Search results for: men’s rights

Authors: Edwina Owusu Panin

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Families may face significant obstacles as a result of single parenting and disabilities. The amenities and support those single parents need to give their children with disabilities the care they need are frequently out of their reach. These can include financial hardship, limited access to health and education, and social isolation. In addition, cultural attitudes toward disability can worsen these challenges, making it difficult for families to get the support and resources they need. Despite these challenges, many single parents have shown resilience and strength to overcome these difficulties and defend the rights of their children; some, too, have failed in taking care of their disabled children in Ghana. The study traces the developmental process of how single parents cope with disabled children. There is a discouraging fact that single father’s face a much more dreadful task in taking care of their disabled children in Ghana, which is later highlighted in the article. Additional research and support are needed to address the unique needs of families facing these challenges. This case study explores the experiences of single parents raising children with disabilities in Ghana. Using a qualitative approach, the study examines the challenges facing lone parents in caring for children, including access to healthcare, education and social support. In addition, the study examines the impact of cultural disability attitudes on the experiences of single parents and their children and what causes it in Ghana. Findings indicate that single parents in Ghana face significant challenges in accessing resources and support for their children and that cultural attitudes toward disability may aggravate these challenges. However, the study recommends the tenacity and strengths of how to create awareness, protect the welfare and also by encouraging single parents to face these challenges and protect the rights of their children, swaying away influences of bad cultural attitudes.

Keywords: disability, single parenting, case study, assessing

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Authors: Bruno Valverde Chahaira, Matheus Jeronimo Low Lopes, Marta Beatriz Tanaka Ferdinandi

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This paper proposes to dissect the meanings and / or directions of the State, in order, to present the State models to elaborate a conceptual framework about its function in the legal scope. To do so, it points out the possible contracts established between the State and the Society, since the general principles immanent in them can guide the models of society in force. From this orientation arise the contracts, whose purpose is by the effect to modify the status (the being and / or the opinion) of each of the subjects in presence - State and Society. In this logic, this paper announces the fiduciary contracts and “veredicção”(portuguese word) contracts, from the perspective of semiotics discourse (or greimasian). Therefore, studies focus on the issue of manifest language in unilateral and bilateral or reciprocal relations between the State and Society. Thus, under the biases of the model of the communicative situation and discourse, the guidelines of these contractual relations will be analyzed in order to see if there is a pragmatic sanction: positive when the contract is signed between the subjects (reward), or negative when the contract between they are broken (punishment). In this way, a third path emerges which, in this specific case, passes through the subject-third sector. In other words, the proposal, which is systemic in nature, is to analyze whether, since the contract of the welfare state is not carried out in the constitutional program on fundamental rights: education, health, housing, an others. Therefore, in the structure of the exchange demanded by the society according to its contractual obligations (others), the third way (Third Sector) advances in the empty space left by the State. In this line, it presents the modalities of action of the third sector in the social scope. Finally, the normative communication organization of these three subjects is sought in the pragmatic model of discourse, namely: State, Society and Third Sector, in an attempt to understand the constant dynamics in the Law and in the language of the relations established between them.

Keywords: access to justice, state, social rights, third sector

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: Chi Nguyen Thi Quynh, Steven Schilizzi, Atakelty Hailu, Sayed Iftekhar

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Territorial Use Rights for Fisheries (TURFs) have been emerged as a promising tool for fisheries conservation and management. However, illegal fishing has undermined the effectiveness of TURFs, profoundly degrading global fish stocks and marine ecosystems. Conservation and management of fisheries, therefore, largely depends on effectiveness of enforcing fishing regulations, which needs co-enforcement by fishers. However, fishers tend to resist monitoring participation, as their views towards monitoring scheme design has not been received adequate attention. Fishers’ acceptability of a monitoring scheme is likely to be achieved if there is a mechanism allowing fishers to engage in the early planning and design stages. This study carried out a choice experiment with 396 fishers in Vietnam to elicit fishers’ preferences for monitoring scheme and to estimate the relative importance that fishers place on the key design elements. Preference heterogeneity was investigated using a Scale-Adjusted Latent Class Model that accounts for both preference and scale variance. Welfare changes associated with the proposed monitoring schemes were also examined. It is found that there are five distinct preference classes, suggesting that there is no one-size-fits-all scheme well-suited to all fishers. Although fishers prefer to be compensated more for their participation, compensation is not a driving element affecting fishers’ choice. Most fishers place higher value on other elements, such as institutional arrangements and monitoring capacity. Fishers’ preferences are driven by their socio-demographic and psychological characteristics. Understanding of how changes in design elements’ levels affect the participation of fishers could provide policy makers with insights useful for monitoring scheme designs tailored to the needs of different fisher classes.

Keywords: Design of monitoring scheme, Enforcement, Heterogeneity, Illegal Fishing, Territorial Use Rights for Fisheries

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Authors: Romeu Bonk Mesquita

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Argentina is the South American number 1 country of destiny to intraregional migration flows. This research aims to shed light on the main trends of the Argentine immigrant policy from 2016 on, when Mauricio Marci was elected President, taking the approval of the current and fairly protective of human rights Ley de Migraciones (2003) as an analytical starting point. Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) serves as the theoretical background, highlighting decision-making processes and institutional designs that encourage or constraint political and social actors. The analysis goes through domestic and international levels, observing how immigration policy is formulated as a public policy and is simultaneously connected to Mercosur and other international organizations, such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Thus, the study revolves around the Direccion Nacional de Migraciones, which is the state agency in charge of executing the country’s immigrant policy, as to comprehend how its internal processes and the connections it has with both domestic and international institutions shape Argentina’s immigrant policy formulation and execution. Also, it aims to locate the migration agenda within the country’s contemporary social and political context. The methodology is qualitative, case-based and oriented by process-tracing techniques. Empirical evidence gathered includes official documents and data, media coverage and interviews to key-informants. Recent events, such as the Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 70/2017 issued by President Macri, and the return of discursive association between migration and criminality, indicate a trend of nationalization and securitization of the immigration policy in contemporary Argentina.

Keywords: Argentine foreign policy, human rights, immigrant policy, Mercosur

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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Authors: Yu-Yu Wang, Shih-Hua Hsieh, Ru-Shian Hsieh

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Wishes and choices being respected, and the right to be supported rather than coerced, have been internationally recognized as the human rights of persons with mental illness. In Taiwan, ‘coerced hospitalization’ has become difficult since the revision of the mental health legislation in 2007. Despite trend towards human rights, the real problem families face when their family members are in mental health crisis is the lack of alternative services. This study aims to explore: 1) When is hospitalization seen as the only solution by family members? 2) What are the barriers for arranging hospitalization, and how are they managed? 3) What have family carers learned, in their experiences of caring for their family members with mental illness? To answer these questions, qualitative approach was adopted, and focus group interviews were taken to collect data. This study includes 24 family carers. The main findings of this research include: First, hospital is the last resort for carers in helplessness. Family carers tend to do everything they could to provide care at home for their family members with mental illness. Carers seek hospitalization only when a patient’s behavior is too violent, weird, and/or abnormal, and beyond their ability to manage. Hospitalization, nevertheless, is never an easy choice. Obstacles emanate from the attitudes of the medical doctors, the restricted areas of ambulance service, and insufficient information from the carers’ part. On the other hand, with some professionals’ proactive assistance, access to medical care while in crisis becomes possible. Some family carers obtained help from the medical doctor, nurse, therapist and social workers. Some experienced good help from policemen, taxi drivers, and security guards at the hospital. The difficulty in accessing medical care prompts carers to work harder on assisting their family members with mental illness to stay in stable states. Carers found different ways of helping the ‘person’ to get along with the ‘illness’ and have better quality of life. Taking back ‘the right to control’ in utilizing medication, from passiveness to negotiating with medical doctors and seeking alternative therapies, are seen in many carers’ efforts. Besides, trying to maintain regular activities in daily life and play normal family roles are also experienced as important. Furthermore, talking with the patient as a person is also important. The authors conclude that in order to protect the human rights of persons with mental illness, it is crucial to make the medical care system more flexible and to make the services more humane: sufficient information should be provided and communicated, and efforts should be made to maintain the person’s social roles and to support the family.

Keywords: family carers, independent living, mental health crisis, persons with mental illness

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Authors: Yurlov Sergey

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The author examines modern problems of Russian sport legislation and whether it need to be changed in order to allow all sportsmen to participate, train and have another sportsmen’s rights as Russian law mandates. The article provides an overview of Russian sport legislation problems, provides examples of foreign countries. In addition, the author suggests solutions for existing legal problems.

Keywords: amendment, legal problem, right, sport

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Authors: Vladimir Sharapaev

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This paper seeks to address the question of the authorship of copyrighted works created solely by the artificial intelligence or with the use thereof, and proposes possible interpretational or legislative solutions to the problems arising from the plurality of the persons potentially involved in the ultimate creation of the work and division of tasks among such persons. Being based on the commonly accepted assumption that a copyrighted work can only be created by a natural person, the paper does not deal with the issues regarding the creativity of the artificial intelligence per se (or the lack thereof), and instead focuses on the distribution of the intellectual property rights potentially belonging to the creators of the artificial intelligence and/or the creators of the content used for the formation of the copyrighted work. Moreover, the technical development and rapid improvement of the AI-based programmes, which tend to be reaching even greater independence on a human being, give rise to the question whether the initial creators of the artificial intelligence can be entitled to the intellectual property rights to the works created by such AI at all. As the juridical practice of some European courts and legal doctrine tends to incline to the latter opinion, indicating that the works created by the AI may not at all enjoy copyright protection, the questions of authorships appear to be causing great concerns among the investors in the development of the relevant technology. Although the technology companies dispose with further instruments of protection of their investments, the risk of the works in question not being copyrighted caused by the inconsistency of the case law and a certain research gap constitutes a highly important issue. In order to assess the possible interpretations, the author adopted a doctrinal and analytical approach to the research, systematically analysing the European and Czech copyright laws and case law in some EU jurisdictions. This study aims to contribute to greater legal certainty regarding the issues of the authorship of the AI-created works and define possible clues for further research.

Keywords: artificial intelligence, copyright, authorship, copyrighted work, intellectual property

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Authors: Karun Karki

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The Lhotshampa are Bhutanese people of Nepali origin who have been in Bhutan since the early 1600s. A significant number of these people migrated to Bhutan in the nineteenth century. The 1958 Nationality Law of Bhutan granted citizenship to many Lhotshampa people; however, in the late 1970s, the government of Bhutan introduced a series of laws and policies intended for the socio-political and cultural exclusion of the Lhotshampa due to their ancestry. These exclusionary policies and ethnic and racial injustices not only removed the rights and citizenship of the Lhotshampa but also forcibly displaced thousands of families with no choice but to seek refuge in Nepal. In this context, racism becomes a biopolitical tool designed to govern and regulate populations in a way that determines who may live and who must die. The governance and the management of the population, what Stephan Scheel terms as biopolitical bordering, depends on boundaries between residents and non-residents, citizens and non-citizens, and emigrants and immigrants. Drawing on Foucault’s biopolitics and Mbembe’s necropolitics, this paper argues that the concept of racism should be examined within the context of political discourses because it is intertwined with the colonial project, enslavement, and diaspora. This paper critically explores ethnic and racial injustices the Lhotshampa people experienced and the ways in which they negotiated and resisted such injustices in their resettlement processes, including before displacement, in refugee camps, and after the third-country resettlement. Critical examination of these issues helps shed light on the notion of racial difference that justifies dehumanization, discrimination, and racist attitudes against the Lhotshampa people. The study's findings are critical in promoting human rights, social justice, and the health and well-being of the Lhotshampa community in the context of trauma and stressors in their resettlement processes.

Keywords: lhotshampa people, bhutanese refugees, racism, dehumanization, social justice, biopower, necropower

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Authors: Xiaoqing Wang, Jianjian Zong, Li Li, Yanxing Zheng, Jinrong Tong, Mao Zhan

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With the rapid development of network and communication technology, a great deal of data has been generated in different domains of a network. These data show a trend of increasing scale and more complex structure. Therefore, an effective and flexible cross-domain data-sharing system is needed. The Cross-domain Data Sharing System(CDSS) in a net-centric environment is composed of three sub-systems. The data distribution sub-system provides data exchange service through publish-subscribe technology that supports asynchronism and multi-to-multi communication, which adapts to the needs of the dynamic and large-scale distributed computing environment. The access control sub-system adopts Attribute-Based Access Control(ABAC) technology to uniformly model various data attributes such as subject, object, permission and environment, which effectively monitors the activities of users accessing resources and ensures that legitimate users get effective access control rights within a legal time. The cross-domain access security negotiation subsystem automatically determines the access rights between different security domains in the process of interactive disclosure of digital certificates and access control policies through trust policy management and negotiation algorithms, which provides an effective means for cross-domain trust relationship establishment and access control in a distributed environment. The CDSS’s asynchronous,multi-to-multi and loosely-coupled communication features can adapt well to data exchange and sharing in dynamic, distributed and large-scale network environments. Next, we will give CDSS new features to support the mobile computing environment.

Keywords: data sharing, cross-domain, data exchange, publish-subscribe

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Authors: Uzma Imtiaz

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Ecological feminism adheres to the basic philosophy that patriarchy is the wellspring of natural and gender domination. It explores the relationship between women and nature in a patriarchal society. Eco-feminism argues that women and nature have an intrinsic association and exploitation of women is the exploitation of nature itself. It further views the world as a holistic institution that offers equal opportunities for men and women. Eco-feminism rejects male domination in a patriarchal society where men and women do not get equal rights to survival. Furthermore, it investigates modern capitalist practices that exert unjust male dominance over nature and women. Cultural eco-feminist theorists argue that industrialization and modern science are male-centered and exhibit male chauvinistic views in attempts to control females’ ability to reproduce. This research intends to analyze an eco-feminist novel by Laila Halaby from the eco-feminism theoretical framework of Maria Mies and Vandana Shiva. The feminist dystopian novel throws light on the double-faced processes of capitalism and housewifization that destroy the autonomy of women over their bodies and life. Moreover, this study aims to highlight the unjust capitalistic processes and policies that turn other countries and women into colonies to exploit them by white men in the name of progress and civilization. The novel brings the patriarchal ways of dominance over women into question. This research paper concludes that women and men should get equal opportunities to survive in society, and women should have given rights over their bodies to decide their future. The research is qualitative in nature, so the method of close reading is selected to analyze the hypodermic effect of patriarchy in society. This study is valuable in highlighting the exploitative ways of men to subjugate women and nature and helps to give awareness to women against gender exploitation in society.

Keywords: housewifization, exploitation, capitalist patriarchy, female victimization

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Authors: Susan Lanz, Gary T. Burke, Omid Omidvar

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The intention to transfer ownership control across family generations is acknowledged to be central to developing a theoretical understanding of how family businesses differ and are distinct as a business group. However, in practice, most business-owning families face challenges to transfer their business ownership from one family generation to the next. To date, researchers have paid little attention to how and when ownership is passed across family generations and what the dynamics of such transitions are. This is primarily due to the prevailing assumption that ownership transfer is an unimportant and legalistic issue that occurs within a wider family management succession process. Yet, the limited evidence available suggests that family ownership transfer occurs inside and outside of the management succession process and is a difficult process for business-owning families to navigate. As a result, many otherwise viable family businesses are closing, leading to unnecessary loss of jobs and knowledge. This qualitative paper examines how family members understand and navigate the ownership transfer process. This study uses an inductive qualitative research design, conducted through in-depth interviews within eight business-owning families. It draws on family development theory and shows how a wide range of family-related events and dynamics outside of family business involvement underlie and shape the ownership transfer process. The findings extend the theory on how these events trigger ownership transfer and how they shape the ownership meanings held within business-owning families. This study found that ownership transfer meanings extend beyond that of transferring the legal control and financial appropriation rights of shareholders. The study concludes there are three different stages in the process of ownership transfer -symbolic, re-balancing, and protectionist. Each stage creates distinct family social constructions of the rights of family members to hold business ownership, and each stage occurs within a specific family development phase.

Keywords: business-owning family, family development theory, ownership transfer, process

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Authors: Tinnaphop Sinsomboonthong

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The hashtag, #LoveWins, has been widely used for celebrating the victory of the LGBTQ movement since June 2015 when the US Supreme Court enacted the rights of same-sex marriage. Nowadays, the hashtag is generally used among active social media users in many countries, including Thailand. Amidst the political conflict between advocates of the junta-backed legislation related to same-sex marriage laws, known as ‘Thailand’s Civil Partnership Draft Bills,’ and its detractors, the hashtag becomes crucial for Thailand’s 2019 national election season and shortly afterward as it was one of the most crucial parts of a political campaign to rebrand many political parties’ image, create an LGBT-friendly atmosphere and neutralize the bi-polarized politics of the law. The use of the hashtag is, therefore, not just an online entertainment but a politico-discursive tool, used by many actors for many purposes. Behind the confrontation between supporters and opposers of the law, the hashtag is used by both sides to highlight the Western-centric normativity of homosexual love, closely associated with Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity. As an online ethnographical study, this paper aims to analyze how #LoveWins is used among Thai social media users in late 2018 to mid-2019 and how it is signified by Thai social media users during the Drafted-Bills period and the 2019 national election. A number of preliminary surveys of data on Twitter were conducted in December 2018 and, more intensely, in January 2019. Later, the data survey was officially conducted twice during February and April 2019, while the data collection was done during May-June 2019. Only public posts on Twitter that include the hashtag, #LoveWins, or any hashtags quoting ‘love’ and ‘wins’ are the main targets of this research. As a result of this, the use of the hashtag can be categorized into three levels, including banal decoration, homosexual love celebration, and colonial discourse on homosexual love. Particularly in the third type of the use of the hashtag, discourse analysis is applied to reveal that this hashtag is closely associated with the discourse of development and modernity as most of the descriptive posts demonstrate aspirations to become more ‘developed and modernized’ like many Western countries and Taiwan, the LGBT capital in Asia. Thus, calls for the ‘right to homosexual love’ and the ‘right to same-sex marriage’ in Thailand are shaped and formulated within the discursive linkage between modernity, development, and love. Also, the use of #LoveWins can be considered as a de-queering process of love as only particular types of gender identity, sexual orientation, and relationships that reflect Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity are acceptable and advocated. Due to this, more inclusive queer loves should be supported rather than a mere essentialist-traditionalist homosexual love. Homonormativity must be deconstructed, and love must no longer be reserved for only one particular type of relationship that is standardized from/by the West. It must become more inclusive.

Keywords: #LoveWins, homosexual love, LGBT rights, same-sex marriage

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Authors: Sisaye Tamrat Ayalew

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In Ethiopia, the relationships between different communities have been characterized by mistrust, prejudice, and conflict, resulting in mass killings, displacement, and human rights violations. These relationships are mainly based on ethnic, religious, and linguistic lines, leading to a polarized society. The aim of this study is to appraise the nature of two major community relationships, namely the I-Thou relationship, characterized by genuine dialogue and mutual understanding, and the I-It relationship, characterized by a monologue and mutual suspicion. The study also aims to analyze how these two types of relationships contribute to either resolving or aggravating conflicts and building or deteriorating peace in Ethiopia. The study adopts a qualitative approach, specifically hermeneutics, to explore the nature of the I-Thou and I-It relationships in the Ethiopian context. It also examines how political elites shape these relationships within the community. The study finds that the dominant relationship in Ethiopian society is the I-It relationship, which is manifested as "com-animation." This relationship is characterized by mutual mistrust, prejudice, hostility, and misunderstanding. As a result, conflicts have arisen, leading to violence, displacement, and human rights violations. The study concludes that there is a need to shift from the I-It (com-animation) relationship to the I-Thou (communication) relationship in Ethiopian society. This shift would involve rethinking and readjusting societal relationships, especially among political elites, to foster genuine dialogue, mutual understanding, and lasting peace. It is imperative to overcome mutual mistrust, prejudice, and misunderstanding in order to resolve conflicts and build a harmonious society in Ethiopia. The study's findings and recommendations contribute to raising awareness among both Ethiopians and the international community on the potential for conflict resolution and peacebuilding through a shift in community relationships.

Keywords: dialogue, I-Thou relationship, I-It relationship, conflict resolution, building peace

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Authors: Milagros S. Salibad, Levita B. Grana

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The presence and role of Indigenous Peoples (IPs) residing in key biodiversity, protected, and watershed areas within the ancestral domain in the Caraga region, Mindanao, Philippines, hold immense significance. Recognizing their importance and rights, this study aimed to determine the level of biodiversity conservation practices and extent of environmental stewardship among the Mamanwas, Manobos, and Higaonons, assess potential differences in these practices, and identify factors that facilitate or hinder them. Employing an explanatory sequential mixed-method research design, 421 respondents participated through a researcher-made questionnaire. Additional data were collected through focus group discussions, key informant interviews, researcher field notes, community immersions, and secondary sources. The results revealed a high level of biodiversity conservation practices across the three IP groups, with variations influenced by their cultural and traditional practices, awareness, and access to resources and information. Each group exhibited unique environmental practices shaped by their distinct cultures, traditions, and customary knowledge. They have a strong sense of ownership and responsibility towards their ancestral lands and territories and adopt traditional knowledge and practices that promote sustainable resource management and biodiversity conservation. These practices align with the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA), also known as Republic Act No. 8371. Various facilitating and hindering factors influenced their conservation efforts. To uphold the region's biodiversity resources, it is recommended that government agencies continue to evaluate and monitor the sustainability of IPs' local biodiversity conservation practices. Additionally, efforts should be made to involve IP communities as essential contributors and stakeholders in these conservation endeavors.

Keywords: biodiversity, conservation, indigenous peoples, traditional knowledge, environmental stewardship

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Authors: Tara Panday, Despina Learmonth

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Sex work is often constructed as being an interaction between male clients and female sex workers. As a result, street-based male sex workers are continuously overlooked in the South African literature. This qualitative study explored male sex workers’ subjective experiences and constructions of their male clients’ identities and the client-sex worker relationship. This research was conducted from a social-constructionist perspective, which allowed for a deeper understanding of the reasons and context driving the choices and actions of male sex workers. Semi-structured face-to-face interviews were conducted with 10 South African men working as sex workers in Cape Town. Data was analysed through thematic analysis. The findings of the study construct the client-sex worker relationship in terms of a professional relationship, constrained choice, sexual identity and need, as well as companionship for pay, potentially highlighting underlying reasons for supply and demand. The data which emerged around the client-sex worker relationship and the clients’ identities also served to illuminate the power-dynamics in the client-sex worker relationship. This data increases insight into the exploitation and disempowerment experienced by male sex workers through verbal abuse, physical and sexual violence, and unfairly enforced laws and regulations. The findings of this study suggest that, in the context of South Africa, male sex workers' experiences of the client-sex worker relationship cannot be completely understood without considering the intersectionality of the triple stigmatisation of: the criminality of sex work, race, and the lack of economic power, which systematically maintains marginalization. Motivating for the Law Reform Commission to continue to review all emerging research may assist with guiding related policy and thereby, the provision of equal human rights and adequate health and social interventions for all sex workers in South Africa.

Keywords: human rights, prostitution, power relations, sex work

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Authors: Francesca Nardi, Kashish Aneja, Katherine Ginsbach

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The COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated both a need for evidence-based and rights-based public health policy and how challenging it can be to make effective decisions with limited information, evidence, and data. The O’Neill Institute, in conjunction with several partners, has been working since the beginning of the pandemic to collect, analyze, and distribute critical data on public health policies enacted in response to COVID-19 around the world in the COVID-19 Law Lab. Well-designed laws and policies can help build strong health systems, implement necessary measures to combat viral transmission, enforce actions that promote public health and safety for everyone, and on the individual level have a direct impact on health outcomes. Poorly designed laws and policies, on the other hand, can fail to achieve the intended results and/or obstruct the realization of fundamental human rights, further disease spread, or cause unintended collateral harms. When done properly, laws can provide the foundation that brings clarity to complexity, embrace nuance, and identifies gaps of uncertainty. However, laws can also shape the societal factors that make disease possible. Law is inseparable from the rest of society, and COVID-19 has exposed just how much laws and policies intersects all facets of society. In the COVID-19 context, evidence-based and well-informed law and policy decisions—made at the right time and in the right place—can and have meant the difference between life or death for many. Having a solid evidentiary base of legal information can promote the understanding of what works well and where, and it can drive resources and action to where they are needed most. We know that legal mechanisms can enable nations to reduce inequities and prepare for emerging threats, like novel pathogens that result in deadly disease outbreaks or antibiotic resistance. The collection and analysis of data on these legal mechanisms is a critical step towards ensuring that legal interventions and legal landscapes are effectively incorporated into more traditional kinds of health science data analyses. The COVID-19 Law Labs see a unique opportunity to collect and analyze this kind of non-traditional data to inform policy using laws and policies from across the globe and across diseases. This global view is critical to assessing the efficacy of policies in a wide range of cultural, economic, and demographic circumstances. The COVID-19 Law Lab is not just a collection of legal texts relating to COVID-19; it is a dataset of concise and actionable legal information that can be used by health researchers, social scientists, academics, human rights advocates, law and policymakers, government decision-makers, and others for cross-disciplinary quantitative and qualitative analysis to identify best practices from this outbreak, and previous ones, to be better prepared for potential future public health events.

Keywords: public health law, surveillance, policy, legal, data

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Authors: Teklu Urgessa, Joong Seek Lee

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Social media is becoming the primary choice of activists to make their voices heard. This fact is coupled by two main reasons. The first reason is the emergence web 2.0, which gave the users opportunity to become content creators than passive recipients. Secondly the control of the mainstream mass media outlets by the governments and individuals with their political and economic interests. This paper aimed at exploring twitter data of network actors talking about the marathon silver medalists on Rio2016, who showed solidarity with the Oromo protesters in Ethiopia on the marathon race finish line when he won silver. The aim is to discover important insight using social network analysis and mining. The hashtag #FeyisaLelisa was used for Twitter network search. The actors’ network was visualized and analyzed. It showed the central influencers during first 10 days in August, were international media outlets while it was changed to individual activist in September. The degree distribution of the network is scale free where the frequency of degrees decay by power low. Text mining was also used to arrive at meaningful themes from tweet corpus about the event selected for analysis. The semantic network indicated important clusters of concepts (15) that provided different insight regarding the why, who, where, how of the situation related to the event. The sentiments of the words in the tweets were also analyzed and indicated that 95% of the opinions in the tweets were either positive or neutral. Overall, the finding showed that Olympic stage protest of the marathoner brought the issue of Oromo protest to the global stage. The new research framework is proposed based for event-based social network analysis and mining based on the practical procedures followed in this research for event-based social media sense making.

Keywords: human rights, Olympics, social media, network analysis, social network ming

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Authors: Yiling Shao, Megan Dai

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This paper attempts to explore whether the cultural infrastructure supported by the Chinese government is still subject to a logic of “strict regulation”.Previous studies have pointed out that the "paternalism" tendency of China's cultural policy always leads to excessive government intervention in cultural development, while Chinese cultural practitioners can only seek cultural autonomy in the cracks of supervision. This can also explain why Chinese cultural policies sometimes have different effects than the official expectations.But this only reflects one aspect of China's cultural policy. In fact, the welfare cultural infrastructure funded by the government seems to highlight the principles of "safeguarding citizens' cultural rights" and "citizens' voluntary" rather than "indoctrination" and "enlightenment", What new features of China's cultural policy are reflected behind this policy orientation that is completely different from the logic of "regulation", which has also become an important issue in this paper. Based on the field survey of a cultural infrastructure (Gao ming District Cultural Center) in Gao ming District, Fo shan City, Guangdong Province, China, for nearly one year, the authors have obtained many text and picture materials.The paper discusses the dual role of cultural centers in China's cultural policy -both as a formal commitment by the state to protect citizens' basic cultural rights and as a social space for citizens to use preferential policies to obtain cultural capital. All in all, the author have conclued three operational logics of the cultural infrastructure currently supported by the Chinese government (at least in developed areas): first, the cultural center has become a versatile cultural space; second, grass-roots cultural cadres can be described as "policy entrepreneurs"; third, ordinary citizens will use the officially supported cultural infrastructure to increase cultural capital. This paper argues that, in comparison to the common “regulatory hand” in the field of cultural industries, in cultural infrastructure supported by state, the authorities and citizens are not in conflict. On the contrary, authorities must adopt a de-regulatory "pleasing" strategy to gain the support of citizens.

Keywords: cultural infrastructure, cultural capital, deregulation, policy entrepreneur

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Authors: Maria Elisabete da Costa Ferreira

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Violent crimes, such as terrorism, organized crime and homicides, are increasing all around the World. This fact calls for the necessity to reflect upon the effectiveness of the deterrence offered by the criminal sanctions set today. The severity of the penalties depends on the social, cultural and even religious background of the State in question. In some States, such as Portugal, the common citizen finds the sentences too soft on the perpetrator and too long to be obtained. On the other hand, in 2023, several States still apply the death penalty, among which the USA, China, and most Middle Eastern countries. As for life in prison without the possibility of parole, the number of countries accepting this possibility in their criminal law is much higher, including England and Wales, the Netherlands, Moldova, Bulgaria, Italy, Ukraine, Poland, Turkey, Russia, and Serbia. This research aims to demonstrate that both the death penalty and life in prison penalty violate the principles of human dignity and social rehabilitation of the perpetrator and propose alternative penalties that can effectively protect society from crime. The research utilizes three main methodologies: the historical method, the comparative method, and the critical method. The historical method is employed to investigate the evolution of criminal penalties over time. The comparative method is used to compare the practices of different states regarding the death penalty and life in prison penalty. Finally, the critical method is applied to analyze and evaluate the shortcomings of these penalties. From a theoretical point of view, there have been drawn several theories throughout the years to support the idea that perpetrators of crimes should be punished. Today, one of the most commonly accepted theories sustains that the penalty will only be legitimate when necessary to protect society from the perpetrator and to rehabilitate him into society. Foremost, the choice of the penalty and the form of its execution should be guided by the principle of human dignity. The death penalty and life in prison penalty fail to achieve the goal of rehabilitation and disregard the human dignity principle. The right to life is a fundamental right declared in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and stated in most Constitutions in the World. In conclusion, the research demonstrates that the death penalty and life in prison penalty are in violation of the principles of human dignity and social rehabilitation. These penalties fail to achieve their intended goals and disregard fundamental human rights. Although it may sound tempting to some States to rethink the current system of instated penalties to the admission of these penalties, it is imperative to take the inverse road because the protection of society must be achieved with respect to the perpetrator's fundamental rights, so, alternative penalties must be enforced. Society's belief in its citizen's ability to change must be reinforced, and, ultimately, the belief in Humankind. The findings of this research contribute to the discussion on the use of these penalties and aim to contribute to their decreasing usage in society.

Keywords: death penalty, life in prison penalty, human dignity, rehabilitation

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Authors: Kumudini Achchi

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India, being known for its rich cultural values has given a special place to women who are also been victims of humiliation, torture, and exploitation. The major share of Human Trafficking goes to sex trafficking which is recognised as world’s second most huge social evil. The original form of sex trafficking in India is prostitution with and without religious sanction. Today the situation of such women reached as an issue of human rights where they rights are denied severely. This situation demanded intervention to protect them from the exploitative situation. NGO are the proactive initiatives which offer support to the exploited women in sex trade. To understand the intervention programs of NGOs in South India, a study was conducted covering four states and a union territory considering 32 NGOs based on their preparedness to participate in the research study. Descriptive and diagnostic research design was adopted along with interview schedule as a tool for collecting data. The study reveals that these NGOs believes in the possibility of mainstreaming commercially sexually exploited women and found adopted seven different programs in the process such as rescue, rehabilitation, reintegration, prevention, developmental, advocacy and research. Each area involves different programs to reach and prepare the exploited women towards mainstreamed society which has been discussed in the paper. Implementation of these programs is not an easy task for the organizations rather they are facing hardships in the areas such as social, legal, financial, political which are hindering the successful operations. Rescue, advocacy, and research are the least adopted areas by the NGOs because of lack of support as well as knowledge in the area. Rehabilitation stands as the most adopted area in implementation. The paper further deals with the challenges in the implementation of the programs as well as the remedial measures in social work point of view having Indian cultural background.

Keywords: NGOs, commercially sexually exploited women, programmes, South India

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Authors: Ülle Parm, Kata Pedamäe, Jaak Jürimäe, Evelin Lätt, Aivar Orav, Anna-Liisa Tamm

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Vegetarianism has gained popularity across the world. It`s being chosen for multiple reasons, but among Estonians, these have remained unknown. Previously, attention to bone health and probable nutrient deficiency of vegetarians has been paid and in vegetarians lower body mass index (BMI) and blood cholesterol level has been found but the results are inconclusive. The goal was to explain reasons for choosing vegetarian diet in Estonia and impact of vegetarianism to body composition – BMI, fat percentage (fat%), fat mass (FM), and fat free mass (FFM). The study group comprised of 68 vegetarians and 103 omnivorous. The determining body composition with DXA (Hologic) was concluded in 2013. Body mass (medical electronic scale, A&D Instruments, Abingdon, UK) and height (Martin metal anthropometer to the nearest 0.1 cm) were measured and BMI calculated (kg/m2). General data (physical activity level included) was collected with questionnaires. The main reasons why vegetarianism was chosen were the healthiness of the vegetarian diet (59%) and the wish to fight for animal rights (72%) Food additives were consumed by less than half of vegetarians, more often by men. Vegetarians had lower BMI than omnivores, especially amongst men. Based on BMI classification, vegetarians were less obese than omnivores. However, there were no differences in the FM, FFM and fat percentage figures of the two groups. Higher BMI might be the cause of higher physical activity level among omnivores compared with vegetarians. For classifying people as underweight, normal weight, overweight and obese both BMI and fat% criteria were used. By BMI classification in comparison with fat%, more people in the normal weight group were considered; by using fat% in comparison with BMI classification, however, more people categorized as overweight. It can be concluded that the main reasons for vegetarianism chosen in Estonia are healthiness of the vegetarian diet and the wish to fight for animal rights and vegetarian diet has no effect on body fat percentage, FM and FFM.

Keywords: body composition, body fat percentage, body mass index, vegetarianism

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Authors: Mounir Azzam, Valerie Graw, Andreas Rienow

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The Syrian war, which commenced in 2011, has resulted in significant changes in the real estate market in the Damascus metropolitan area, with rising levels of insecurity and disputes over tenure rights. The quest for spatial justice is, therefore, imperative, and this study performs a spatiotemporal analysis to investigate the impact of the war on real estate differentiation. Using the hedonic price models including 2,411 housing transactions over the period 2010-2022, this study aims to understand the spatial dynamics of the real estate market in wartime. Our findings indicate that war variables have had a significant impact on the differentiation and depreciation of property prices. Notably, property attributes have a more substantial impact on real estate values than district location, with severely damaged buildings in Damascus city resulting in an 89% decline in prices, while prices in Rural Damascus districts have decreased by 50%. Additionally, this study examines the urban texture of Damascus using correlation and homogeneity statistics derived from the gray-level co-occurrence matrix obtained from Google Earth Engine. We monitored 250 samples from hedonic datasets within three different years of the Syrian war (2015, 2019, and 2022). Our findings show that correlation values were highly differentiated, particularly among Rural Damascus districts, with a total decline of 87.2%. While homogeneity values decreased overall between 2015 and 2019, they improved slightly after 2019. The findings have valuable implications, not only for investment prospects in setting up a successful reconstruction strategy but also for spatial justice of property rights in strongly encouraging sustainable real estate development.

Keywords: hedonic price, real estate differentiation, reconstruction strategy, spatial justice, urban texture analysis

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Authors: Ketevan Epadze

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The paper aims to examine conflicting historical narratives proposed by the Georgian and Abkhazian scholars on the territorial affiliation of Abkhazia in the 1950s, explain how these narratives were connected to the Soviet nationalities policy after WW II and demonstrate the dynamic of the narratives’ battle in the last years of the Soviet system, which was followed by military conflict in the post-Soviet era. Abkhazia –a breakaway region of Georgia- self-declared its independence in 1992. Historical dispute on the territorial rights of Abkhazia emerged long before the military conflict began and was connected to the theory of Abkhazian ethnogenesis written by the Georgian literary scholar Pavle Ingorokva. He argued that medieval Abkhazians were Georgians, while modern Abkhazians are newcomers in Abkhazia. After the de-Stalinization, Abkhazian historians developed historical narrative opposed to Ingorokva’s theory. In the 1980s, Georgian dissidents who strove for Georgia’s independence used Ingorokva’s thesis to oppose Abkhazians desire for self-determination and sovereignty. Abkhazian political actors in their turn employed opposite historical arguments to legitimate their rights over autonomy. Ingorokva’s theory is one of the principal issues, discussed during the Georgian-Abkhazian dialogue; it often confuses Georgians and gives the reasons to Abkhazians for complaining about the Georgian discrimination in the Soviet past. The study is based on the different kind of sources: archival materials of the 1950s (Communist Party Archive of Georgia, Soviet Journal ‘Mnatobi’), the book by Pavle Ingorokva ‘Giorgi Merchule’ (1947-1954) and Zurab Anchabadze’s responsive work to Ingorokva’s book – ‘From the medieval history of Abkhazia’ (1956-1959), political speeches of the Georgian and Abkhazian political actors in the 1980s, secondary sources on the Soviet nationalities policy from the 1950s to the 1990s.

Keywords: Soviet, history, ethnicity, nationalism, politics, post-Soviet, conflict

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Authors: Mirjana Dokmanovic

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The main topic of this paper is the analysis of the presence of gender stereotypes in the media content in the Republic of Serbia with respect to the state commitments to eliminate discrimination against women. The research methodology included the analysis of the media content of six daily newspapers and two magazines on the date of 28 December 2015 and the analysis of the reality TV show programs in 2015 from gender perspective. The methods of the research has also included a desk research and a qualitative analysis of the available data, statistics, policy papers, studies, and reports produced by the government, the Ministry of Culture and Information, the Regulatory Body for Electronic Media, the Press Council, the associations of media professionals, the independent human rights bodies, and civil society organizations (CSOs). As a State Signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the Republic of Serbia has adopted numerous measures in this field, including the Law on Equality between Sexes and the national gender equality strategies. Special attention has been paid to eliminating gender stereotypes and prejudices in the media content and portraying of women. This practice has been forbidden by the Law on Electronic Media, the Law on Public Information and Media, the Law on Public Service Broadcasting and the Bylaw on the Protection of Human Rights in the Provision of Media Services. Despite these commitments, there has not been achieved progress regarding eliminating gender stereotypes in the media content. The research indicates that the media perpetuate traditional gender roles and patriarchal patterns. Female politicians, entrepreneurs, academics, scientists, and engineers have been very rarely portrayed in the media. On the other side, women are in their focus as celebrities, singers, and actresses. Women are underrepresented in the pages related to politics and economy, while they are mostly present in the cover stories related to show-business, health care, family and household matters. Women are three times more than men identified on the basis of their family status, as mothers, wives, daughters, etc. Hate speech, misogyny, and violence against women are often present in the reality TV shows. The abuse of women and their bodies in advertising is still widely present. The cases of domestic violence are still presented with sensationalism, although there has been achieved progress in portraying victims of domestic violence with respect and dignity. The issues related to gender equality and the position of the vulnerable groups of women, such as Roma women or rural women, are not visible in the media. This research, as well as warnings of women’s CSOs and independent human rights bodies, indicates the necessity to implement legal and policy measures in this field consistently and with due diligence. The aim of the paper is to contribute eliminating gender stereotypes in the media content and advancing gender equality.

Keywords: discrimination against women, gender roles, gender stereotypes, media, misogyny, portraying women in the media, prejudices against women, Republic of Serbia

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Authors: Asmita A. Vaidya, Shahista S. Inamdar

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Society is dynamic, in this changing and development processes, Indian Muslim women where no exception to this social change. Islam has elevated her status from being chattels/commodity to individual human being having separate legal personality and equal to that of men but in India, even two women are not equal in availing their matrimonial rights and remedies, separate personal laws are applicable to them and thus gender justice is a fragile myth.

Keywords: Muslim women, gender justice, polygamy, Islamic jurisprudence, equality

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Authors: Lizelle Ramaccio Calvino

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Article 3 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Child states that 'The best interests of the child must be a top priority in all decisions and actions that affect children.' This stance is also echoed in terms of article 20 of the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. South Africa, as a signatory of the aforesaid international and national conventions, constitutionalised the best interest of the child in terms of section 28(2) of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Section 28(2) provides that '[A] child’s best interests are of paramount importance in every matter concerning the child.' The application of 'the best interests of the child' principle is consequently applicable in all fields of South African law, including matrimonial law. Two separate but equal Acts regulate civil marriages in South Africa, namely the Marriage Act 25 of 1961 and the Civil Union Act 17 of 2006. Customary marriages are regulated by the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998. In terms of the Marriage Act and the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act, a minor may (provided he/she obtains the required consent) enter into a marriage. Despite the aforesaid, section 1 of the Civil Union Act categorically prohibits a minor from entering into a civil union. The article will first determine whether the ban of minors from entering into a civil union undermines the 'the best interests of the child' principle, and if so, whether it is in violation of the Constitution as well as international and national conventions. In addition, the article will critically analyse whether the application of the Marriage Act and the Civil Union Act (dual Acts) result in disparity within the South African marriage law framework, and if so, whether such discrepancy violates same-sex couples’ right (in particular a same-sex minor) to equality before the law and to have their dignity protected. The article intends, through the application of a qualitative research methodology and by way of a comparative analyses of international and domestic laws, consider whether a single well-defined structure such as the Dutch marriage law system would not be an improved alternative to address the existing paradox resulting from the application of an Act that undermines 'the best interest of the child' principle. Ultimately the article proposes recommendations for matrimonial law reform.

Keywords: best interests of the child, civil marriage, civil union, minor

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Authors: Tamir Michal

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The subject of Bedouin dispersion has accompanied the State of Israel from the day of its establishment. From a legal point of view, this subject has offered a launchpad for creative judicial decisions. Thus, for example, the first court decision in Israel to recognize affirmative action (Avitan), dealt with a petition submitted by a Jew appealing the refusal of the State to recognize the Petitioner’s entitlement to the long-term lease of a plot designated for Bedouins. The Supreme Court dismissed the petition, holding that there existed a public interest in assisting Bedouin to establish permanent urban settlements, an interest which justifies giving them preference by selling them plots at subsidized prices. In another case (The Forum for Coexistence in the Negev) the Supreme Court extended equitable relief for the purpose of constructing a bridge, even though the construction infringed the Law, in order to allow the children of dispersed Bedouin to reach school. Against this background, the recent verdict, delivered during the Protective Edge military campaign, which dismissed a petition aimed at forcing the State to spread out Protective Structures in Bedouin villages in the Negev against the risk of being hit from missiles launched from Gaza (Abu Afash) is disappointing. Even if, in arguendo, no selective discrimination was involved in the State’s decision not to provide such protection, the decision, and its affirmation by the Court, is problematic when examined through the prism of the Theory of Recognition. The article analyses the issue by tools of theory of Recognition, according to which people develop their identities through mutual relations of recognition in different fields. In the social context, the path to recognition is cognitive respect, which is provided by means of legal rights. By seeing other participants in Society as bearers of rights and obligations, the individual develops an understanding of his legal condition as reflected in the attitude to others. Consequently, even if the Court’s decision may be justified on strict legal grounds, the fact that Jewish settlements were protected during the military operation, whereas Bedouin villages were not, is a setback in the struggle to make the Bedouin citizens with equal rights in Israeli society. As the Court held, ‘Beyond their protective function, the Migunit [Protective Structures] may make a moral and psychological contribution that should not be undervalued’. This contribution is one that the Bedouin did not receive in the Abu Afash verdict. The basic thesis is that the Court’s verdict analyzed above clearly demonstrates that the reliance on classical liberal instruments (e.g., equality) cannot secure full appreciation of all aspects of Bedouin life, and hence it can in fact prejudice them. Therefore, elements of the recognition theory should be added, in order to find the channel for cognitive dignity, thereby advancing the Bedouins’ ability to perceive themselves as equal human beings in the Israeli society.

Keywords: bedouin dispersion, cognitive respect, recognition theory, sustainable development

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Authors: Nisha James, Shubha Ranganathan

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Sex trafficking is a type of human trafficking involving prostitution of individuals for sexual exploitation. The stigma and social isolation they face in the society often makes it difficult for them to become rehabilitated from trafficking, due to which many of them continue in prostitution for years after being sex trafficked. Victims are subjected to violations of their fundamental human rights, deprived of basic medical facilities and undergo long-term abuse. This paper focuses on the role of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the rescue and rehabilitation of victims of sex trafficking. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 26 survivors of sex trafficking, five sex workers and 14 non-community staff members of a project running NGO in the city of Chennai in South India. Chennai has a number of NGOs that are involved in HIV/AIDS awareness and prevention programs. In many cases, rehabilitation of sex trafficking victims is also a mandate of these NGOs. This particular NGO was also involved in development activities towards the eradication of HIV/AIDS. For instance, they were engaged in inculcating safe sex practices among high-risk groups such as sex workers or in fighting for sex worker rights. The study found that the NGO’s role in combatting sex trafficking is overrun by the way it approaches these issue related to HIV/AIDS. Further, their activities are dependent solely on funding. Given that gradually, international funding for HIV/AIDS has slowly been withdrawn, there have been problems such as reduction in the salary of the project staff, the outreach workers and peer educators, many of whom were survivors of sex trafficking who have been able to survive on their wages instead of continuing in prostitution. Therefore, till date, the project funding has helped in making them aware of the health and social consequences of continuing in prostitution, and in supporting them socioeconomically, but the lack of funding may also lead the NGO workers into a state of unemployment, poverty and eventually into being re-trafficked. The study concludes by pointing to the need for disengaging anti-trafficking efforts from the HIV/AIDS related programs.

Keywords: non-governmental organization role, non-governmental organization staff, sex trafficking survivors, sex workers

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