Search results for: political opportunities

Authors: Stylianos Galoukas

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since the eve of human societies, the need for survival and covering even the most basic needs such as hunting for food, led to the realization of the need for regulation between the personal and common interest. This led to the establishment of initially unwritten and later on, written rules which then became the Law. Transparency as a word has been used for more than 2.500 years. Born in ancient Greece around the 5th BC century and although it was not originally correlated to political or public administration acts, its enclosed principles and rules, were given even then, great attention. In today’s times of fake news and meta-politics, transparency has greatly correlated with the fight against corruption especially in the financially related matters. It is believed however that transparency, being a much wider than corruption meaning, has an even greater role to play than the corruption counterpart. It can be further used to unveil or examine the genuineness of the will towards the public interest, behind every public policy or political act. Therefore, herein the timeless and fundamental principles of institutional and public administration transparency are made clear as well as their application rules that can and ought to be used as evaluation criteria.

Keywords: evaluation citeria, policies, politics, principles, rules, transparency

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Authors: Vangelis Papadimitropoulos

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The paper is part of the research project “Techno-Social Innovation in the Collaborative Economy'', funded by the Hellenic Foundation of Research and Innovation for the years 2022-2024. The research project examines the normative and empirical conditions of grassroots technologically driven innovation, potentially enabling the transition towards a commons-oriented post-capitalist economy. The project carries out a conceptually led and empirically grounded multi-case study of the digital commons, open-source technologies, platform cooperatives, open cooperatives and Distributed Autonomous Organizations (DAOs) on the Blockchain. The methodological scope of research is interdisciplinary inasmuch as it comprises political theory, economics, sustainability science and computer science, among others. The research draws specifically on Michel Bauwens and Vasilis Kostakis' model of open cooperativism between the commons, ethical market entities and a partner state. Bauwens and Kostakis advocate for a commons-based counter-hegemonic post-capitalist transition beyond and against neoliberalism. The research further employs Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory of hegemony to introduce a post-hegemonic conceptualization of the model of open cooperativism. Thus, the paper aims to outline the theoretical contribution of the research project to contemporary political theory debates on post-capitalism and the collaborative economy.

Keywords: open cooperativism, techno-social innovation, post-hegemony, post-capitalism

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Authors: Akbar Jamali

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Hegel is the first great political philosopher who specifically contemplates on bureaucracy. For Hegel bureaucracy is the function of the state. Since state, essentially is a rational organization, its function; namely, bureaucracy must be rational. Since, what is rational is universal; Hegel had to explain how the bureaucracy could be understood as universal. Hegel discusses bureaucracy in his treatment of ‘executive power’. He analyses modern bureaucracy as a form of political organization, its constituent members, and its relation to the social environment. Therefore, the essence of bureaucracy in Hegel’s philosophy is the implementation of law and rules. Hegel argues that unlike the other social classes that are particular because they look for their own private interest, bureaucracy as a class is a ‘universal’ because their orientation is the interest of the state. State for Hegel is essentially rational and universal. It is the actualization of ‘objective Spirit’. Marx criticizes Hegel’s argument on the universality of state and bureaucracy. For Marx state is equal to bureaucracy, it constitutes a social class that based on the interest of bourgeois class that dominates the society and exploits proletarian class. Therefore, the main disagreement between these political philosophers is: whether the state (bureaucracy) is universal or particular. Growing e-government in modern state as an important aspect of development leads us to contemplate on the particularity and universality of e-government. In this article, we will argue that e-government essentially is universal. E-government, in itself, is impartial; therefore, it cannot be particular. The development of e-government eliminates many side effects of the private, personal or particular interest of the individuals who work as bureaucracy. Finally, we will argue that more a state is developed more it is universal. Therefore, development of e-government makes the state a more universal and affects the modern philosophical debate on the particularity or universality of bureaucracy and state.

Keywords: particularity, universality, rational bureaucracy, impartiality

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Authors: Ada Yurman

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Using the case of Israeli Atomic Spy Mordechai Vanunu as an example, this study sought to examine social response to political deviance whereby social response can be mobilized in order to achieve social control. Mordechai Vanunu, a junior technician in the Dimona Atomic Research Center, played a normative role in the militaristic discourse while working in the “holy shrine” of the Israeli defense system for many years. At a certain stage, however, Vanunu decided to detach himself from this collective and launched an assault on this top-secret circle. Israeli society in general and the security establishment in particular found this attack intolerable and unforgivable. They presented Vanunu as a ticking time bomb, delegitimized him and portrayed him as “other”. In addition, Israeli enforcement authorities imposed myriad prohibitions and sanctions on Vanunu even after his release from prison – “as will be done to he who desecrates holiness.” Social response to Vanunu at the time of his capture and trial was studied by conducting a content analysis of six contemporary daily newspapers. The analysis focused on use of language and forms of expression. In contrast with traditional content analysis methodology, this study did not just look at frequency of expressions of ideas and terms in the text and covert content; rather, the text was analyzed as a structural whole, and included examination of style, tone and unusual use of imagery, and more, in order to uncover hidden messages within the text. The social response to this case was extraordinarily intense, not only because in this case of political deviance, involving espionage and treason, Vanunu’s actions comprised a real potential threat to the country, but also because of the threat his behavior posed to the symbolic universe of society. Therefore, the response to this instance of political deviance can be seen as being part of a mechanism of social control aiming to protect world view of society as a whole, as well as to punish the criminal.

Keywords: militarism, political deviance, social construction, social control

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Authors: Mushtaq H. Khan, Antonio Andreoni, Pallavi Roy

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Developing countries are characterized by political settlements where formal rules are generally weakly enforced and widely violated. Conventional anti-corruption strategies that focus on improving the general enforcement of a rule of law and raising the costs of corruption facing individual public officials have typically delivered poor results in these contexts. Our alternative approach is to identify anti-corruption strategies that have a high impact and that are feasible to implement in these contexts. Our alternative approach identifies anti-corruption strategies from the bottom up. This involves identifying the characteristics of the corruption constraining particular development outcomes. By drawing on theories of rents and rent seeking, and theories of political settlements, we can assess the developmental impact of particular anti-corruption strategies and the feasibility of implementing these strategies. We argue that feasible anti-corruption in these contexts cannot be solely based on conventional anti-corruption strategies. In societies that have widespread rule violations, high-impact anti-corruption is only likely to be feasible if the overall strategy succeeds in aligning the interests and capabilities of powerful organizations at the sectoral level to support the enforcement of particular sets of rules. We examine four related strategies for changing these incentives and capabilities of critical stakeholders at the local or sectoral level, and we argue that this can provide a framework for organizing research on the impact and feasibility of anti-corruption activities in different priority areas in particular countries.

Keywords: anti-corruption, development, political settlements analysis, rule of law

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Authors: Zofia Wlodarczyk

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I study the experiences of domestic violence survivors who flee their countries of origin in times of political conflict using insight and evidence from forty-five biographical interviews with female Chechen refugees and twelve refugee resettlement professionals in Poland. Both refugees and women are often described as having less agency—that is, they lack the power to decide to migrate – refugees less than economic migrants and women less than men. In this paper, I focus on how female refugees who have been victims of domestic violence make decisions about leaving their countries of origin during times of political conflict. I use several existing migration theories to trace how the migration experience of these women is shaped by dynamics at different levels of society: the macro level, the meso level and the micro level. At the macro level of analysis, I find that political conflict can be both a source of and an escape from domestic violence. Ongoing conflict can strengthen the patriarchal cultural norms, increase violence and constrain women’s choices when it comes to marriage. However, political conflict can also destabilize families and make pathways for women to escape. At the meso level I demonstrate that other political migrants and institutions that emerge due to politically triggered migration can guide those fleeing domestic violence. Finally, at the micro level, I show that family dynamics often force domestic abuse survivors to make their decision to escape alone or with the support of only the most trusted female relatives. Taken together, my analyses show that we cannot look solely at one level of society when describing decision-making processes of women fleeing domestic violence. Conflict-related micro, meso and macro forces interact with and influence each other: on the one hand, strengthening an abusive trap, and on the other hand, opening a door to escape. This study builds upon several theoretical and empirical debates. First, it expands theories of migration by incorporating both refugee and gender perspectives. Few social scientists have used the migration theory framework to discuss the unique circumstances of refugee flows. Those who have mainly focus on “political” migrants, a designation that frequently fails to account for gender, does not incorporate individuals fleeing gender-based violence, including domestic-violence victims. The study also enriches migration scholarship, typically focused on the US and Western-European context, with research from Eastern Europe and Caucasus. Moreover, it contributes to the literature on the changing roles of gender in the context of migration. I argue that understanding how gender roles and hierarchies influence the pre-migration stage of female refugees is crucial, as it may have implications for policy-making efforts in host countries that recognize the asylum claims of those fleeing domestic violence. This study also engages in debates about asylum and refugee law. Domestic violence is normatively and often legally considered an individual-level problem whereas political persecution is recognized as a structural or societal level issue. My study challenges these notions by showing how the migration triggered by domestic violence is closely intertwined with politically motivated refuge.

Keywords: AGENCY, DOMESTIC VIOLENCE, FEMALE REFUGEES, POLITICAL REFUGE, SOCIAL NETWORKS

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Authors: Emilie Fort

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Two major pitfalls emerge at the intersection of gender and peacebuilding literature: the comprehension of women as a homogeneous category and a focus on women's participation in formal peace processes and state structures. However, women belong (and identify) to distinct ethnic, religious, or social groups, and the variety of their social location impacts their ability to mobilize, to participate in peace processes as well as the way they envision peace. This study is based on interviews conducted (remotely) with women activists from the post-Yugoslav area. It shows that women's economic empowerment and education are central issues that must be addressed for women political participation being effective. This has implications for peace projects –their priorities, scales of implementation, etc.– and the allocation of civil society’s funds.

Keywords: ex-Yugoslavia, gender-based issues, peacebuilding, women activism

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Authors: Yeimis Milton, Palomino Pichihua

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The city, like living organisms, originates from codes, structured information in the form of rules that condition the physical form and performance of urban space. Usually, the so-called urban codes clash with the spontaneous nature of the city, with the urban Kháos that contextualizes the free creation (poiesis) of human collectives. This contradiction is especially evident in Latin America, which, like other developing regions, lacks adequate instruments to guide urban growth. Thus constructing a hybrid between the formal and informal city, categories that are difficult to separate one from the other. This is a comparative study focusing on the urban codes created to address the pandemic. The objective is to build an overview of these innovations in the region. The sample is made up of official norms published in pandemic, directly linked to urban planning and building control (urban form). The countries analyzed are Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, Peru, Colombia, and Chile. The study uncovers a shared interest in facing future urban problems, in contrast to the inconsistency of proposed legal instruments. Factors such as the lack of articulation, validity time, and ambiguity, among others, accentuate this problem. Likewise, it evidences that the political situation of each country has a significant influence on the development of these norms and the possibility of their long-term impact. In summary, the global emergency has produced opportunities to transform urban systems from their internal rules; however, there are very few successful examples in this field. Therefore, Latin American cities have the task of learning from this defeat in order to lay the foundations for a more resilient and sustainable urban future.

Keywords: pandemic, regulation, urban planning, latin America

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Authors: Shierwin Agagen Cabunilas

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The unitary form of Philippine government has built a tradition of bureaucracy that strengthened oligarch and clientele politics. Consequently, the Philippines is lagged behind development. There is so much poverty, unemployment, and inadequate social services. In addition, it seems that the rights of national ethnic minority groups like the Igorots to develop their political and economic interests, linguistic and cultural heritage are neglected. Given these circumstances, a paradigm shift is inevitable. The author advocates a transition from a unitary to a federal system of government. Contrary to the notion that a unitary system facilitates better governance, it actually stifles it. As a unitary government, the Philippines seems (a) to exhibit incompetence in delivering efficient, necessary services to the people and (b) to exclude the minority from political participation and policy making. This shows that Philippine unitary system is highly centralized and operates from a top-bottom scheme. However, a federal system encourages decentralization, plurality and political participation. In my view, federalism is beneficial to the Philippine society and congenial to the Igorot indigenous peoples insofar as participative decision-making and development goals are concerned. This research employs critical and constructive analyses. The former interprets some complex practices of Philippine politics while the latter investigates how theories of federalism can be appropriated to deal with political deficits, ethnic diversity, and indigenous peoples’ rights to self-determination. The topic is developed accordingly: First, the author briefly examines the unitary structure of the Philippines and its impact on inter-governmental affairs and processes, asserting that bureaucracy and corruption, for example, are counterproductive to a participative political life, to economic development and to the recognition of national ethnic minorities. Second, he scrutinizes why federalism might transform this. Here, he assesses various opposing philosophical contentions on federal system in managing ethnically diverse society, like the Philippines, and argue that decentralization of political power, economic and cultural developments are reasons to exit from unitary government. Third, he suggests that federalism can be instrumental to Igorots self-determination. Self-determination is neither opposed to national development nor to the ideals of democracy – liberty, justice, solidarity. For example, as others have already noted, a politics in the vernacular facilitates greater participation among the people. Hence, there is a greater chance to arrive at policies that serve the interest of the people. Some may wary that decentralization disintegrates a nation. According to the author, however, the recognition of minority rights which includes self-determination may promote filial devotion to the state. If Igorot indigenous peoples have access to suitable institutions to determine their political life, economic goals, social needs, i.e., education, culture, language, chances are it moves the country forward to development fostering national unity. Remarkably, federal system thus best responds to the Philippines’s democratic and development deficits. Federalism can also significantly rectify the practices that oppress and dislocate national ethnic minorities as it ensures the creation of localized institutions for optimum political, economic, cultural determination and maximizes representation in the public sphere.

Keywords: federalism, Igorot, indigenous peoples, self-determination

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Authors: Susana Olmos, Catherine Spencer

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Every year our School in DIT (Dublin Institute of Technology) hosts approximately 80 Erasmus students from partner universities across Europe. Our own students are required to spend a compulsory 3rd year abroad on study and/or work placements. This is an extremely rewarding experience for all of the students, however, it can also be a challenging one. With this in mind, we started a project which aimed to make this transition as easy and productive as possible. The project, which is called MEET: Maximise the Erasmus Experience Together, focuses on the students’ own active engagement in learning and preparation – outside of the classroom –and their own self-directed pursuit of opportunities to develop their confidence and preparedness, which would work as an important foundation for the transformative learning that study abroad implies. We focussed on creating more structured opportunities where Erasmus students from our partner universities (currently studying at DIT) and our second-year students could interact and learn from each other, and in so doing improve both their language and intercultural skills. Our experience so far has been quite positive and we have seen how students taking part in this project have developed as autonomous learners as well as enhanced both their linguistic and intercultural knowledge. As the linguistic element of our project was one of our main priorities, we asked the students to keep a reflective diary on the activities that were organised by the group in the TL. Also, we use questionnaires as well as personal interviews to assess their development. However, there are challenges and proposals we would make to bring this project forward for the near future.

Keywords: erasmus, intercultural competence, linguistic competence, extra curriculum activities

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Authors: Hawre Hasan Hama, Choman Mahmood H. Rashid

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The four-year armed conflict between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) ended in September 1998 under the terms of the Washington Agreement. Since then, there has been a quarter-century of durable peace between the two combatant parties, though they have often been at odds politically. Based on interviews with Kurdish political leaders from both parties, this paper argues that sharing or dividing power across all four dimensions of state power — political, military, territorial, and economic — has played a vital role ensuring the durability of the peace settlement. The paper traces the KDP-PUK power sharing system through three stages: the transition stage (1998-2006), the “golden” period (2006-2013), the “weakening” period (2013 to present).

Keywords: peace settlement, enduring peace, power-sharing and power dividing, Iraqi Kurdistan.

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Authors: Majeed Mohammed Midhin, Clare Finburgh

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To maintain a healthy balanced loyalty between art and politics posits a debatable issue. The artist is always on the look out for the potential tension between those two realms. Therefore, one of the most painful dilemmas the artist finds is how to function in a society without sacrificing the aesthetic values of his/her work. In other words, the life-long awareness of failure which derives from the concept of the artist as caught between unflattering social realities and the need to invent genuine art forms becomes a fertilizing soil for the artists to dig deep into its origin. Thus, within the framework of this dilemma, the question of the responsibility of the artist and the relationship of the art to politics will be illuminating. The present paper tackles the idea of the amorality of the artist in selected plays by Tom Stoppard. However, Stoppard’s awareness of his situation as a refugee has led him to keep at a distance from politics. He tried hard to avoid any intervention into the realms of political debate, especially in his earliest work. On the one hand, it is not meant that he did not interest in politics as such, but rather he preferred to question it than to create a fixed ideological position. On the other hand, Stoppard’s refusal to intervene in politics is ascribed to his feeling of gratitude to Britain where he settled. As a result, Stoppard has frequently been criticized for a lack of political engagement and also for not leaning too much for the left when he does engage. His reaction to these public criticisms finds expression in his self-conscious statements which defensively stressed the artifice of his work. He, like Oscar Wilde thinks that the responsibility of the artist is devoted to the realm of his/her art. Consequently, his consciousness for the role of the artist is truly reflected in his two plays, Artist Descending a Staircase(1972) and Travesties(1974).

Keywords: amorality, dilemma, aesthetic, responsibility of the artist, political theatre

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Authors: Emmanuel Sachikumba, Micheal Msoni, Westone Mafuleka

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Zambia has a good climate with favourable rainfall pattern; this provides sufficient recharge for the surface and groundwater resources. In spite of the sufficient surface and ground water resources, accessibility to water at household levels is problematic both in quality and quantity. The study examined water accessibility as well as water quality at the household level. The research looked at the sources of water for the households and considered the complications of accessibility to water and the available opportunities therein. The investigation involved fifty households and the data was collected by the use of questionnaires (to assess accessibility) and laboratory tests (for ascertaining water quality). In addition to this, government departments such as the health, agriculture, forestry and education as well as the municipal council were interviewed on the topic under study. The study was descriptive in nature where clustered sampling procedures using simple random methods were utilised to select the households which were to participate in the study. The key findings were that; accessibility to water household levels is still a challenge in the settlement as most of the point sources (shallow wells, the stream and the river) were found to be contaminated. In addition to this, it was found that there was no direct relationship between the economic performance of a household and the accessibility to water. The study also observed that there were opportunities for the people in the settlement as they were increasingly getting into the education system, and adult literacy was being encouraged in the settlement. Furthermore, the settlement has groundwater resources which indicate that there can be sufficient water provision for the settlers.

Keywords: accessibility, household, water, settlement

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Authors: Kechikeche Nabil

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The MENA region has undergone many mutations throughout history. The most significant one was, yet, to happen during the colonial era, where the Arab Muslim ‘cosmic’ clock was recalibrated to match a more or less modern perception of time. As for modern civic and political experiences of life, they were left in a state of inertia. This article considers the problematic amalgam of traditional Islam, modernity and democratization in the Arab world, as well as the effects on the configuration of recent progressive endeavours. It is argued that the assimilation of democratic ethos - as a requisite for modernity - depends on the assimilation of power, progress and time, by what is referred to as the Umma. Drawing on postmodern and political literature, it is suggested that because of a conceptualization which draws mainly on traditional Islam, the Umma and the state in the Arab world remain in conflict while, at times, they appear to act collaboratively, either to embrace modernity or to obstruct democratization.

Keywords: Islam, democracy, Arab world, modernity

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Authors: Amir Shafiq, Asif Shahzad, Shabbar Mehmood, Muhammad Saeed, Hamid Mustafa

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Administration of justice in a society is evolutionary process. In pre-modern societies vital organs that we consider separate today i.e. legislation, implementation and adjudication were controlled by a King, the sovereign authority. Whereas now it is recognized that Development of a country revolves in seven arenas i.e. Civil Society, Political Society, Economic Society, Legislature, Judiciary, Executive & Bureaucracy. Each society whether developing or developed, has need of institutions and structures that can resolve difference of opinions of private or public nature between contending parties. Administration of justice has a key-role in the development of the society. Through this paper, it is to highlight that an independent judiciary having the support of public opinion therefore is inevitable to wriggle out from such problems in order to restore and protect the fundamental rights, constitution and democratic political system in third world countries like Pakistan.

Keywords: role of judiciary, developing countries, judicial activism, present scenario

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Authors: Gintaras Mitrulevičius

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This text, which is based on the conference report, seeks to briefly examine the relationship between the concepts of social democracy and democratic socialism, drawing attention to the essential aspects of its development and, in particular, discussing the contradictions in the relationship between these concepts in the modern period. In the preparation of this text, such research methods as historical, historical-comparative methods were used, as well as methods of analyzing, synthesizing, and generalizing texts. The history of the use of terms in social democracy and democratic socialism shows that these terms were used alternately and almost synonymously. At the end of the 20th century, traditional social democracy was transformed into the so-called "new social democracy." Many of the new social democrats do not consider themselves democratic socialists and avoid the historically characteristic identification of social democracy with democratic socialism. It has become quite popular to believe that social democracy is a separate ideology from democratic socialism. Or that it has become a variant of the ideology of liberalism. This is a testimony to the crisis of ideological self-awareness of social democracy. Since the beginning of the 21st century, social democracy has also experienced a growing crisis of electoral support. This, among other things, led to her slight shift to the left. In this context, some social democrats are once again talking about democratic socialism. The rise of the ideas of democratic socialism in the United States was catalyzed by Bernie Sanders. But the proponents of democratic socialism in the United States have different concepts of democratic socialism. In modern Europe, democratic socialism is also spoken of by leftists of non-social democratic origin, whose understanding is different from that of democratic socialism inherent in classical social democracy. Some political scientists also single out the concepts in question. Analysis of the problem shows that there are currently several concepts of democratic socialism on the spectrum of the political left, both social-democratic and non-social-democratic.

Keywords: democratic socializm, socializm, social democracy, new social democracy, political ideologies

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Authors: Lin Yanyan

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This research set out to understand early childhood practitioners’ perceptions of continuous professional development (CPD) opportunities and its relationship to career progression and leadership roles in Singapore. The small-scale qualitative inductive study was conducted in two phases. Phase one used close-ended questionnaires with a total of 24 early years practitioner participants, while phase two included a total of 5 participants who were invited to participate in the second part of the data collection. Semi-structured interviews were used at phase two to elicit deeper responses from parents and teachers. Findings from the study were then thematically coded and analysed. The findings from both questionnaires and interviews showed that early years practitioners perceived CPD to be important to their professional growth, but there was no conclusive link that CPD necessarily led to the progression of leadership roles in the early years. Participants experience of CPD was strongly determined by their employer- the preschool operator, being government-funded or a private entity, which resulted in key differences emerging between their responses. Participants also experienced road blocks in their pursuit of CPD, in the form of staff shortage, budget constraints and lack of autonomy as their employers imposed specific CPD courses on them to suit the organisational needs, rather than their personal or professional needs.

Keywords: continuous professional development (CPD), early years practitioners (EYP), career progression, leadership

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Authors: Yen-Fen Tseng

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Studying migration regimes enables one to identify clusters of countries with policy features in common. A few researchers have pointed out the origin of hardship experienced by foreign workers in Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, stems from their exclusionary migration regime. This paper aims to understand the causes and consequences of the East Asia migration regime, exploring the common exclusionary policies features of Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, focusing on the foreign labor policy. It will then present explanations as to factors shaping migration regime; the perspective of factors within political system is adopted, as opposed to political economy and pluralist society approach. In the minds of political elites across East Asia, there exists a powerful belief in mono-ethnicity, namely, the benefits of mono-ethnicity and the social ill of “minority problems”. Guest workers policies of various alterations become the compromise between the want for foreign labor and the desire to maintain mono-ethnicity. The paper discusses the absence of immigrant settlement and formation of ethnic communities as a result of the reluctant hosts. Migrant workers in these societies commonly suffer from irregular working conditions as well as unprotected rights out of their denied legality. The case of Taiwan will be presented with greater details, drawing on data from both first-hand and secondary sources.

Keywords: migration regime, guest worker policies, East Asia, society

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Authors: Dina L. DiSantis

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The Japan-U.S. Teacher Exchange Program for Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) provides an opportunity for teachers from the United States and Japan to travel to each other’s countries in order to experience and learn how each country is implementing efforts to educate for sustainability. By offering programs such as the Japan-U.S. Teacher Exchange Program for Education for Sustainable Development (ESD); teachers from both countries become more aware of what ESD school programs and curricula are being implemented in both countries. Teachers gain a greater sense of global interconnectedness when they are given the opportunity to share in each other’s culture and life. The primary objectives of the program are to foster a mutual exchange between the teachers in the United States and Japan, to increase an understanding of culture and educational systems, to give teachers opportunities to collaborate on lessons and projects in areas of sustainability and to enhance professional development opportunities for both U.S and Japanese teachers. The two areas of focus for teachers, are food education and environmental education. Teachers from both countries collaborate and design curriculum and projects for their students in order to help them become more aware of the importance of global sustainability. An overview of the program and the results of an international collaborative project, encouraging local eating and forging a cultural connection to food will be presented.

Keywords: education for sustainable development, environmental education, food education, international collaboration

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Authors: Giovanna X. De Moura, Fernando A. Starepravo

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In recent years, the discussion of women in sports has been part of the political agenda in several countries. However, in the Brazilian scope, it is possible to say that women's sport has not become a social problem recognized by political actors and, therefore, it has not entered the country's governmental agenda. Thus, this work aimed to analyze why sport for women is not on the Brazilian government's agenda. For this, it was interviewed six women considered to be stakeholders in sports, that is, women who influence or are influenced by sports. The interviews were based on a semi-structured script and carried out in the year 2022. Due to the difficulties of commuting and of the schedule of the interviewees, some interviews were carried out in person, others by video call or telephone and others by WhatsApp. The interviews were transcribed and analyzed using Bardin's Content Analysis. As a result, from the stakeholders' perception, it was ascertained that women's sport is not considered a political problem because both sport and politics are considered masculinized fields, making it difficult for women to be present in both spaces. Besides, not only the sport of women but sport in general, is seen as just a marketing tool and a way of getting financial return for companies, being neglected in government plans. Due to this fact, private institutions, corporative means, federations and confederations have been mobilized in the creation of policies that seek changes in the current scenario. Despite this, two PLs (PL 6263/2019 and PL 5297/2020) have been in the process since 2019 but have not been approved yet due to the failure to submit amendments within the established deadline. In order to change this reality, the ones surveyed suggested that there should be not only different types of women represented on the most varied fronts of sports but also more visibility of the issue of women in this field. Furthermore, they mentioned the importance of the creation of specific plans and policies that guarantee a safe place for women and that are consolidated as State policies. In addition, the need for more women in political decision-making positions was also mentioned. It was concluded that women's sport appears on the agenda at a secondary level since it is included on the legislative, and political agenda but not in the executive branch. In addition, there is not enough movement and mobilization in favor of women's sports for it to become a discussion in the field of politics. Regarding the Multiple Streams Model, women's sport is present only in the ideas stream, as there are solutions and ideas for improvements in this field. Finally, it was pointed that there is still a strong dependence on the State for the creation of policies that seek improvements in the participation of girls and women in sport, hence, being necessary the creation of multicentric policies, including non-governmental agents in the process of elaborating policies.

Keywords: agenda, politics, stakeholders, women’s sport

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Authors: Feyzan Tuzkaya, Nihan S. Soylu, Caglar Solak, Mehmet Peker, Hilal Peker, Kemal Ozeralp, Ceren Mete, Ezgi Mehmetoglu, Mehmet Karasu, Cihan Elci, Ece Akca, Melek Goregenli

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Perception, evaluation and representation of the environment have been the subject of many disciplines including psychology, geography and architecture. In environmental and social psychology literature there are several evidences which suggest that cognitive representations about a place consisted of not only geographic items but also social and cultural. Mental representations of residence area or a country is influenced and determined by social-demographics, the physical and social context. Thus, all mental representations of a given place are also social representations. Cognitive maps are the main and common instruments that are used to identify spatial images and the difference between physical and subjective environments. The aim of the current study is investigating the mental and social representations of Turkey in university students’ minds. Data was collected from 249 university students from different departments (i.e. psychology, geography, history, tourism departments) of Ege University. Participants were requested to reflect Turkey in their mind onto the paper drawing sketch maps. According to the results, cognitive maps showed geographic aspects of Turkey as well as the context of symbolic, cultural and political reality of Turkey. That is to say, these maps had many symbolic and verbal items related to critics on social and cultural problems, ongoing ethnic and political conflicts, and actual political agenda of Turkey. Additionally, one of main differentiations in these representations appeared in terms of the East and West side of the Turkey, and the representations of the East and West was varied correspondingly participants’ cultural background, their ethnic values, and where they have born. The results of the study were discussed in environmental and social psychological perspective considering cultural and social values of Turkey and current political circumstances of the country.

Keywords: cognitive maps, East, West, politics, social representations, Turkey

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Authors: Milton Jusu, Moses Koroma

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Efforts by the Ministry of Fisheries and Marine Resources and its development partners to introduce “modern” aquaculture in Sierra Leone since the 1970s have not been successful. A number of reasons have been hypothesized, including the suggestion that the market infrastructure and demand for farmed fish were inadequate to stimulate large-scale and widespread aquaculture production in the country. We have assessed the size, structure, networks and opportunities in fish markets using a combination of Participatory Rural Appraisals (PRAs) and questionnaire surveys conducted in a sample of 29 markets (urban, weekly, wholesale and retail) and two hundred traders. The study showed that the local fish markets were dynamic, with very high variations in demand and supply. The markets sampled supplied between 135.2 and 9947.6 tonnes/year. Mean prices for fresh fish varied between US$1.12 and US$3.89/kg depending on species, with smoked catfish and shrimps commanding prices as high as US$7.4/kg. It is unlikely that marine capture fisheries can increase their current production levels, and these may, in fact, already be over-exploited and declining. Marine fish supplies are particularly low between July and September. More careful attention to the timing of harvests (rainy season, not dry season) and to species (catfish, not tilapia) (could help in the successful adoption of aquaculture.

Keywords: fisheries and aquaculture, fish market, marine fish supplies, harvests

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Authors: Shankar Dhakal, Andrew Jones, Geoffrey W. Lummis

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The Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal is a linguistically, culturally, and ethnically diverse country with approximately 123 different spoken languages that represent several ethnic, cultural, and religious groups of people. With a population of about 30 million, long-standing disparities and inequalities in access and achievement in education have constantly been challenging to provide equitable educational opportunities for all students. While the new constitution of federal Nepal (2015) stipulates that all schools serve the interests of diverse communities, leadership practices have failed to adopt local contextual sensitivities, leading to traditional, authoritarian approaches and entrenched inequalities. However, little is known about how Nepali secondary school principals can adapt and implement context-responsive and equitable strategies to ensure equity and inclusiveness in its enormously diverse socio-cultural contexts. To fill this gap, this study explores how educational leadership approaches and philosophies are transformed using a multi-case automated/ethnographic research methodology underpinned by the paradigm of critical constructivism. This paper reconstructs to see if school leadership in Nepal can produce more equitable and contextual outcomes. The results of this study highlight the need for a paradigm shift and the adoption of innovative leadership approaches that foster humility, empathy, and compassion in school leaders to achieve better school outcomes. This research provides valuable insights into existing literary gaps and provides guidance for future school leadership policies and practices at the personal, cultural, and political levels.

Keywords: school leadership, auto/ethnography, equitable and context-responsive leadership, Nepal

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Authors: Muna Al-Siyabi

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When students bring mobile devices into the classrooms, they are frequently viewed as distractions from their daily educational practices rather than developing the twenty-first century skills. Such skills may involve sorting and extracting information, solving problems and evaluating results. Mobile devices, such as smartphones and tablets, have great potential for learning. Currently, schools and universities are embracing these devices with the aim of enhancing education. In Oman, mobile technologies have been introduced in the last ten years in two private schools to keep pace with the technological advancement. The researcher set out to examine the benefits and challenges of employing mobile learning in these two schools with the aim to inform the implementation of mobile technologies in more schools in Oman. The total of 16 teachers and 237 students responded to questionnaires, and 7 teachers and three student focus groups (of 13 students) were involved in interviews to explore how mobile technologies are used in these two schools. The questionnaires indicated that 87.5% of the sample teachers considered mobile learning helpful for learning and teaching. The teachers believed that mobile learning could promote learning, help teaching, offer vast resources, motivate students and save lesson time. Moreover, interviews with the teachers showed that mobile learning could offer several benefits like immediacy, saving lesson time, supporting differentiation, opportunities to learn anywhere, showing understanding, and offering vast resources. Most of the sample were also facing technical and classroom management challenges when employing mobile technologies in their lessons. In the interviews, most teachers complained of the difficulty to control their classes when they had mobile devices, which distracted their attention and understanding. They reported that their students were distracted by games and they needed to be trained to use mobile technologies for educational purposes. Most teachers recommended that certain parameters or restrictions should be established in any mobile learning project that restrict the usage of mobile technologies to educational purposes. In addition, teachers also emphasised that students needed to be trained on the advantages and limitations of mobile technologies. Teachers were also recommending that pedagogical training for using mobile technologies should be considered when implementing mobile learning in schools. These findings reveal that although of the challenges of managing their classes, teachers believe that mobile learning has great potential for learning. These results imply that mobile learning can be effectively implemented in school in Oman if certain factors and restrictions are considered.

Keywords: effective implementation, challenges, mobile learning, opportunities

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Authors: Hatice Idil Gorgen

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Turkey has been investing in its national defence industrial base since the 1980s. State’s role in defence industry showed differences in Turkey. Parallel with this, ruling group’s attitude toward companies in defence sector varied. These changes in policies and behaviors of the state have occurred throughout such milestones as political and economic turmoil in domestic and international level. Hence, it is argued that state’s role, relations with private companies in defense sector and its policies towards the defense industry has shown differences due to the international system, political institutions, ideas and political coalitions in Turkey since the 1980s. Therefore, in order to see changes in the role of the state in defence sector, this paper aims to indicate first, history of state’s role in production and defence industry in the post-1980s era. Secondly, to comprehend the changes in the state’s role in defence industry, Stephan Haggard’s sources of policy change will be provided in the theoretical ground. Thirdly, state cooperated, and joint venture defence firms, state’s actions toward them will be observed. The remaining part will explore the underlying reasons for the changes in the role of the state in defence industry, and it implicitly or explicitly impacts on state business relations. Major findings illustrate that targeted idea of self-sufficient or autarky Turkey to attract domestic audience and to raise the prestige through defence system; ruling elites can regard defence industry and involved business groups as a mean for their ends. State dominant value, sensitive perception which has been ever since Ottoman Empire, prioritizes business groups in defence industry compared to others and push the ruling elites to pursue hard power in defence sectors. Through the globally structural transformation in defence industry, integration of Turkey to liberal bloc deepened and widened interdependence among states. Although it is a qualitative study, it involves the numerated data and descriptive statistics. Data will be collected by searching secondary sources from the literature, examining official documents of ministry of defence, and other appropriate ministries.

Keywords: defense industry, state and business relations, public private relations, arm industry

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Authors: Diobein C. Flores

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The populace in Municipality of Talaingod is composed of Ata-Manobo. The said lumads enrich their culture, orientation and self because the place is a hive of their tribe. In lieu, the study would analyze the participation of the Ata-Manobo in the making of school improvement plan (SIP). Thus, it recommends alternative policy options that would help strengthen their involvement. The school stakeholders-Ata Manobo representatives from students, parent-teacher association, alumni, basic sector, municipal/barangay government unit, civic/social organizations and other government various agencies are the key participants in this study. The research used descriptive design. The responses of the representatives were analyzed through the criteria involved in employing Rational Model. The technical dimension, administrative, political acceptability and economic are the criteria in revealing decision. The policy alternative option 3- recommends to formulate policy for the purpose of capacitating stakeholders or governing council members in the making of SIP was pointed out as the most preferred option. This could strengthen the participation among Ata-Manobo as stakeholders in planning. Hence, the formulation alternative policy- capacitating stakeholders in the crafting of school improvement plan is recommended. The suggested initiative would assist the Department of Education in forging consensus across neighborhoods during the making of SIP. The appropriation of the definite budget to be used during the conduct of capability building activities is also suggested. Training-workshops are identified as possible intervention to ensure that the stakeholders are equipped with necessary knowledge and skills needed in the making of SIP. Indeed, the equal opportunities for all stakeholders regardless of their life circumstances must be noted. With the belief, people must be empowered to take advantage and spearhead progress in the making of SIP.

Keywords: Ata-Manobo Tribe, stakeholders, school improvement plan, Municipality of Talaingod, Philippines

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Authors: Renz Paolo B. Ramos, Jake S. Espina

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The Local Government Academy of the Philippines explains that Local legislation is both a power and a process by which it enacts ordinances and resolutions that have the force and effect of law while engaging with a range of stakeholders for their implementation. Legislative effectiveness is crucial for the development of any given area. This study's objective is to evaluate the legislative performance of the 10th Sangguniang of Kawayan, a legislative body in a fifth-class municipality in the Province of Biliran, during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic (2019-2021) with a focus on legislation, accountability, and participation, institution-building, and intergovernmental relations. The aim of the study was that a mixed-methods strategy was used to gather data. The Local Legislative Performance Appraisal Form (LLPAF) was completed, while Focus Interviews for Local Government Unit (LGU) personnel, a survey questionnaire for constituents, and ethnographic diary-writing were conducted. Convenience Sampling was utilized for LGU workers, whereas Simple Random Sampling was used to identify the number of constituents participating. Interviews were analyzed using thematic analysis, while frequency data analysis was employed to describe and evaluate the nature and connection of the data to the underlying population. From this data, the researchers draw opportunities and challenges met by the local legislature during the height of the pandemic.

Keywords: local legislation, local governance, legislative effectiveness, legislative analysis

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Authors: Otu Otu Akanu

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The nexus between migration, national security, and human rights has become increasingly complex, particularly within Nigeria's geopolitical landscape. This study explores how Nigeria navigates the balance between safeguarding national security and upholding human rights amidst escalating regional crises, such as conflicts in the Lake Chad Basin and the Sahel. Through a comprehensive analysis of policy frameworks, security measures, and human rights protocols, this paper critically examines the challenges and opportunities in Nigeria's approach. The study employed a multidisciplinary methodology, integrating perspectives from International Relations, Human Security Studies, and Migration Law to provide a holistic understanding of the issue. Drawing on primary data from government reports, policy documents, and interviews with key stakeholders, alongside secondary literature, the study reveals a persistent tension between security imperatives and human rights obligations. While Nigeria has made strides in enhancing its security architecture, the findings highlight significant gaps in the protection of migrants' rights, often exacerbated by external pressures and domestic political dynamics. The paper argues that a recalibration of Nigeria's security and human rights policies is imperative for achieving sustainable peace and security in the region. By offering policy recommendations rooted in international best practices, this study contributes to the ongoing discourse on migration and security in West Africa and provides a framework for other nations grappling with similar challenges. This research underscores the need for an integrated approach that transcends traditional security paradigms, advocating a more inclusive and human-centered strategy in addressing the complexities of migration and national security.

Keywords: migration, national security, human rights, Nigeria, West Africa

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Authors: Akachi Odoemene

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Climate change and land grabbing are tightly interconnected in ways that are both diverse and complex. They have impacted each other in significant ways too. Both phenomena are not only a political reality, but have diverse dire implications, especially for food and livelihood security of vulnerable populations in developing economies. The critical nexus and interactions of climate change and land grabbing remain one of the challenges of sustainable development in modern times. The nuanced understanding of the nexus, importance and implications of climate change and land grabbing are the primary focus of this chapter. It begins with conceptual clarifications, particularly arguing that the absence of some important principles of engagement underline and define a land grab. It also analyses and notes a good number of contemporary land deals as 'one-sided', in which wealthy entities connive with local elites to exploit and disposes rural poor populations. The paper not only examines both global and local factors that drive land grabbing and, in some cases, their connections with the incidence of climate change, but also explores their crucial links with such sector as agriculture. It is argued and exhibited in the paper why certain societies are susceptible to the incidence of climate change and land grabbing, while the overall consequences of these phenomena on the affected societies are further interrogated. The paper concludes that the lack of political will by global political leaders to effectively combat and resolve critical issues associated with both climate change and land grabbing remains a daunting challenge. It notes that these phenomena – climate change and land grabbing – if not abated, will certainly become another set of global tragic episodes to be regretted in the future.

Keywords: climate change, land grabbing, global governance, developing economies

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Authors: Ada Yurman

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Social reactions to deviant groups with political goals follow two central patterns; one that associates personal characteristics with deviant behavior, and the other that claims that society is to be blamed for deviant behavior. The establishment usually tends towards the former notion and thus disclaims any responsibility for the distress of the underprivileged, while it is usually those who oppose government policies who believe that the fault lies with society. The purpose of the present research was to examine social reactions to the Wadi Salib riots that occurred in Haifa in 1959. These riots represented the first ethnic protest within Israeli society with its ideology of the ingathering of the exiles. The central question was whether this ideology contributed to the development of a different reaction when compared to reactions to similar events abroad. This question was examined by means of analyzing articles in the Israeli press of that period. The Israeli press representing the views of the establishment was at pains to point out that the rioters were criminals, their object being to obstruct the development of society. Opposition party leaders claimed that the rioters lived in poor circumstances, which constituted a direct result of government policies. An analysis of press reports on the Wadi Salib riots indicates a correspondence between the reaction to these events and similar events abroad. Nevertheless, the reaction to the Wadi Salib riots did not only express a conflict between different political camps, but also different symbolic universes. Each group exploited the events at Wadi Salib to prove that their ideology was the legitimate one.

Keywords: riots, media, political deviance, symbolic universe

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