics of those who were prosecuted; the extent to which prosecutions were effectively managed; the barriers to effective prosecutions; and the similarities or differences between the occurrences in both countries. The aim of the project is to examine the practice of and barriers to prosecution of large-scale occupational fraud of those in senior public positions in Ghana and Nigeria. The study drew on the experiences of stakeholders such as defence and prosecution barristers, academics, and fraud analysts via semi-structured interviews and questionnaires. 13 interviews were conducted in Ghana and in Nigeria, where respondents were recruited using a snowball approach. Questionnaires were physically distributed: 20 of the staff at EOCO and 10 to NGO staff in Ghana; 6 and 5 came back, respectively. The empirical data collected suggests that there is no lack of will on the agencies’ part to at least commence proceedings. However, various impediments hamper a successful completion of prosecution. Challenges were more evident in Nigeria, where agencies are less effective at retrieving stolen assets and changing social norms. This is further compounded by several cultural and political factors, which create limitations leaving many cases ‘still pending’.

Keywords: comparative, prosecution, punishment, international, whitecollar, fraud

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Authors: Ibrahim Arslan

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Since 1984, Turkey has experienced a significant transformation in legal and economic matters. The most consequential examples of this transformation in recent years are the renewal of the Commercial Code and the Check Act. Nowadays, the commercial activity is not limited within the boundaries of the country; on the contrary, as required by the global economy, it has an international dimension. For this reason, unlike some other legal principles, the rules regulating the commercial life should be compatible with the international standards as much as possible. Otherwise the development possibility in the global markets will be limited. The Check Act has been adopted in 2009 and the Commercial Code has been adopted in 2011. The Commercial Code has been entered into force on 1 July 2012. The international dimension of check is in-disputable for it is based on the Geneva Convention. However, the Turkish business life has created a unique application of this legal tool. This application is called “post-date” checks. Indeed the majority of the checks being used in the market are post-dated checks. The holders of these checks have waited the date written on the check for presentation and collection. Thus, the actual situation has occurred. This actual situation has been legitimized via Check Act No. 5941 and post dated checks have gained a legal status. In the preparation of the new the Turkish Commercial Code one of the goals is "to ensure that the Turkish commercial law becomes a part of the international market". To achieve this goal, significant changes have been made especially concerning the independent external audition of the corporations, the board structure and public disclosure regulations. These changes aim to facilitate the internationalization of Turkish corporations as well as intensification of foreign direct investments through foreign capital. Although the target has been determined this way, after the adoption but five days before the entry into force of the Turkish Commercial Code No. 6102, a law made backward going alterations concerning independent external audition and public disclosure regulations. Turkish Commercial Code has been currently in force with its altered status. Both the regulations in the Check Act as well as the changes in the Commercial Code are not compatible with the goals introduced by rationale “to ensure Turkish commercial law to be a part of the international market” as such.

Keywords: Turkish Commercial Code No. 6102, Turkish Check Act, “post-date” checks, legal changes

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Authors: Piumi L. Denagamage, Vibusha Madanayake

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At the end of a 30-year civil war in Sri Lanka in 2009, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) played a prominent role in post-war development and peacebuilding. Women were a major “beneficiary” of NGO activities on socio-economic empowerment, capacity building for advocacy, and grassroots participation in activism. Undoubtedly, their contribution to Sri Lanka’s post-war transition is tremendous. As development practitioners and researchers who have worked closely with several international and national NGOs in Sri Lanka’s post-war setting, the authors, while practicing self-reflexivity, intend to theorize the grey literature prepared by NGOs against the theoretical frameworks of Transnational and Third World feminisms. Using examples of the grassroots activities conducted by the NGOs with war-affected women, the paper questions whether Colombo-based feminism represents the lived realities of grassroots women at the transnational level. It argues that Colombo-based feminists use their power and exposure to Western feminist approaches to portray diverse forms of oppression women face at grassroots levels, their needs for advocacy, and different modes of resistance on the ground. Many NGOs depend on international donor funding for their grassroots work, which also contributes to their utilization of Western-led knowledge. Despite their efforts to “save marginalized women from oppression,” these modes of intervention are often rejected by the public, including women at local levels. This has also resulted in the rejection of feminism entirely as a culturally root-less alien Western ideology. The analysis connects with the Transnational and Third World theoretical feminist perspectives to problematize the power relations between Western knowledge systems and the lived experiences of grassroots women in the peacebuilding process through NGO activism in Sri Lanka. It also emphasizes that the infiltration of Western knowledge through NGOs has led to the participation of grassroots women only through adjustments of their lived experiences to match the alien knowledge rather than theorizing based on their own lived realities. While sharing a concern that NGOs’ power to adopt Western knowledge systems is often unchecked and unmitigated, the paper signifies the importance of adopting the methods of alternative theorizing to ensure meaningful participation of Third World women in peacebuilding.

Keywords: alternative theorizing, colombo-based feminism, grassroots women in peacebuilding, NGO activism, transnational and third world feminisms

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Authors: Linda Ana Maria Ungureanu

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This article details the manner in which European law establishes the protection and ownership rights over works created in off-world environments or in relation to space exploration. In this sense, the analysis is focused on identifying the legal treatment applicable to creative works based on the provisions regulated under the International Space Treaties, on one side, and the International IP Treaties and subsequent EU legislation, on the other side, with a special interest on ESA Rules and Regulations. Furthermore, the article analyses the manner in which ESA regulates the ownership regime applicable for creative works, taking into account the relationship existing between the inventor/creator and ESA and the environment in which the creative work was developed. Moreover, the article sets a series of de lege ferenda proposals for the regulation of intellectual property matters in the context of space exploration, the main purpose being to identify legal measures and steps that need to be taken in order to ensure that creative activities are fostered and understood as a significant catalyst for encouraging space exploration.

Keywords: intellectual property law, ESA guidelines, international IP treaties, EU legislation

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Authors: Monika Zalewska

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Hans Kelsen was a versatile legal thinker whose achievements in the fields of legal theory, international law, and the theory of democracy are remarkable. All of the fields tackled by Kelsen are regarded as part of his “pure theory of law.” While the link between international law and Kelsen’s pure theory of law is apparent, the same cannot be said about the link between the theory of democracy and his pure theory of law. On the contrary, the general thinking concerning Kelsen’s thought is that it can be used to legitimize authoritarian regimes. The aim of this presentation is to address this concern by identifying the common ground between Kelsen’s pure theory of law and his theory of democracy and to show that they are compatible in a way that his pure theory of law and authoritarianism cannot be. The conceptual analysis of the purity of Kelsen’s theory and his goal of creating ideology-free legal science hints at how Kelsen’s pure theory of law and the theory of democracy are brought together. The presentation will first demonstrate that these two conceptions have common underlying values and meta-ethical convictions. Both are founded on relativism and a rational worldview, and the aim of both is peaceful co-existence. Second, it will be demonstrated that the separation of law and morality provides the maximum space for deliberation within democratic processes. The conclusion of this analysis is that striking similarities exist between Kelsen’s legal theory and his theory of democracy. These similarities are grounded in the Enlightenment tradition and its values, including rationality, a scientific worldview, tolerance, and equality. This observation supports the claim that, for Kelsen, legal positivism and the theory of democracy are not two separate theories but rather stem from the same set of values and from Kelsen’s relativistic worldview. Furthermore, three main issues determine Kelsen’s orientation toward a positivistic and democratic outlook. The first, which is associated with personality type, is the distinction between absolutism and relativism. The second, which is associated with the values that Kelsen favors in the social order, is peace. The third is legality, which creates the necessary condition for democracy to thrive and reveals that democracy is capable of fulfilling Kelsen’s ideal of law at its fullest. The first two categories exist in the background of Kelsen’s pure theory of law, while the latter is an inherent part of Kelsen’s concept of law. The analysis of the text concerning natural law doctrine and democracy indicates that behind the technical language of Kelsen’s pure theory of law is a strong concern with the trends that appeared after World War I. Despite his rigorous scientific mind, Kelsen was deeply humanistic. He tried to create a powerful intellectual weapon to provide strong arguments for peaceful coexistence and a rational outlook in Europe. The analysis provided by this presentation facilitates a broad theoretical, philosophical, and political understanding of Kelsen’s perspectives and, consequently, urges a strong endorsement of Kelsen’s approach to constitutional democracy.

Keywords: hans kelsen, democracy, legal positivism, pure theory of law

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Authors: E. Zarei, M. Bazaei, A. seifi, A. Keshavarzi

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Contextuallism has been always the main component of urban science. It not only has great direct and indirect impact on behaviors, events and interactions, but also is one of the basic factors of an urban values and identity. Nowadays there might be some deficiencies in the cities. In the theories of environment designing, humanistic orientations with the focus on culture and cultural variables would enable us to transfer information. To communicate with the context in which human lives, he needs some common memories, understandable symbols and daily activities in that context. The configuration of a place can impact on human’s behaviors. The goal of this research is to review 7 projects in different parts of the world with various usages and some factors such as ‘sense of place’, ‘sense of belonging’ and ‘social and cultural relations’ will be discussed in these projects. The method used for research in this project is descriptive- analytic. Library information and Internet are the main sources of gathering information and the method of reasoning used in this project is inductive. The consequence of this research will be some data in the form of tables that has been extracted from mentioned projects.

Keywords: contextuallism with humanistic approach, sense of place, sense of belonging, social and cultural relations

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Authors: Heike Pintor Pirzkall

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The positive economic evolution of many countries in the Latin American Continent, mainly in South America, has changed the geopolitical position of the region in the world. It is no longer the Hinterland or backyard of the United States, now it has become the Heartland for Europe and Asia. This position has favored the interest of countries like China or India, who are combining trade agreements with special assistance and aid agreements in many fields like agriculture, alternative energy resources, defense and mining. As many countries in the region are no longer low income countries, a more equal relationship in development aid has been created were the donor and the recipient have become partners and where new actors intervene in a triangular relationship that promotes new alternative aid structures. Triangular co-operation brings together the best of different actors who are providers of development co-operation, partners in SouthSouth co-operation and international organizations. The objective is to share knowledge and implement projects that support the common goal of reducing poverty and promoting development. The intention of this paper is to explain the reasons for Latin America´s “virage” to the east and to give examples of projects and agreements between Latin American countries, China and India which will help to understand the intensification of south-east relations in recent years.

Keywords: development cooperation, China, Latin America, triangular cooperation, natural resources, partnership

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Authors: Isaias Teklia Berhe

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A decision that deals with international disputes, be it arbitral or judicial, has to properly reflect objectivity and coherence with existing rules of international law. This paper shows the decision of the Ethio-Eritrea Claims Commission on the jus ad bellum case is bereft of objectivity and coherence, which contributed a disservice to international law on many aspects. The Commission’s decision that holds Eritrea in contravention to Art 2(4) of the UN Charter based on Ethiopia’s contention is flawed. It fails to consider: the illegitimacy of an actual authority established over contested territory through hostile acts, the proper determination of effectivites under international law, the sanctity of colonially determined boundaries, Ethiopia’s prior firm political recognition and undergirds to respect colonial boundary, and Ethio-Eritrea Border Commission’s decision. The paper will also argue that the Commission confused Eritrea’s right of self-defense with the rule against the non-use of force to settle territorial disputes; wherefore its decision sanitizes or sterilizes unlawful change of territory resulted through unlawful use of force to the effect of advantaging aggressions. The paper likewise argues that the decision is so sacrilegious that it disregards the ossified legal finality of colonial boundaries. Moreover, its approach toward armed attack does not reflect the peculiarity of the jus ad bellum case rather it brings about definitional uncertainties and sustains the perception that the law on self-defense is unsettled.

Keywords: armed attack, Eritrea, Ethiopia, self-defense, territorial integrity, use of force

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Authors: Marcelo Pereira Introini

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The global value chains (GVC) approach contributes to a better understanding of the international production organization amid globalization’s second unbundling from the 1970s on. Mainly due to the tools that help to understand the importance of critical competences, technological capabilities, and functions performed by each player, GVC research flourished in recent years, rooted in discussing the possibilities of integration and repositioning along regional and global value chains. Regarding this context, part of the literature endorsed a more optimistic view that engaging in fragmented production networks could represent learning opportunities for developing countries’ firms, since the relationship with transnational corporations could allow them build skills and competences. Increasing recognition that GVCs are based on asymmetric power relations provided another sight about benefits, costs, and development possibilities though. Once leading companies tend to restrict the replication of their technologies and capabilities by their suppliers, alternative strategies beyond the functional specialization, seen as a way to integrate value chains, began to be broadly highlighted. This paper organizes a coherent narrative about the shortcomings of the GVC analytical framework, while recognizing its multidimensional contributions and recent developments. We adopt two different and complementary perspectives to explore the idea of integration in the international production. On one hand, we emphasize obstacles beyond production components, analyzing the role played by intangible assets and intellectual property regimes. On the other hand, we consider the importance of domestic production and innovation systems for technological development. In order to provide a deeper understanding of the restrictions on technological learning of developing countries’ firms, we firstly build from the notion of intellectual monopoly to analyze how flagship companies can prevent subordinated firms from improving their positions in fragmented production networks. Based on intellectual property protection regimes we discuss the increasing asymmetries between these players and the decreasing access of part of them to strategic intangible assets. Second, we debate the role of productive-technological ecosystems and of interactive and systemic technological development processes, as concepts of the Innovation Systems approach. Supporting the idea that not only endogenous advantages are important for international competition of developing countries’ firms, but also that the building of these advantages itself can be a source of technological learning, we focus on local efforts as a crucial element, which is not replaceable for technology imported from abroad. Finally, the paper contributes to the discussion about technological development as a two-dimensional dynamic. If GVC analysis tends to underline a company-based perspective, stressing the learning opportunities associated to GVC integration, historical involvement of national States brings up the debate about technology as a central aspect of interstate disputes. In this sense, technology is seen as part of military modernization before being also used in civil contexts, what presupposes its role for national security and productive autonomy strategies. From this outlook, it is important to consider it as an asset that, incorporated in sophisticated machinery, can be the target of state policies besides the protection provided by intellectual property regimes, such as in export controls and inward-investment restrictions.

Keywords: global value chains, innovation systems, intellectual monopoly, technological development

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Authors: E. Sahar

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Civic political knowledge is crucial for the stability of democratic countries. In the USA, Americans have poor knowledge about their constitution and their political systems. Some states such as Florida State suffers from a huge decline in civics comparing to the National Average. This study concerns with using new technologies such as augmented reality to engage students in learning civics in classrooms. This is a participatory study, which engage teachers in the process of designing augmented reality civic games. The researcher used survey to find out the materials that teachers struggle with while teaching civics. Four lessons were found the most difficult to teach for middle school students: SS7C1.1 Enlightenment thinkers, SS7C1.2 influencing documents, SS7C1.7-Weakness of the Articles of Confederation, and Forms and systems of governments. For the limited scope of this study, we focused on “Forms and Systems of governments’ as the main project. Augmented Reality is used to help students to engage in learning civics through building a game that is based on the pedagogy constructivism theory. The resulted project meets the educational requirements for civics, provide students with more knowledge in at stake issues such as migration and citizenship, and help them to build leadership skills while playing in groups. The augmented reality game is also designed to test the students learning for each stage. This study helps to generate insightful implications for the use of augmented reality by educators, researchers, instructional designers, and developers who are interested in integrating technology in teaching civics for students in middle school classrooms.

Keywords: augmented reality, games, civics teaching, Florida middle school

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Authors: Francis Wargirai

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Since gaining independence in 1975, Papua New Guinea`s core challenge has been the consolidation of democracy against a backdrop of enormous social, political and territorial diversity. Consequently, the government has implemented several political reforms including decentralization. Constitutional planners believed that national unity, would be better achieved by sharing state power over centralization. They anticipated that this would institutionalize a democratic civic culture by providing opportunities to groups and individuals to make political decisions within their jurisdiction. This would then eventually lead to confidence and participation in the larger entity of the state. In retrospect, civil society and community based groups are largely underrated and have had minimal influence on decisions at the local level, consequently contributing to nepotism, patronism and cynicism. By applying an elitist approach to analyze how national political leaders exert their influence and power within the local government system and local communities, this paper argues that decentralization has fragmented local communities. With an absence of political party roots and deeply divided ethnic groups, national political leaders have used divide and rule tactics resulting in mistrust among citizens. Through their influence and power within local governments to dictate projects and services to certain areas, this has resulted in skepticism and divisions among civil society along different cultural cleavages. This has been a contributing factor to anomalies in democratic consolidation and democratic political culture in Papua New Guinea.

Keywords: civic culture, cultural cleavages, decentralization, democratic consolidation

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Authors: Chander Shekhar Kohli

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In the field of international relations, countries have been experiencing distinct nature of conflicts. But, in the case of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) for a long time, the members have witnessed conflicts, small and large. These conflicts, as a result, have given catastrophic outcomes, such as killings and destroying properties. For the resolution of such conflicts, nonetheless, efforts likewise have been made, simultaneously, in terms of establishing peace and security. In this background, the ASEAN presents a significant example as before it had faced several wars, like Vietnam War, Cambodia conflicts, and so on. This research paper, therefore, strives to examine the ASEAN as a case with the help of both primary and secondary sources. It likewise will be dealt with how changing norms and identity building facilitate the ASEAN countries to deal with their conflicts both internal and external. This paper also will discuss how internal developments within countries affect conflict resolution process as each member of ASEAN is guided by its national interest. It is then argued that conflict resolution in the ASEAN is moving from its existing power-based solution to norms and identity-based solution as member countries have become more dependent on other countries. The research, therefore, is concluded by saying that the conflicts could only be resolved through building norms and common identities, which of course are recognized crucial mechanisms among the ASEAN countries with some exceptions.

Keywords: ASEAN, conflict resolution, norms and identities, peace and security

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Authors: Mohamed Faslan

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This research examines the impact of the politicization of the fishing dispute on India-Sri Lanka relations, particularly the influence of internal and party politics. The maritime border is clearly demarcated between India and Sri Lanka. India and Sri Lanka signed bilateral agreements on maritime boundaries in 1974 and 1976 respectively. They signed the United Nations Law of the Sea- III as well. Despite this, fishing disputes persist between the two nations. Tamil Nadu politics is closely linked with Sri Lankan Tamil issues and Tamil Nadu has been playing a significant role in Indo-Lanka relations. This is due to the fact that many Indian trawlers involved in fishing activities in Sri Lankan waters are from Tamil Nadu. The Government of Tamil Nadu is also very concerned about the issue of fishing in Sri Lankan waters. During the ethnic war, Sri Lankan fishermen were restricted on fishing activities in the Northern sea by the Sri Lankan Government and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE). This created a vacuum in the Northern sea of Sri Lanka, and Indian trawlers filled the vacuum with the support of the LTTE. After the end of the war, Northern fishermen of Sri Lanka recommenced their fishing activities and realized that the Tamil Nadu trawlers had scooped their fishing resources. The Northern fishermen started to protest the invasion of Indian trawlers and pushed the Sri Lankan Government to stop the Indian trawlers. When Sri Lanka arrested Indian fishermen and confiscated their fishing boats, the Tamil Nadu Government used this as an opportunity to accuse Sri Lanka as having a Sinhalese government, to express feelings of hatred towards Sri Lanka due to the ethnic war against Tamils and tried to increase the voting bank by selling Tamil feelings. Thus, this research finds that Tamil Nadu does not associate this fishing dispute with Tamils in Sri Lanka but with the Sinhalese despite the status quo. This research has covered the Northern fishermen and stakeholders of Sri Lanka and could not do any field research in India due to visa restrictions. However, the researcher tries to balance the gap by referring to secondary sources and a few interviews with Indian scholars.

Keywords: Indo Lanka relations, fishing dispute, maritime border, Tamil Nadu & Sri Lankan waters

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Authors: Aimite Jorge, Leenekela Usebiu

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In recent years the International Community has seen a rise of what can be termed as ‘actio popularis”;that is to say lawsuits brought by third parties in the interest of the public or the world community as a whole, such as in cases of genocide and terrorism prosecutions under international law. It is equally clear that under current globalized world the effect of multinational activities on the environment is often felt beyond the borders of the territories where they operate. Equally true is the fact that the correspondence of citizens self-determination with national government is increasingly upset by the increasing willingness of states to share some ‘sovereign powers’ in order to address new economic, environmental and security interdependencies. The ‘unbundling’ of functional governance from fixed territories sees continuously citizens give up their formal approval of key decisions in exchange for a more remote, indirect say in supra-national or international decision-making bodies. The efforts to address a growing transnational flow of ecological harm are at the forefront of such indirect transformations, as evidenced by a proliferation of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) over the past three decades. However, unlike the defence of the global commons in cases of terrorism and genocide, there is still to be a clear application of action popularis in the case of environment, despite acknowledgement that the effect of the activities of several multinationals on the environment is as destructive to the global commons as genocide or terrorism are. Thus, this paper looking at specific cases of harmful degradation of the environment by certain multinationals transcending national boundaries, argues that it is high-time for a serious consideration of the application of the actio-popularis to environmental concerns. Although it is acknowledged that in international environmental law the challenge to reach a “critical mass” of recognition and support for an ‘actio-popularis’ for environment damage is particularly demanding, it is worth the try.

Keywords: actio popularis in environment law, global commons, transnational environmental damage, law and environment

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Authors: Lottie Lane

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It is habitually assumed and stated that the World Bank should engage and comply with international human rights standards. However, the basis for holding the Bank to such standards is unclear. Most advocates of the idea invoke aspects of international law to argue that the Bank has existing obligations to act in compliance with human rights standards. The Bank itself, however, does not appear to accept such arguments, despite having endorsed the importance of human rights for a considerable length of time. A substantial challenge is that under the current international human rights law framework, the World Bank is considered a non-state actor, and as such, has no direct human rights obligations. In the absence of clear legal duties for the Bank, it is necessary to look at the tools available beyond the international human rights framework to encourage the Bank to comply with human rights standards. This article critically examines several bases for arguing that the Bank should comply and engage with human rights through its policies and practices. Drawing on the Bank’s own ‘good governance’ approach as well as the United Nations’ ‘human rights-based-approach’ to development, a new basis is suggested. First, the relationship between the World Bank and human rights is examined. Three perspectives are considered: (1) the legal position – what the status of the World Bank is under international human rights law, and whether it can be said to have existing legal human rights obligations; (2) the Bank’s own official position – how the Bank envisages its relationship with and role in the protection of human rights; and (3) the relationship between the Bank’s policies and practices and human rights (including how its attitudes are reflected in its policies and how the Bank’s operations impact human rights enjoyment in practice). Here, the article focuses on two examples – the (revised) 2016 Environmental and Social Safeguard Policies and the 2012 case-study regarding Gambella, Ethiopia. Both examples are widely considered missed opportunities for the Bank to actively engage with human rights. The analysis shows that however much pressure is placed on the Bank to improve its human rights footprint, it is extremely reluctant to do so explicitly, and the legal bases available are insufficient for requiring concrete, ex ante action by the Bank. Instead, the Bank’s own ‘good governance’ approach to development – which it has been advocating since the 1990s – can be relied upon. ‘Good governance’ has been used and applied by many actors in many contexts, receiving numerous different definitions. This article argues that human rights protection can now be considered a crucial component of good governance, at least in the context of development. In doing so, the article explains the relationship and interdependence between the two concepts, and provides three rationales for the Bank to take a ‘human rights-based approach’ to good governance. Ultimately, this article seeks to look beyond international human rights law and take a governance approach to provide a convincing basis upon which to argue that the World Bank should comply with human rights standards.

Keywords: World Bank, international human rights law, good governance, human rights-based approach

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Authors: Sungho Kim, Jaechoul Shin, Yujin Baek

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In recent years, due to the environmental impacts and time factor, etc., various type of pavement deterioration is increasing rapidly such as crack, pothole, rutting and roughness degradation. The Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport maintains regular pavement condition of the highway and the national highway using the pavement condition survey equipment and structural survey equipment in Korea. Local governments that maintain local roads, farm roads, etc. are difficult to maintain the pavement condition using the pavement condition survey equipment depending on economic conditions, skills shortages and local conditions such as narrow roads. This study presents a quantitative evaluation method of the pavement condition through the visual inspection to overcome these problems of roads managed by local governments. It is difficult to evaluate rutting and roughness with the naked eye. However, the condition of cracks can be evaluated with the naked eye. Linear cracks (m), area cracks (m²) and potholes (number, m²) were investigated with the naked eye every 100 meters for survey the cracks. In this paper, crack ratio was calculated using the results of the condition of cracks and pavement condition was evaluated by calculated crack ratio. The pavement condition survey equipment also investigated the pavement condition in the same section in order to evaluate the reliability of pavement condition evaluation by the calculated crack ratio. The pavement condition was evaluated through the SPI (Seoul Pavement Index) and calculated crack ratio using results of field survey. The results of a comparison between 'the SPI considering only crack ratio' and 'the SPI considering rutting and roughness either' using the equipment survey data showed a margin of error below 5% when the SPI is less than 5. The SPI 5 is considered the base point to determine whether to maintain the pavement condition. It showed that the pavement condition can be evaluated using only the crack ratio. According to the analysis results of the crack ratio between the visual inspection and the equipment survey, it has an average error of 1.86%(minimum 0.03%, maximum 9.58%). Economically, the visual inspection costs only 10% of the equipment survey and will also help the economy by creating new jobs. This paper advises that local governments maintain the pavement condition through the visual investigations. However, more research is needed to improve reliability. Acknowledgment: The author would like to thank the MOLIT (Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, and Transport). This work was carried out through the project funded by the MOLIT. The project name is 'development of 20mm grade for road surface detecting roadway condition and rapid detection automation system for removal of pothole'.

Keywords: asphalt pavement maintenance, crack ratio, evaluation of asphalt pavement condition, SPI (Seoul Pavement Index), visual investigation

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Authors: Ahmad Almaududy Amri

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Southeast Asia is considered as an area which is important in terms of piratical studies. There are several reasons to this argument: firstly, it has the second highest figure of piracy attacks in the world from 2008 to 2012. Only the African Region transcends the number of piracies that were committed in Southeast Asia. Secondly, the geographical location of the region is very important to world trade. There are several sea lanes and straits which are normally used for international navigation mainly for trade purposes. In fact, there are six out of 25 busiest ports all over the world located in Southeast Asia. In ancient times, the main drivers of piracy were raiding for plunder and capture of slaves; however, in modern times, developments in politics, economics and even military technology have drastically altered the universal crime of piracy. There are a variety of motives behind modern day piracy including economic gains from receiving ransoms from government or ship companies, political and even terrorist reasons. However, it cannot be denied that piratical attacks persist and continue. States have taken measures both at the international and regional level in order to eradicate piratical attacks. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the Convention on the Suppression of Unlawful Act against the Safety of Navigation served as the two main international legal frameworks in combating piracy. At the regional level, Regional Cooperation Agreement against Piracy and Armed Robbery and ASEAN measures are regard as prominent in addressing the piracy problem. This paper will elaborate the problems of piracy in Southeast Asia and examine the adequacy of legal frameworks at both the international and regional levels in order address the current legal measures in combating piracy. Furthermore, it will discuss current challenges in the implementation of anti-piracy measures at the international and regional levels as well as the way forward in addressing the issue.

Keywords: piracy, Southeast Asia, maritime security, legal frameworks

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Authors: Andre C Jordaan

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The end of the Cold War and rivalry between super powers has changed the nature of military build-up in many countries. A call from international institutions like the United Nations, International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to reduce the levels of military expenditure was the order of the day. However, this bid to cut military expenditure has not been forthright. Recently, active armed conflicts occurred in at least 46 states in 2021 with 8 in the Americas, 9 in Asia and Oceania, 3 in Europe, 8 in the Middle East and North Africa and 18 in sub-Saharan Africa. Global military expenditure in 2022 was estimated to be US$2,2 trillion, representing 2.2 per cent of global gross domestic product. Particularly sharp rises in military spending have followed in African countries and the Middle East. Global military expenditure currently follows two divergent trends, either a declining trend in the West caused mainly by austerity, efforts to control budget deficits and the wrapping up of prolonged wars. However, some parts of the world shows an increasing trend on the back of security concerns, geopolitical ambitions and some internal political factors. Conflict related fatalities in sub-Saharan Africa alone increased by 19 per cent between 2020 and 2021. The interaction between military expenditure (read conflict) and international trade is generally the cause of much debate. Some argue that countries’ fear of losing trade opportunities causes political decision makers to refrain from engaging in conflict when important trading partners are involved. However, three main arguments are always present when discussing the relationship between military expenditure or conflicts and international trade: Free trade could promote peaceful cooperation, it could trigger tension between trading blocs and partners, and trade could have no effect because conflict is based on issues that are more important. Military expenditure remains an important element of the overall government expenditure in many African countries. On the other hand, numerous researchers perceive increased international trade to be one of the main factors promoting economic growth in these countries. The purpose of this paper is therefore to determine what effect, if any, exist between the level of military expenditure and international trade within a selection of 19 African countries. Applying an augmented gravity model to explore the relationship between military expenditure and international trade, evidence is found to confirm the existence of an inverse relationship between these two variables. It seems that the results are in line with the Liberal school of thought where trade is seen as an instrument of conflict prevention. Trade is therefore perceived as a symptom of peace and not a cause thereof. In general, conflict or rumors of conflict tend to reduce trade. If conflict did not impede trade, economic agents would be indifferent to risk. Many claim that trade brings peace, however, it seems that it is rather peace that brings trade. From the results, it appears that trade reduces the risk of conflict and that conflict reduces trade.

Keywords: African countries, conflict, international trade, military expenditure

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Authors: Nqobizwe Mvelo Ngema

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The right to equality has been accepted as one of the principles of jus cogens since the Second World War and it is protected in numerous international and regional human rights instruments. The convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (CEDAW) is a comprehensive document that serves as the international Bill of Rights for women and it prohibits polygamy. This paper examines whether the most unusual customary practice of polyandry would serve as a solution in elevating the status of women to be on par with that of man that are polygamists or not. This paper concludes by arguing that polyandry cannot solve the problem of inequalities that are confronted by women because even in polyandrous societies there is male domination that is detrimental to the equality rights of women.

Keywords: human rights, polygamy, polyandry, polygyny

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Authors: Taarika Singh

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Military wives – women married to army officers have largely been recognized as mere supporters or as auxiliaries to military men rather than propagators of thought and ideologies. The military wife (and her participation) is often dismissed as 'private', 'domestic', or 'trivial' and is acknowledged, if at all, only as an (inevitable/normative) entity, seen as a natural product/outcome of militarization. It is because the military wife has come to be constructed and accepted as normative by states and militaries that women of the military are easily ‘trivialised’ and are made to appear to be socially, politically, or theoretically irrelevantand/or insignificant. This paper, using ethnography-- structured and semi-structured interviews -- makes a gendered analysis of militarization, by bringing the military wife to the forefront and placing her at the nexus of the military and state apparatus. Moving away from gendered analyses that focus on the impact of militarization on women or draw attention to the ways in which militarization has been challenged/resisted by women, the paper pays attention to the centrality of women in shaping, validating, and perpetuating militarization, patriarchal control, and gendered hierarchies. The paper will demonstrate how military wives accept and comply with patriarchy as an institutional form of social organization that extends beyond the family and kinship relations into the military as an organization of the state. The paper will draw attention to the ways in which military norms, patriarchal values, and belief systems shape the social personhood, identity, and worldview of military wives; as a consequence of which, women play a central role in upholding and reproducing social inequalities and hierarchies; in shaping social status, and power relationships amongst men and women within and outside the military. The paper will allude to the processes and ideologies via which womena) accept and reproducemen as exclusive holders of power, status, and privilege; and b) recognize international relations, politics, andmatters related to security to be male dominated arenas inviting overwhelming masculine participation. In doing so, the paper will argue that women of the military play a critical role in perpetuating and upholding gendered meanings associated with the notion of and discourse around security. The paper will illustratehow military wives accept and assume security to be inherently a gendered idea -- a masculine notion, a male dominated arena, as something granted by men. In other words, the paper will demonstrate how the militarization of the military wives and the perpetuation of militarization by military wives plays a crucial role in propagating and perpetuating security to be a masculine notion or a male dominated arena. The paper will then question the degree to which such gendered analyses can shape the broader meanings, definitions, and discourses around security, matters related to security, and security threats.

Keywords: gender, militarisation, security, women

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Authors: Mary T. McKinley

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As socio-economic globalization impacts education and turns knowledge into a commodity, institutions of higher education are becoming more intentional about infusing a global and intercultural perspective into education via the recruitment of international students. Coming from dissimilar cultures, many of these students are evaluated and held accountable to Euro-American values of independence, self-reliance, and autonomy. Not surprisingly, these students often experience culture shock with deleterious effects on their mental health and academic functioning. Thus, it is critical to understand the experiences of international students with the hope that such knowledge will keep the field of psychology from promulgating Eurocentric ideals and values and prevent the training of these students as good-enough White therapists. Using a critical narrative inquiry framework, this study elicits stories about the challenges encountered by international students as they navigate their clinical training in the presence of acculturative stress and potentially different worldviews. With its emphasis on story-telling as meaning making, narrative research design is hinged on the assumption that people are interpretive beings who make meaning of themselves and their world through the language of stories. Also, dominant socially-constructed narratives play a central role in creating and maintaining hegemonic structures that privilege certain individuals and ideologies at the expense of others. On this premise, narrative inquiry begins with an exploration of the experiences of participants in their lived stories. Bounded narrative segments were read, interpreted, and analyzed using a critical events approach. Throughout the process, issues of reliability and researcher bias were addressed by keeping a reflective analytic memo, as well as triangulating the data using peer-reviewers and check-ins with participants. The findings situate culture at the epicenter of international students’ acculturation challenges as well as their resiliency in psychology doctoral programs. It was not uncommon for these international students to experience ethical dilemmas inherent in learning content that conflicted with their cultural beliefs and values. Issues of cultural incongruence appear to be further exacerbated by visible markers for differences like speech accent and clothing attire. These stories also link the acculturative stress reported by international students to the experiences of perceived racial discrimination and lack of support from the faculty, administration, peers, and the society at large. Beyond the impact on the international students themselves, there are implications for internationalization in psychology with the goal of equipping doctoral programs to be better prepared to meet the needs of their international students. More than ever before, programs need to liaise with international students’ services and work in tandem to meet the unique needs of this population of students. Also, there exists a need for multiculturally competent supervisors working with international students with varying degrees of acculturation. In addition to making social justice and advocacy salient in students’ multicultural training, it may be helpful for psychology doctoral programs to be more intentional about infusing cross-cultural theories, indigenous psychotherapies, and/or when practical, the possibility for geographically cross-cultural practicum experiences in the home countries of international students while taking into consideration the ethical issues for virtual supervision.

Keywords: decolonizing pedagogies, international students, multiculturalism, psychology doctoral programs

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Authors: María García-García, Esther Simancas-González, Said Balhadj, Carmen Silva-Robles, Driss Ferhane

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Cooperation between the territories on both sides of the Strait of Gibraltar is an urgent reality. the south of Spain and northern Morocco share a common historical past and belong to a very similar geographical and ecological area. Economic, social and cultural relations make cooperation between the two countries’ (Spain and Morocco) a priority for the EU and both countries governments. Likewise, deepened changes happened in production systems and consumption patterns had seriously damaged and weakened the craftwork sector. The promotion of local crafts, and its economic value, and the cooperation with the north of Morocco has been an important issue for the Andalusian government in recent years. The main aim of this work is to understand the strengths and weaknesses of the Tangier - Tetuan region craftworks sector in order to develop accurate communication and promotion plans. From the knowledge of the real identity, the sector could be repositioned. Promotion and communication could be a spur to traditional sectors, such as crafts. Competitiveness requires "the culture of communication, the cooperation between different companies to build powerful territory brands and maintain the establishment confidence and effectiveness relationships among agencies and organizations". The lack of previous literature addressing how Tangier craftwork promote and communicate its value to their stakeholders, has conducted the study to an exploratory approach with a double dimension: internal, Tangier craftwork sector image, and external, Andalusia image of the sector in Tangier. Different interviews were conducted with Andalusian partners involved in the artisanal sector (9 master craftsmen and 3 institutions) and focus groups with 9 Tangiers craftsmen were developed. The result of these interviews and expert groups are reflected in a SWOT analysis which reveals a handcraft industry with a worrying wide-spread and undifferentiated identity and reluctance to innovation and new technologies.

Keywords: communication management, image, Moroccan crafts, Spain-Morocco cooperation

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Authors: Lojaine Okacha

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In the past half-century, researchers started paying attention to enhancing the performance of urban spaces. Their idea of performance comprised urban climate performance, space synthesis, economic performance, and enhancing the quality of life in space. However, they all agreed that the key to achieving any of the previously mentioned development projects is good governance. Having good governance allows citizens to participate freely in the urbanization or development projects within cities. Consequently, using the city resources and assets as efficiently as possible, and ensures the fulfillment of the users’ needs and requests. This paper aims to propose an effective participation framework to help citizens have their voices heard and participate in the decisions that will affect their living situation. The framework allows governments to use their public resources to their best. However, this study focuses on public participation in third-world countries with unitary decentralized governance systems such as Egypt. It summarizes the challenges facing the participation practices, identifies the keys to a successful participation process, and draws on dominant effective participation practice lying on the relationship between the levels of participation, stakeholders participating, the urban development stages, the city-systems, and participation process. These components are integrated to create a real-world effective participation Framework. The results of the analysis were incredible and produced a functional and progressive approach for effective public participation to introduce to the governments. The model itself is combined with additional principles allowing the best practice to the process. The framework is finally compared with a real case of urban development.

Keywords: public participation, good governance, urban development, city systems

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Authors: Itze Coronel Salomon

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The rise of organized crime and violence related to drug cartels in Mexico has created serious challenges for the authorities to provide security to those who live within its borders. However, to achieve a significant improvement in security is absolute respect for fundamental human rights by the authorities. Irregular migrants in Mexico are at serious risk of abuse. Research by Amnesty International as well as reports of the NHRC (National Human Rights) in Mexico, have indicated the major humanitarian crisis faced by thousands of migrants traveling in the shadows. However, the true extent of the problem remains invisible to the general population. The fact that federal and state governments leave no proper record of abuse and do not publish reliable data contributes to ignorance and misinformation, often spread by the media that portray migrants as the source of crime rather than their victims. Discrimination and intolerance against irregular migrants can generate greater hostility and exclusion. According to the modus operandi that has been recorded criminal organizations and criminal groups linked to drug trafficking structures deprive migrants of their liberty for forced labor and illegal activities related to drug trafficking, even some have been kidnapped for be trained as murderers . If the victim or their family cannot pay the ransom, the kidnapped person may suffer torture, mutilation and amputation of limbs or death. Migrant women are victims of sexual abuse during her abduction as well. In 2011, at least 177 bodies were identified in the largest mass grave found in Mexico, located in the town of San Fernando, in the border state of Tamaulipas, most of the victims were killed by blunt instruments, and most seemed to be immigrants and travelers passing through the country. With dozens of small graves discovered in northern Mexico, this may suggest a change in tactics between organized crime groups to the different means of obtaining revenue and reduce murder profile methods. Competition and conflict over territorial control drug trafficking can provide strong incentives for organized crime groups send signals of violence to the authorities and rival groups. However, as some Mexican organized crime groups are increasingly looking to take advantage of income and vulnerable groups, such as Central American migrants seem less interested in advertising his work to authorities and others, and more interested in evading detection and confrontation. This paper pretends to analyze the introduction of this new trend of kidnapping migrants for forced labors by drug cartels in Mexico into the forms of contemporary slavery and its implications.

Keywords: international law, migration, transnational organized crime

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Authors: Yahya Almurtadha, Mukhtar Ghaleb, Ahmed M. Shamsan Saleh

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The world witnessed a fierce attack from the Covid-19 virus, which affected public life socially, economically, healthily and psychologically. The world's governments tried to confront the pandemic by imposing a number of precautionary measures such as general closure, curfews and social distancing. Scientists have also made strenuous efforts to develop an effective vaccine to train the immune system to develop antibodies to combat the virus, thus reducing its symptoms and limiting its spread. Artificial intelligence, along with researchers and medical authorities, has accelerated the vaccine development process through big data processing and simulation. On the other hand, one of the most important negatives of the impact of Covid 19 was the state of anxiety and fear due to the blowout of rumors through social media, which prompted governments to try to reassure the public with the available means. This study aims to proposed using Sentiment Analysis (AKA Opinion Mining) and deep learning as efficient artificial intelligence techniques to work on retrieving the tweets of the public from Twitter and then analyze it automatically to extract their opinions, expression and feelings, negatively or positively, about the symptoms they may feel after vaccination. Sentiment analysis is characterized by its ability to access what the public post in social media within a record time and at a lower cost than traditional means such as questionnaires and interviews, not to mention the accuracy of the information as it comes from what the public expresses voluntarily.

Keywords: deep learning, opinion mining, natural language processing, sentiment analysis

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