Search results for: Marshall court

Authors: Eugene C. Lim

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This paper seeks to examine the extent to which ‘forum shopping’ is available to patent filers seeking protection of GMO (genetically modified organisms)-based inventions in Hong Kong. Under Hong Kong’s current re-registration system for standard patents, an inventor must first seek patent protection from one of three Designated Patent Offices (DPO) – those of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Europe Union (EU) (designating the UK), or the United Kingdom (UK). The ‘designated patent’ can then be re-registered by the successful patentee in Hong Kong. Interestingly, however, the EU and the PRC do not adopt a harmonized approach toward the patenting of GMOs, and there are discrepancies in their interpretation of the phrase ‘animal or plant variety’. In view of these divergences, the ability to effectively manage ‘conflict of law’ issues is an important priority for multinational biotechnology firms with a patent portfolio in the Greater China region. Generally speaking, both the EU and the PRC exclude ‘animal and plant varieties’ from the scope of patentable subject matter. However, in the EU, Article 4(2) of the Biotechnology Directive allows a genetically modified plant or animal to be patented if its ‘technical feasibility is not limited to a specific variety’. This principle has allowed for certain ‘transgenic’ mammals, such as the ‘Harvard Oncomouse’, to be the subject of a successful patent grant in the EU. There is no corresponding provision on ‘technical feasibility’ in the patent legislation of the PRC. Although the PRC has a sui generis system for protecting plant varieties, its patent legislation allows the patenting of non-biological methods for producing transgenic organisms, not the ‘organisms’ themselves. This might lead to a situation where an inventor can obtain patent protection in Hong Kong over transgenic life forms through the re-registration of a patent from a more ‘biotech-friendly’ DPO, even though the subject matter in question might not be patentable per se in the PRC. Through a comparative doctrinal analysis of legislative provisions, cases and court interpretations, this paper argues that differences in the protection afforded to GMOs do not generally prejudice the ability of global MNCs to obtain patent protection in Hong Kong. Corporations which are able to first obtain patents for GMO-based inventions in Europe can generally use their European patent as the basis for re-registration in Hong Kong, even if such protection might not be available in the PRC itself. However, the more restrictive approach to GMO-based patents adopted in the PRC would be more acutely felt by enterprises and inventors based in mainland China. The broader scope of protection offered to GMO-based patents in Europe might not be available in Hong Kong to mainland Chinese patentees under the current re-registration model for standard patents, unless they have the resources to apply for patent protection as well from another (European) DPO as the basis for re-registration.

Keywords: biotechnology, forum shopping, genetically modified organisms (GMOs), greater China region, patent portfolio

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: Dana Pugach, Michal Tamir

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Most criminal cases end with a plea agreement, an issue whose many aspects have been discussed extensively in legal literature. One important feature, however, has gained little notice, and that is crime victims’ place in plea agreements following the federal Crime Victims Rights Act of 2004. This law has provided victims some meaningful and potentially revolutionary rights, including the right to be heard in the proceeding and a right to appeal against a decision made while ignoring the victim’s rights. While victims’ rights literature has always emphasized the importance of such right, references to this provision in the general literature about plea agreements are sparse, if existing at all. Furthermore, there are a few cases only mentioning this right. This article purports to bridge between these two bodies of legal thinking – the vast literature concerning plea agreements and victims’ rights research– by using behavioral economics. The article will, firstly, trace the possible structural reasons for the failure of this right to be materialized. Relevant incentives of all actors involved will be identified as well as their inherent consequential processes that lead to the victims’ rights malfunction. Secondly, the article will use nudge theory in order to suggest solutions that will enhance incentives for the repeat players in the system (prosecution, judges, defense attorneys) and lead to the strengthening of weaker group’s interests – the crime victims. Behavioral psychology literature recognizes that the framework in which an individual confronts a decision can significantly influence his decision. Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein developed the idea of ‘choice architecture’ - ‘the context in which people make decisions’ - which can be manipulated to make particular decisions more likely. Choice architectures can be changed by adjusting ‘nudges,’ influential factors that help shape human behavior, without negating their free choice. The nudges require decision makers to make choices instead of providing a familiar default option. In accordance with this theory, we suggest a rule, whereby a judge should inquire the victim’s view prior to accepting the plea. This suggestion leaves the judge’s discretion intact; while at the same time nudges her not to go directly to the default decision, i.e. automatically accepting the plea. Creating nudges that force actors to make choices is particularly significant when an actor intends to deviate from routine behaviors but experiences significant time constraints, as in the case of judges and plea bargains. The article finally recognizes some far reaching possible results of the suggestion. These include meaningful changes to the earlier stages of criminal process even before reaching court, in line with the current criticism of the plea agreements machinery.

Keywords: plea agreements, victims' rights, nudge theory, criminal justice

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Authors: Brad Fox

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Between something and nothing, a bit of both, neither/nor, a figment of the imagination, the womb of the universe - questions of what matter is, where it exists and what it means continue to surge up from the bottom of our concepts and theories. This paper looks at divergences and convergences, intimations and mistranslations, in a lineage of thought that begins with Plato’s Timaeus, travels through Arabic Spain and Syria, finally to end up in the language of science. Up to the 13th century, philosophers in Christian France based such inquiries on a questionable and fragmented translation of the Timaeus by Calcidius, with a commentary that conflated the Platonic concept of khora (‘space’ or ‘void’) with Aristotle’s hyle (‘primal matter’ as derived from ‘wood’ as a building material). Both terms were translated by Calcidius as silva. For 700 years, this was the only source for philosophers of matter in the Latin-speaking world. Bernard Silvestris, in his Cosmographia, exemplifies the concepts developed before new translations from Arabic began to pour into the Latin world from such centers as the court of Toledo. Unlike their counterparts across the Pyrenees, 13th century philosophers in Muslim Spain had access to a broad vocabulary for notions of primal matter. The prolific and visionary theologian, philosopher, and poet Muhyiddin Ibn Arabi could draw on the Ikhwan Al-Safa’s 10th Century renderings of Aristotle, which translated the Greek hyle as the everyday Arabic word maddah, still used for building materials today. He also often used the simple transliteration of hyle as hayula, probably taken from Ibn Sina. The prophet’s son-in-law Ali talked of dust in the air, invisible until it is struck by sunlight. Ibn Arabi adopted this dust - haba - as an expression for an original metaphysical substance, nonexistent but susceptible to manifesting forms. Ibn Arabi compares the dust to a phoenix, because we have heard about it and can conceive of it, but it has no existence unto itself and can be described only in similes. Elsewhere he refers to it as quwwa wa salahiyya - pure potentiality and readiness. The final portion of the paper will compare Bernard and Ibn Arabi’s notions of matter to the recent ontology developed by theoretical physicist and philosopher Karen Barad. Looking at Barad’s work with the work of Nils Bohr, it will argue that there is a rich resonance between Ibn Arabi’s paradoxical conceptions of matter and the quantum vacuum fluctuations verified by recent lab experiments. The inseparability of matter and meaning in Barad recall Ibn Arabi’s original response to Ibn Rushd’s question: Does revelation offer the same knowledge as rationality? ‘Yes and No,’ Ibn Arabi said, ‘and between the yes and no spirit is divided from matter and heads are separated from bodies.’ Ibn Arabi’s double affirmation continues to offer insight into our relationship to momentary experience at its most fundamental level.

Keywords: Karen Barad, Muhyiddin Ibn Arabi, primal matter, Bernard Silvestris

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Authors: Tinnaphop Sinsomboonthong

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The hashtag, #LoveWins, has been widely used for celebrating the victory of the LGBTQ movement since June 2015 when the US Supreme Court enacted the rights of same-sex marriage. Nowadays, the hashtag is generally used among active social media users in many countries, including Thailand. Amidst the political conflict between advocates of the junta-backed legislation related to same-sex marriage laws, known as ‘Thailand’s Civil Partnership Draft Bills,’ and its detractors, the hashtag becomes crucial for Thailand’s 2019 national election season and shortly afterward as it was one of the most crucial parts of a political campaign to rebrand many political parties’ image, create an LGBT-friendly atmosphere and neutralize the bi-polarized politics of the law. The use of the hashtag is, therefore, not just an online entertainment but a politico-discursive tool, used by many actors for many purposes. Behind the confrontation between supporters and opposers of the law, the hashtag is used by both sides to highlight the Western-centric normativity of homosexual love, closely associated with Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity. As an online ethnographical study, this paper aims to analyze how #LoveWins is used among Thai social media users in late 2018 to mid-2019 and how it is signified by Thai social media users during the Drafted-Bills period and the 2019 national election. A number of preliminary surveys of data on Twitter were conducted in December 2018 and, more intensely, in January 2019. Later, the data survey was officially conducted twice during February and April 2019, while the data collection was done during May-June 2019. Only public posts on Twitter that include the hashtag, #LoveWins, or any hashtags quoting ‘love’ and ‘wins’ are the main targets of this research. As a result of this, the use of the hashtag can be categorized into three levels, including banal decoration, homosexual love celebration, and colonial discourse on homosexual love. Particularly in the third type of the use of the hashtag, discourse analysis is applied to reveal that this hashtag is closely associated with the discourse of development and modernity as most of the descriptive posts demonstrate aspirations to become more ‘developed and modernized’ like many Western countries and Taiwan, the LGBT capital in Asia. Thus, calls for the ‘right to homosexual love’ and the ‘right to same-sex marriage’ in Thailand are shaped and formulated within the discursive linkage between modernity, development, and love. Also, the use of #LoveWins can be considered as a de-queering process of love as only particular types of gender identity, sexual orientation, and relationships that reflect Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity are acceptable and advocated. Due to this, more inclusive queer loves should be supported rather than a mere essentialist-traditionalist homosexual love. Homonormativity must be deconstructed, and love must no longer be reserved for only one particular type of relationship that is standardized from/by the West. It must become more inclusive.

Keywords: #LoveWins, homosexual love, LGBT rights, same-sex marriage

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Authors: Louise Reyntjens

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Where criminal law used to be the traditional response to cope with the terrorist threat, European governments are increasingly relying on administrative paths. The reliance on immigration law fits into this trend. Terrorism is seen as a civilization menace emanating from abroad. In this context, the expulsion of dangerous aliens, immigration law’s core task, is put forward as a key security tool. Governments all over Europe are focusing on removing dangerous individuals from their territory rather than bringing them to justice. This research reflects on the consequences for the expelled individuals’ fundamental rights. For this, the author selected four European countries for a comparative study: Belgium, France, the United Kingdom and Sweden. All these countries face similar social and security issues, igniting the recourse to immigration law as a counterterrorism tool. Yet, they adopt a very different approach on this: the United Kingdom positions itself on the repressive side of the spectrum. Sweden on the other hand, also 'securitized' its immigration policy after the recent terrorist hit in Stockholm, but remains on the tolerant side of the spectrum. Belgium and France are situated in between. This paper addresses the situation in Belgium. In 2017, the Belgian parliament introduced several legislative changes by which it considerably expanded and facilitated the possibility to expel unwanted aliens. First, the expulsion measure was subjected to new and questionably definitions: a serious attack on the nation’s safety used to be required to expel certain categories of aliens. Presently, mere suspicions suffice to fulfil the new definition of a 'serious threat to national security'. A definition which fails to respond to the principle of legality; the law, nor the prepatory works clarify what is meant by 'a threat to national security'. This creates the risk of submitting this concept’s interpretation almost entirely to the discretion of the immigration authorities. Secondly, in name of intervening more quickly and efficiently, the automatic suspensive appeal for expulsions was abolished. The European Court of Human Rights nonetheless requires such an automatic suspensive appeal under Article 13 and 3 of the Convention. Whether this procedural reform will stand to endure, is thus questionable. This contribution also raises questions regarding expulsion’s efficacy as a key security tool. In a globalized and mobilized world, particularly in a European Union with no internal boundaries, questions can be raised about the usefulness of this measure. Even more so, by simply expelling a dangerous individual, States avoid their responsibility and shift the risk to another State. Criminal law might in these instances be more capable of providing a conclusive and long term response. This contribution explores the human rights consequences of expulsion as a security tool in Belgium. It also offers a critical view on its efficacy for protecting national security.

Keywords: Belgium, counter-terrorism and human rights, expulsion, immigration law

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Authors: Anurag Devkota

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Foreign employment serves to be the strongest pillar in engendering employment options for a large number of the young Nepali population. Nepali workers are forced to leave the comfort of their homes and are exposed to precarious conditions while on a journey to earn enough money to live better their lives. The exponential rise in foreign labour migration has produced a snowball effect on the economy of the nation. The dramatic variation in the economic development of the state has proved to establish the fact that migration is increasingly significant for livelihood, economic development, political stability, academic discourse and policy planning in Nepal. The foreign employment practice in Nepal largely incorporates the role of individual agents in the entire process of migration. With the fraudulent acts and false promises of these agents, the problems associated with every Nepali migrant worker starts at home. The workers encounter tremendous pre-departure malpractice and exploitation at home by different individual agents during different stages of processing. Although these epidemic and repetitive ill activities of intermediaries are dominant and deeply rooted, the agents have been allowed to walk free in the absence of proper laws to curb their wrongdoings and misconduct. It has been found that the existing regulatory mechanisms have not been utilised to their full efficacy and often fall short in addressing the actual concerns of the workers because of the complex legal and judicial procedures. Structural changes in the judicial setting will help bring perpetrators under the law and victims towards access to justice. Thus, a qualitative improvement of the overall situation of Nepali migrant workers calls for a proper 'regulatory' arrangement vis-à-vis these brokers. Hence, the author aims to carry out a doctrinal study using reports and scholarly articles as a major source of data collection. Various reports published by different non-governmental and governmental organizations working in the field of labour migration will be examined and the research will focus on the inductive and deductive data analysis. Hence, the real challenge of establishing a pro-migrant worker regime in recent times is to bring the agents under the jurisdiction of the court in Nepal. The Gulf Visit Study Report, 2017 prepared and launched by the International Relation and Labour Committee of Legislature-Parliament of Nepal finds that solving the problems at home solves 80 percent of the problems concerning migrant workers in Nepal. Against this backdrop, this research study is intended to determine the ways and measures to curb the role of agents in the foreign employment and labour migration process of Nepal. It will further dig deeper into the regulatory mechanisms of Nepal and map out essential determinant behind the impunity of agents.

Keywords: foreign employment, labour migration, human rights, migrant workers

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Authors: Daniel O. Kleinsman

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The 2019 terrorist attack on two masjidain in Christchurch, New Zealand, was a shocking demonstration of the harm that can be caused by hate crime. As legal and governmental responses to the attack struggle to provide effective remedies to its victims, restorative justice has emerged as a tool that can assist, in terms of both meeting victims’ needs and discharging the obligations of the state under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), arts 2(3), 26, 27. Restorative justice is a model that emphasizes the repair of harm caused or revealed by unjust behavior. It also prioritises the facilitation of dialogue, the restoration of equitable relationships, and the prevention of future harm. Returning to the case study, in the remarks of the sentencing judge, the terrorist’s actions were described as a hate crime of vicious malevolence that the Court was required to decisively reject, as anathema to the values of acceptance, tolerance and mutual respect upon which New Zealand’s inclusive society is based and which the country strives to maintain. This was one of the reasons for which the terrorist received a life sentence with no possibility of parole. However, in the report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Attack, it was found that victims felt the attack occurred within the context of widespread racism, discrimination and Islamophobia, where hostile behaviors, including hate-based threats and attacks, were rarely recorded, analysed or acted on. It was also found that the Government had inappropriately concentrated intelligence resources on the risk of ‘Islamist’ terrorism and had failed to adequately respond to concerns raised about threats against the Muslim community. In this light, the remarks of the sentencing judge can be seen to reflect a criminal justice system that, in the absence of other remedies, denies systemic accountability and renders hate crime an isolated incident rather than an expression of more widespread discrimination and hate to be holistically addressed. One of the recommendations of the Royal Commission was to explore with victims the desirability and design of restorative justice processes. This presents an opportunity for victims to meet with state representatives and pursue effective remedies (ICCPR art 2(3)) not only for the harm caused by the terrorist but the harm revealed by a system that has exposed the minority Muslim community in New Zealand to hate in all forms, including but not limited to violent extremism. In this sense, restorative justice can also assist the state in discharging its wider obligations to protect all persons from discrimination (art 26) and allow ethnic and religious minorities to enjoy their own culture and profess and practice their own religion (art 27). It can also help give effect to the law and its purpose as a remedy to hate crime, as expressed in this case study by the sentencing judge.

Keywords: hate crime, restorative justice, minorities, victims' rights

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Authors: Jesus Rodriguez Viejo

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The aim of this paper is to study cross-cultural interactions between the West and Byzantium, in the fields of art and religion, by analyzing the decoration of one luxury manuscript. The Spanish National Library is home to one of the most extraordinary examples of illuminated manuscript production of Norman Sicily – the Messina Missal. Dating from the late twelfth century, this liturgical book was the result of the intense activity of artistic patronage of an Englishman, Richard Palmer. Appointed bishop of the Sicilian city in the second half of the century, Palmer set a painting workshop attached to his cathedral. The illuminated manuscripts produced there combine a clear Byzantine iconographic language with a myriad of elements imported from France, such as a large number of decorated initials. The most remarkable depiction contained in the Missal is that of the Theotokos (fol. 80r). Its appearance immediately recalls portative Byzantine icons of the Mother of God in South Italy and Byzantium and implies the intervention of an artist familiar with icon painting. The richness of this image is a clear proof of the prestige that Byzantine art enjoyed in the island after the Norman takeover. The production of the school of Messina under Richard Palmer could be considered a counterpart in the field of manuscript illumination of the court art of the Sicilian kings in Palermo and the impressive commissions for the cathedrals of Monreale and Cefalù. However, the ethnic composition of Palmer’s workshop has never been analyzed and therefore, we intend to shed light on the permanent presence of Greek-speaking artists in Norman Messina. The east of the island was the last stronghold of the Greeks and soon after the Norman conquest, the previous exchanges between the cities of this territory and Byzantium restarted again, mainly by way of trade. Palmer was not a Norman statesman, but a churchman and his love for religion and culture prevailed over the wars and struggles for power of the Sicilian kingdom in the central Mediterranean. On the other hand, the representation of the Theotokos can prove that Eastern devotional approaches to images were still common in the east of the island more than a century after the collapse of Byzantine rule. Local Norman lords repeatedly founded churches devoted to Greek saints and medieval Greek-speaking authors were widely copied in Sicilian scriptoria. The Madrid Missal and its Theotokos are doubtless the product of Western initiative but in a land culturally dominated by Byzantium. Westerners, such as Palmer and his circle, could have been immersed in this Hellenophile culture and therefore, naturally predisposed to perform prayers and rituals, in both public and private contexts, linked to ideas and practices of Greek origin, such as the concept of icon.

Keywords: history of art, byzantine art, manuscripts, norman sicily, messina, patronage, devotion, iconography

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Authors: Cezary Kulesza, Katarzyna Lapinska

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Regarding the nature of the notion of fair trial, one must see the source of the fair trial principle in the following acts of international law: art. 6 of the ECHR of 1950 and art.14 the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966, as well as in art. 45 of the Polish Constitution. However, the problem is that the above-mentioned acts essentially apply the principle of a fair trial to the main hearing and not to appeal proceedings. Therefore, the main thesis of the work is to answer the question whether the Polish model of appeal proceedings is fair. The paper presents the problem of fair appeal proceedings in Poland in comparative perspective. Thus, the authors discuss the basic features of English, German and Russian appeal systems. The matter is also analysed in the context of the last reforms of Polish criminal procedure, because since 2013 Polish parliament has significantly changed criminal procedure almost three times: by the Act of 27th September, 2013, the Act of 20th February, 2015 which came into effect on 1st July, 2015 and the Act of 11th March, 2016. The most astonishing is that these three amendments have been varying from each other – changing Polish criminal procedure to more adversarial one and then rejecting all measures just involved in previous acts. Additional intent of the Polish legislator was amending the forms of plea bargaining: conviction of the defendant without trial or voluntary submission to a penalty, which were supposed to become tools allowing accelerating the criminal process and, at the same time, implementing the principle of speedy procedure. The next part of the paper will discuss the matter, how the changes of plea bargaining and the main trial influenced the appellate procedure in Poland. The authors deal with the right to appeal against judgments issued in negotiated case-ending settlements in the light of Art. 2 of Protocol No. 7 to the ECHR and the Polish Constitution. The last part of the presentation will focus on the basic changes in the appeals against judgments issued after the main trial. This part of the paper also presents the results of examination of court files held in the Polish Appeal Courts in Białystok, Łódź and Warsaw. From these considerations it is concluded that the Polish CCP of 1997 in ordinary proceedings basically meets both standards: the standard adopted in Protocol No. 7 of the Convention and the Polish constitutional standard. But the examination of case files shows in particular the following phenomena: low effectiveness of appeals and growing stability of the challenged judgments of district courts, extensive duration of appeal proceedings and narrow scope of evidence proceedings before the appellate courts. On the other hand, limitations of the right to appeal against the judgments issued in consensual modes of criminal proceedings justify the fear that such final judgments may violate the principle of criminal accurate response or the principle of material truth.

Keywords: adversarial trial, appeal, ECHR, England, evidence, fair trial, Germany, Polish criminal procedure, reform, Russia

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Authors: Jack Nash, Chris Simpson, Holly Hurn, Ronel Terblanche, Alan Mistlin

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There is an increasing incidence of mild traumatic brain injury (mTBI) cases throughout sport and with this, a growing interest from governing bodies to ensure these are managed appropriately and player welfare is prioritised. The Berlin consensus statement on concussion in sport recommends a multidisciplinary approach when managing those patients who do not have full resolution of mTBI symptoms. There are as of yet no standardised guideline to follow in the treatment of complex cases mTBI in athletes. The aim of this project was to analyse the outcomes, both clinical and vocational, of all patients admitted to the mild Traumatic Brain Injury (mTBI) service at the UK’s Defence Military Rehabilitation Centre Headley Court between 1st June 2008 and 1st February 2017, as a result of a sport induced injury, and evaluate potential predictive indicators of outcome. Patients were identified from a database maintained by the mTBI service. Clinical and occupational outcomes were ascertained from medical and occupational employment records, recorded prospectively, at time of discharge from the mTBI service. Outcomes were graded based on the vocational independence scale (VIS) and clinical documentation at discharge. Predictive indicators including referral time, age at time of injury, previous mental health diagnosis and a financial claim in place at time of entry to service were assessed using logistic regression. 45 Patients were treated for sport-related mTBI during this time frame. Clinically 96% of patients had full resolution of their mTBI symptoms after input from the mTBI service. 51% of patients returned to work at their previous vocational level, 4% had ongoing mTBI symptoms, 22% had ongoing physical rehabilitation needs, 11% required mental health input and 11% required further vestibular rehabilitation. Neither age, time to referral, pre-existing mental health condition nor compensation seeking had a significant impact on either vocational or clinical outcome in this population. The vast majority of patients reviewed in the mTBI clinic had persistent symptoms which could not be managed in primary care. A consultant-led, multidisciplinary approach to the diagnosis and management of mTBI has resulted in excellent clinical outcomes in these complex cases. High levels of symptom resolution suggest that this referral and treatment pathway is successful and is a model which could be replicated in other organisations with consultant led input. Further understanding of both predictive and individual factors would allow clinicians to focus treatments on those who are most likely to develop long-term complications following mTBI. A consultant-led, multidisciplinary service ensures a large number of patients will have complete resolution of mTBI symptoms after sport-related mTBI. Further research is now required to ascertain the key predictive indicators of outcome following sport-related mTBI.

Keywords: brain injury, concussion, neurology, rehabilitation, sports injury

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Authors: Nurten Çelik

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Under the new developments in science, medicine, sociology, psychology and literary theories, body studies has gained huge importance and the body has become a debatable issue. There has emerged, among sociologists and literary theorists, an overwhelming consensus that body is socially, politically and culturally perceived and constructed and thus, the position of an individual in the society is determined in accordance with his/her body image. In this regard, the most complicated point is the theoretical views propounded upon disability studies, where the disabled body is considered to be a site upon which social and political restrictions as well as repressions are inscribed. There has been the widely-accepted view that no matter what kind of disability it is, those with physical, mental or learning impairments face varied social, political and environmental obstacles that prevent them from being an active citizen, worker, lover and even a family member. In parallel with these approaches, the matter of the sufferings of disabled individuals attains its place in cinema and literature as well as in theatre studies under the category of disability theatre. One of the prominent plays that deal with physical disability came from the contemporary British playwright Nina Raine. In her awarded play Tribes, which premiered at the Royal Court Theatre in 2010, Raine develops the social strata where her deaf protagonist, Billy, caught up between two tribes – namely his family and his lover Slyvia, a member of the deaf community– experiences personal and social hardships due to his hearing impairment. In the play, intransigent and self-opinionated family members foster no sense of empathy towards Billy, there are noisy talking and shouting, but no communication, love, compassion or mutual understanding, and language becomes just a tool for the expression of rage and oppression. In the disordered atmosphere of the family life, Billy experiences isolation and loneliness. Billy’s hopes for success and love are destroyed when Slyvia, troubled between hearing and deafness, rejects him because she does not utterly grasp what Billy is experiencing. Drawing upon the hardships, Billy undergoes in his relationships with his family and his girlfriend, Tribes problematizes the concept of deafness and explores to what extent a deaf person can find a place in the hearing world. Setting ‘the disabled’ bodies against ‘the abled’ bodies in a family, a microcosm of the society where bodies are socially shaped and constructed, Tribes dramatizes how the disabled bodies are disenfranchised, stigmatised, marginalized and othered on the grounds that they are socially misfit. Tribes, with a specific focus on the dysfunctional family, shows that the lack of communication and empathy numbs the characters to the feelings of each other and thereby, they become more disabled than Billy. In conclusion, this paper, with the reference to the embodiment of disability and social theories, aims to explore how disabled bodies are socially marked and segregated from family and society.

Keywords: body, deafness, disability, disability theatre, Nina Raine, tribes

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Authors: Luci V. Hyett

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The criminal law of England and Wales currently deems that a person cannot consent to the infliction of injury upon their own body, where the level of harm is considered to be Actual or Grevious. This renders the defence of consent of the victim as being unavailable to those persons carrying out an Alternative Body Modification procedure. However, the criminalization of consensual injury is more appropriately deemed as being categorized as an offense against public morality and not one against the person, which renders the State’s involvement in the autonomous choices of a consenting adult, when determining what can be done to one’s own body, an arbitrary one. Furthermore, to recognise in law that a person is capable of giving a valid consent to socially acceptable cosmetic interventions that largely consist of procedures designed to aesthetically please men and, not those of people who want to modify their bodies for other reasons means that patriarchal attitudes are continuing to underpin public repulsion and inhibit social acceptance of such practices. Theoretical analysis will begin with a juridical examination of R v M(B) [2019] QB 1 where the High Court determined that Alternative Body Modification was not a special category exempting a person so performing from liability for Grevious Bodily Harm using the defence of consent. It will draw from its reasoning which considered that ‘the removal of body parts were medical procedures being carried out for no medical reason by someone not qualified to carry them out’ which will form the basis of this enquiry. It will consider the philosophical work of Georgio Agamben when analysing whether the biopolitical climate in the UK, which places the optimization of the perfect, healthy body at the centre of political concern can explain why those persons who wish to engage in Alternative Body Modification are treated as the ‘Exception’ to that which is normal using the ‘no medical reason’ canon to justify criminalisation, rather than legitimising the industry through regulation. It will consider, through a feminist lens, the current conflict in law between traditional cosmetic interventions which alter one’s physical appearance for socially accepted aesthetic purposes such as those to the breast, lip and buttock and, modifications described as more outlandish such as earlobe stretching, tooth filing and transdermal implants to create horns and spikes under the skin. It will assert that ethical principles relating to the psychological impact of body modification described as ‘alternative’ is used as a means to exclude person’s seeking such a procedure from receiving safe and competent treatment via a registered cosmetic surgeon which leads to these increasingly popular surgery’s being performed in Tattoo parlours throughout the UK as an extension to other socially acceptable forms of self-modification such as piercings. It will contend that only by ‘inclusive exclusion’ will those ‘othered’ through ostracisation be welcomed into the fold of normality and this can only be achieved through recognition of alternative body modification as a legitimate cosmetic intervention, subject to the same regulatory framework as existing practice. This would assist in refocusing the political landscape by erring on the side of liberty rather than that of biology.

Keywords: biopolitics, body modification, consent, criminal law

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Authors: Abdalla Ahmed Abdrabou Emam Eldeib

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For more than a century, the Hague Conference has tackled issues in the most challenging areas of private international law, including family law. Its actions in the realm of international child abduction have been remarkable in two ways during the last two decades. First, on October 25, 1980, the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction (the Convention) was promulgated as an unusually inventive and powerful tool. Second, the Convention is rapidly becoming more prominent in the development of international child law. By that time, overseas travel had grown more convenient, and more couples were marrying or travelling across national lines. At the same time, parental separation and divorce have increased, leading to an increase in international child custody battles. The convention they drafted avoids legal quagmires and addresses extra-legal issues well. It literally restores the kid to its place of usual residence by establishing that the youngster was unlawfully abducted from that position or, alternatively, was wrongfully kept abroad after an allowed visit. Legal custody of a child of a contested parent is usually followed by the child's abduction or unlawful relocation to another country by the non-custodial parent or other persons. If a child's custodial parent lives outside of Egypt, the youngster may be kidnapped and brought to Egypt. It's natural to ask what laws should apply and what legal norms should be followed while hearing individual instances. This study comprehensively evaluates and estimates the relevant Hague Child Abduction Convention and the current situation in Egypt and which law is applicable for child custody. In addition, this research emphasis, detail, and focus on the position of Cross-border parental child abductions in Egypt. Moreover, examine the Islamic law compared to the Hague Convention on Child Custody in detail, as well as mentioning the treatment of Islamic countries in this matter in general and Egypt's treatment of this matter in particular, as well as the criticism directed at Egypt regarding the application and implementation of child custody issues. The present research backs up this method by using non-doctrinal techniques, including surveys, interviews, and dialogues. An important objective of this research is to examine the factors that contribute to parental child abduction. In this case, family court attorneys and other interested parties serve as the target audience from whom data is collected. A survey questionnaire was developed and sent to the target population in order to collect data for future empirical testing to validate the identified critical factors on Parental Child Abduction. The main finding in this study is breaking the reservations of many Muslim countries to join the Hague Convention with regard to child custody., Likewise, clarify the problems of implementation in practice in cases of kidnapping a child from one of the parents and traveling with him outside the borders of the country. Finally, this study is to provide suggestions for reforming the current Egyptian Family Law to make it an effective and efficient for all dispute's resolution mechanism and the possibility of joining The Hague Convention.

Keywords: egyptian family law, Hague child abduction convention, child custody, cross-border parental child abductions in egypt

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Authors: Sricheta Chowdhury

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To require a woman to choose between her work and her personal life is the most acute form of discrimination that can be meted out against her. No woman should be given a choice to choose between her motherhood and her career at Bar, yet that is the most detrimental discrimination that has been happening in Indian Bar, which no one has questioned so far. The falling number of women in practice is a reality that isn’t garnering much attention given the sharp rise in women studying law but is not being able to continue in the profession. Moving from a colonial misogynist whim to a post-colonial “new-age construct of Indian woman” façade, the policymakers of the Indian Judiciary have done nothing so far to decolonize itself from its rudimentary understanding of ‘equality of gender’ when it comes to the legal profession. Therefore, when Indian jurisprudence was (and is) swooning to the sweeping effect of transformative constitutionalism in the understanding of equality as enshrined under the Indian Constitution, one cannot help but question why the legal profession remained out of brushing effect of achieving substantive equality. The Airline industry’s discriminatory policies were not spared from criticism, nor were the policies where women’s involvement in any establishment serving liquor (Anuj Garg case), but the judicial practice did not question the stereotypical bias of gender and unequal structural practices until recently. That necessitates the need to examine the existing Bar policies and the steps taken by the regulatory bodies in assessing the situations that are in favor or against the purpose of furthering women’s issues in present-day India. From a comparative feminist point of concern, South Africa’s pro-women Bar policies are attractive to assess their applicability and extent in terms of promoting inclusivity at the Bar. This article intends to tap on these two countries’ potential in carving a niche in giving women an equal platform to play a substantive role in designing governance policies through the Judiciary. The article analyses the current gender composition of the legal profession while endorsing the concept of substantive equality as a requisite in designing an appropriate appointment process of the judges. It studies the theoretical framework on gender equality, examines the international and regional instruments and analyses the scope of welfare policies that Indian legal and regulatory bodies can undertake towards a transformative initiative in re-modeling the Judiciary to a more diverse and inclusive institution. The methodology employs a comparative and analytical understanding of doctrinal resources. It makes quantitative use of secondary data and qualitative use of primary data collected for determining the present status of Indian women legal practitioners and judges. With respect to quantitative data, statistics on the representation of women as judges and chief justices and senior advocates from their official websites from 2018 till present have been utilized. In respect of qualitative data, results of the structured interviews conducted through open and close-ended questions with retired lady judges of the higher judiciary and senior advocates of the Supreme Court of India, contacted through snowball sampling, are utilized.

Keywords: gender, higher judiciary, legal profession, representation, substantive equality

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Authors: Tholaine Matadi

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South Africa is a democratic country with a historical record of racially-motivated marginalisation and exclusion of the majority. During the apartheid era the country was run along pieces of legislation and policies based on racial segregation. The system held a tight clamp on interracial mixing which forced people to remain in segregated areas. For example, a citizen from the Indian community could not own property in an area allocated to white people. In this way, a great majority of people were denied basic human rights. Now, there is a supreme constitution with an entrenched justiciable Bill of Rights founded on democratic values of social justice, human dignity, equality and the advancement of human rights and freedoms. The Constitution also enshrines the values of non-racialism and non-sexism. The Constitutional Court has the power to declare unconstitutional any law or conduct considered to be inconsistent with it. Now, more than two decades down the line, despite the abolition of apartheid, there is evidence that South Africa still experiences hate crimes which violate the entrenched right of vulnerable groups not to be discriminated against on the basis of race, sexual orientation, gender, national origin, occupation, or disability. To remedy this mischief parliament has responded by drafting the Prevention and Combatting of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill. The Bill has been disseminated for public comment and suggestions. It is intended to combat hate crimes and hate speech based on sheer prejudice. The other purpose of the Bill is to bring South Africa in line with international human rights instruments against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related expressions of intolerance identified in several international instruments. It is against this backdrop that this paper intends to analyse the impact of the Bill on the rights to human dignity, equality, and freedom. This study is significant because the Bill was highly contested and creates a huge debate. This study relies on a qualitative evaluative approach based on desktop and library research. The article recurs to primary and secondary sources. For comparative purpose, the paper compares South Africa with countries such as Australia, Canada, Kenya, Cuba, and United Kingdom which have criminalised hate crimes and hate speech. The finding from this study is that despite the Bill’s expressed positive intentions, this draft legislation is problematic for several reasons. The main reason is that it generates considerable controversy mostly because it is considered to infringe the right to freedom of expression. Though the author suggests that the Bill should not be rejected in its entirety, she notes the brutal psychological effect of hate crimes on their direct victims and the writer emphasises that a legislature can succeed to combat hate-crimes only if it provides for them as a separate stand-alone category of offences. In view of these findings, the study recommended that since hate speech clauses have a negative impact on freedom of expression it can be promulgated, subject to the legislature enacting the Prevention and Combatting of Hate-Crimes Bill as a stand-alone law which criminalises hate crimes.

Keywords: freedom of expression, hate crimes, hate speech, human dignity

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Authors: Teresa Wanjiru Mbatia

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On 7th June 2011, the government Minister of Roads in Kenya announced the proposed construction of a major highway known as a southern bypass to run on the northern border of the Nairobi National Park. The following day on 8th June 2011, the chairperson of the Friends of Nairobi National Park (FONNAP) posted a protest statement on their website, with the heading, ‘Nairobi Park is Not a cake’ alerting its members and conservation groups, with the aim of getting support to the campaign against the government’s intention to hive off a section of the park for road construction. This was the first and earliest statement that led to a series of other events that culminated in conservationists and some other members of the public campaign against the government’s plan to hive off sections of the park to build road and railway infrastructure in or around the park. Together with other non-state actors, mostly non-governmental organisations in conservation/environment and tourism businesses, FoNNAP issued a series of other statements on social, print and electronic media to battle against road and railway construction. This paper examined the strategies, outcomes and interests of actors involved in opposing/proposing the development of transport infrastructure in and around the Nairobi National Park. Specifically, the objectives were to analyse the: (1) Arguments put forward by the eco-warriors to protest infrastructure development; (2) Background and interests of the eco-warriors; (3) Needs/interests and opinions of ordinary common citizens on transport infrastructural development, particularly in and around the urban nature reserve and (4) Final outcomes of the eco-politics surrounding infrastructure development in and around Nairobi National Park. The methodological approach used was environmental history and the social construction of nature. The study collected combined qualitative data using four main approaches, the grounded theory approach, narratives, case studies and a phenomenological approach. The information collected was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The major findings of the study were that under the guise of “public participation,” influential non-state actors have the capacity to perpetuate social-spatial inequalities in the form of curtailing the majority from accessing common public goods. A case in point in this study is how the efforts of powerful conservationists, environmentalists, and tourism businesspersons managed to stall the construction of much-needed road and railway infrastructure severally through litigations in lengthy environmental court processes involving injunctions and stop orders to the government bodies in charge. Moreover, powerful non-state actors were found to have formed informal and sometimes formal coalitions with politicians with selfish interests, which serves to deepen the exclusionary practices and the common good. The study concludes that mostly composed of certain types of elites (NGOs, business communities, politicians and privileged social-cultural groups), non-state actors have used participatory policies to advance their own interests at the expense of the majority whom they claim to represent. These practices are traced to the historically unjust social, political, and economic forces involved in the production of space in Nairobi.

Keywords: eco-politics, exclusion, infrastructure, Nairobi national park, non-state actors, protests

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Authors: Lizinis Cassendra Frederick Dony, Jirom Jeremy Frederick Dony, Andrew Nicholas, Dewi Binti Tajuddin

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Starting and surviving a business is influenced by various entrepreneurship socio-economics activities. The study revealed that some of the entrepreneurs are not registered under SME but running own business as an intermediary with the private organization entrusted as “Self-Employed.” SME is known as “Small Medium Enterprise” contributes growth in Malaysia. Therefore, the entrepreneurialism business interest and entrepreneurial intention enhancing new spurring production, expanding employment opportunities, increasing productivity, promoting exports, stimulating innovation and providing new avenue in the business market place. This study has identified the unique contribution to the full understanding of complex mechanisms through entrepreneurship obstacles and education impacts on happiness and well-being to society. Moreover, “Ethnic” term has defined as a curious meaning refers to a classification of a large group of people customs implies to ancestral, racial, national, tribal, religious, linguistic and cultural origins. It is a social phenomenon.1 According to Sabah data population is amounting to 2,389,494 showed the predominant ethnic group being the Kadazan Dusun (18.4%) followed by Bajau (17.3%) and Malays (15.3%). For the year 2010, data statistic immigrants population report showed the amount to 239,765 people which cover 4% of the Sabahan’s population.2 Sabah has numerous group of talented entrepreneurs. The business environment among the minority ethnics are influenced with the business sentiment competition. The literature on ethnic entrepreneurship recognizes two main type entrepreneurships: the middleman and enclave entrepreneurs. According to Adam Smith,3 there are evidently some principles disposition to admire and maintain the distinction business rank status and cause most universal business sentiments. Due to credit barriers competition, the minority ethnics are losing the business market and since 2014, many illegal immigrants have been found to be using permits of the locals to operate businesses in Malaysia.4 The development of small business entrepreneurship among the minority ethnics in Sabah evidenced based variety of complex perception and differences concepts. The studies also confirmed the effects of heterogeneity on group decision and thinking caused partly by excessive pre-occupation with maintaining cohesiveness and the presence of cultural diversity in groups should reduce its probability.5 The researchers proposed that there are seven success determinants particularly to determine the involvement of minority ethnics comparing to the involvement of the immigrants in Sabah. Although, (SMEs) have always been considered the backbone of the economy development, the minority ethnics are often categorized it as the “second-choice.’ The study showed that illegal immigrants entrepreneur imposed a burden on Sabahan social programs as well as the prison, court and health care systems. The tension between the need for cheap labor and the impulse to protect Malaysian in Sabah workers, entrepreneurs and taxpayers, among the subjects discussed in this study. This is clearly can be advantages and disadvantages to the Sabah economic development.

Keywords: entrepreneurial firms, self-employed, immigrants, minority ethnic, economic impacts

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Authors: Carly Cummings, Maria Soledad Peresin

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Alabama has a long history of racial injustice and unsatisfactory educational performance. In the 1870s Jim Crow laws segregated public schools and disproportionally allocated funding and resources to white institutions across the South. Despite the Supreme Court ruling to integrate schools following Brown vs. the Board of Education in 1954, Alabama’s school system continued to exhibit signs of segregation, compounded by “white flight” and the establishment of exclusive private schools, which still exist today. This discriminatory history has had a lasting impact of the state’s education system, reflected in modern school demographics and achievement data. It is well known that Alabama struggles with education performance, especially in science education. On average, minority groups scored the lowest in science proficiency. In Alabama, minority populations are concentrated in a region known as the Black Belt, which was once home to countless slave plantations and was the epicenter of the Civil Rights Movement. Today the Black Belt is characterized by a high density of woodlands and plays a significant role in Alabama’s leading economic industry-forest products. Given the economic importance of forestry and agriculture to the state, environmental science proficiency is essential to its stability; however, it is neglected in areas where it is needed most. To better understand the inequity of science education within Alabama, our study first investigates how geographic location, demographics and school funding relate to science achievement scores using ArcGIS and Pearson’s correlation coefficient. Additionally, our study explores the implementation of a relevant, problem-based, active learning lesson in schools. Relevant learning engages students by connecting material to their personal experiences. Problem-based active learning involves real-world problem-solving through hands-on experiences. Given Alabama’s significant woodland coverage, educational materials on forest products were developed with consideration of its relevance to students, especially those located in the Black Belt. Furthermore, to incorporate problem solving and active learning, the lesson centered around students using forest products to solve environmental challenges, such as water pollution- an increasing challenge within the state due to climate change. Pre and post assessment surveys were provided to teachers to measure the effectiveness of the lesson. In addition to pedagogical practices, community and mentorship programs are known to positively impact educational achievements. To this end, our work examines the results of surveys measuring educational professionals’ attitudes toward a local mentorship group within the Black Belt and its potential to address environmental and science literacy. Additionally, our study presents survey results from participants who attended an educational community event, gauging its effectiveness in increasing environmental and science proficiency. Our results demonstrate positive improvements in environmental awareness and science literacy with relevant pedagogy, mentorship, and community involvement. Implementing these practices can help provide equitable and inclusive learning environments and can better equip students with the skills and knowledge needed to bridge this historic educational gap within Alabama.

Keywords: equitable education, environmental science, environmental education, science education, racial injustice, sustainability, rural education

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