Search results for: polarization in religion and politics

Authors: Josie West

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This paper focuses on the conflicts and utility of Marxist Feminist frames for sex work research, drawing on findings uncovered through in-depth interviews with online sex workers, alongside critical discourse analysis of media and political commentary. It brings the critical perspective of women into digital workerism and gig economy dialogue who, despite their significant presence within online work, have been overlooked. The autonomist Marxist concept of class composition is adopted to unpack the social, technical and political composition of this often-invisible segment of the service sector. Autonomism makes visible the perspective of workers engaged in processes of mobilization and demobilizaiton. This allows researchers to find everyday forms of resistance which occur within and outside trade unions. On the other hand, Marxist feminist arguments about invisibility politics can generate unhelpful allegories about sex work as domestic labour within the reproductive sphere. Nick Srnicek’s development of Marx’s notion of infrastructure rents helps theorize experiences of unpaid labour within online sex work. Moreover, debates about anti-work politics can cause conflict among sex workers fighting for the labour movement and those rejecting the capitalist work ethic. This illuminates’ tensions caused by white privilege and differing experiences of sex work. The monopolistic and competitive nature of sex work platforms within platform capitalism, and the vulnerable position of marginalised workers within stigmatized/criminalised markets, complicates anti-work politics further. This paper is situated within the feminist sex wars and the intensely divisive question of whether sex workers are victims of the patriarchy or symbols of feminist resistance. Camgirls are shown to engage in radical tactics of resistance against their technical composition on popular sex work platforms. They also engage in creative acts of resistance through performance art, in an attempt to draw attention to stigma and anti-criminalization politics. This sector offers a fascinating window onto grassroots class-action, alongside education about ‘whorephobia.’ A case study of resistance against Only Fans, and a small workers co-operative which emerged during the pandemic, showcases how workers engage in socialist and political acts without the aid of unions. Workers are victims of neoliberalism and simultaneous adopters of neoliberal strategies of survival. The complex dynamics within unions are explored, including tensions with grass-roots resistance, financial pressures and intersecting complications of class, gender and race.

Keywords: autonomist marxism, digital labor, feminism, neoliberalism, sex work, platform capitalism

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Authors: Larry Lai, Evans Leung

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Falun gong is a self-proclaimed religious group that has been under crackdown by Beijing for more than two decades. Diaosi, on the other hand, is an emerging community with members loosely connected on the internet through different online social platforms, centering around the sharing of different hobbies and interests. Diaosi community has been transformed from a potential threat to the Chinese authority for different causes to a pro-government force. This paper seeks to explain the different strategies adopted by the People's Republic of China (PRC) regime in handling these two potential threatening communities. Both communities share some obvious similarities: (1) both have massive nation-wide participation; (2) both have attempted to challenge the PRC's authority through contentious means; (3) both have high level of mobility, online or offline; and (4) both have at first been unnoticed until the threat against the PRC have taken form. But the strategies the PRC endorsed against the communities were, in many ways, different. The question is: if the strategy against Falun Gong has been an effective one, why used other strategies against Diaosi? The authors argue that the main reason for using different strategies lies in the differences between the two communities in terms of (i) the nature of the groups, and (ii) the group dynamics. Lastly, based on this analysis, the authors attempt to explore the possible strategies that the PRC would adopt against the Hong Kong cyber-world political community in light of the latest national security law in Hong Kong.

Keywords: contentious politics, Diaosi, Falun Gong, Hong Kong, People's Republic of China

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Authors: Rebecca Sager, Gary Adler, Damon Mayrl, Jonathan Cooley

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The United States’ unique constitutional structure and religious roots have fostered the flourishing of local communities through the close interaction of church and state. Today, these local relationships play out in these circumstances, including increased religious diversity and changing jurisprudence to more accommodating church-state interaction. This project seeks to understand the meanings of church-state interaction among diverse religious leaders in a variety of local settings. Using data from interviews with over 200 religious leaders in six states in the US, we examine how religious groups interact with various non-elected and elected government officials. We have interviewed local religious actors in eight communities characterized by the difference in location and religious homogeneity. These include a small city within a major metropolitan area, several religiously diverse cities in various areas across the country, a small college town with religious diversity set in a religiously-homogenous rural area, and a small farming community with minimal religious diversity. We identified three types of religious actors in each of our geographic areas: congregations, religious non-profit organizations, and clergy coalitions. Given the well-known difficulties in identifying religious organizations, we used the following to construct a local population list from which to sample: the Association of Religion Data Archives ProPublica’s Nonprofit Explorer, Guidestar, and the Internal Revenue Service Exempt Business Master File. Our sample for selecting interviewees were stratified by three criteria: religious tradition (Christian v. non-Christian), sectarian orientation (Mainline/Catholic v. Evangelical Protestant), and organizational form (congregation vs. other). Each interview included the elicitation of local church-state interactions experienced by the organization and organizational members, the enumeration of information sources for navigating church-state interactions, and the personal and community background of interviewees. We coded interviews to identify the cognitive schema of “church” and “state,” the models of legitimate relations between the two, and discretion rules for managing interaction and avoiding conflict. We also enumerate arenas in which and issues for which local state officials are engaged. In this paper, we focus on Korean religious groups and examine how their interactions differ from other congregations, including other immigrant congregations. These churches were particularly common in one large metropolitan area. We find that Korean churches are much more likely to be concerned about any governmental interactions and have fewer connections than non-Korean churches leading to more disconnection from their communities. We argue that due to their status as new immigrant churches without a lot of community ties for many members and being in a large city, Korean churches were particularly concerned about too much interaction with any type of government officials, even ones that could be potentially helpful. While other immigrant churches were somewhat willing to work with government groups, such as Latino-based Catholic groups, Korean churches were the least likely to want to create these connections. Understanding these churches and how immigrant church identity varies and creates different types of interaction is crucial to understanding how church/state interaction can be more meaningful over space and place.

Keywords: religion, congregations, government, politics

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Authors: Meng H. Lean, Wei-Ping L. Chu

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The effects of ferroelectric nanofiller size, shape, loading, and polarization, on bipolar charge injection, transport, and recombination through amorphous and semicrystalline polymers are studied. A 3D particle-in-cell model extends the classical electrical double layer representation to treat ferroelectric nanoparticles. Metal-polymer charge injection assumes Schottky emission and Fowler-Nordheim tunneling, migration through field-dependent Poole-Frenkel mobility, and recombination with Monte Carlo selection based on collision probability. A boundary integral equation method is used for solution of the Poisson equation coupled with a second-order predictor-corrector scheme for robust time integration of the equations of motion. The stability criterion of the explicit algorithm conforms to the Courant-Friedrichs-Levy limit. Trajectories for charge that make it through the film are curvilinear paths that meander through the interspaces. Results indicate that charge transport behavior depends on nanoparticle polarization with anti-parallel orientation showing the highest leakage conduction and lowest level of charge trapping in the interaction zone. Simulation prediction of a size range of 80 to 100 nm to minimize attachment and maximize conduction is validated by theory. Attached charge fractions go from 2.2% to 97% as nanofiller size is decreased from 150 nm to 60 nm. Computed conductivity of 0.4 x 1014 S/cm is in agreement with published data for plastics. Charge attachment is increased with spheroids due to the increase in surface area, and especially so for oblate spheroids showing the influence of larger cross-sections. Charge attachment to nanofillers and nanocrystallites increase with vol.% loading or degree of crystallinity, and saturate at about 40 vol.%.

Keywords: nanocomposites, nanofillers, electrical double layer, bipolar charge transport

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Authors: Preethi Kumari P., Shetty Prakasha, Rao Suma A.

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Mild steel has been widely employed as construction materials for pipe work in the oil and gas production such as down hole tubular, flow lines and transmission pipelines, in chemical and allied industries for handling acids, alkalis and salt solutions due to its excellent mechanical property and low cost. Acid solutions are widely used for removal of undesirable scale and rust in many industrial processes. Among the commercially available acids hydrochloric acid is widely used for pickling, cleaning, de-scaling and acidization of oil process. Mild steel exhibits poor corrosion resistance in presence of hydrochloric acid. The high reactivity of mild steel in presence of hydrochloric acid is due to the soluble nature of ferrous chloride formed and the cementite phase (Fe3C) normally present in the steel is also readily soluble in hydrochloric acid. Pitting attack is also reported to be a major form of corrosion in mild steel in the presence of high concentrations of acids and thereby causing the complete destruction of metal. Hydrogen from acid reacts with the metal surface and makes it brittle and causes cracks, which leads to pitting type of corrosion. The use of chemical inhibitor to minimize the rate of corrosion has been considered to be the first line of defense against corrosion. In spite of long history of corrosion inhibition, a highly efficient and durable inhibitor that can completely protect mild steel in aggressive environment is yet to be realized. It is clear from the literature review that there is ample scope for the development of new organic inhibitors, which can be conveniently synthesized from relatively cheap raw materials and provide good inhibition efficiency with least risk of environmental pollution. The aim of the present work is to evaluate the electrochemical parameters for the corrosion inhibition behavior of an aromatic hydrazide derivative, 4-hydroxy- N '-[(E)-1H-indole-2-ylmethylidene)] benzohydrazide (HIBH) on mild steel in 2M hydrochloric acid using Tafel polarization and electrochemical impedance spectroscopy (EIS) techniques at 30-60 °C. The results showed that inhibition efficiency increased with increase in inhibitor concentration and decreased marginally with increase in temperature. HIBH showed a maximum inhibition efficiency of 95 % at 8×10-4 M concentration at 30 °C. Polarization curves showed that HIBH act as a mixed-type inhibitor. The adsorption of HIBH on mild steel surface obeys the Langmuir adsorption isotherm. The adsorption process of HIBH at the mild steel/hydrochloric acid solution interface followed mixed adsorption with predominantly physisorption at lower temperature and chemisorption at higher temperature. Thermodynamic parameters for the adsorption process and kinetic parameters for the metal dissolution reaction were determined.

Keywords: electrochemical parameters, EIS, mild steel, tafel polarization

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Authors: Saeid Gharechelou, Stuart Green, Fiona Cawkwell

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Hedgerow has an important role for a wide range of ecological habitats, landscape, agriculture management, carbon sequestration, wood production. Hedgerow detection accurately using satellite imagery is a challenging problem in remote sensing techniques, because in the special approach it is very similar to line object like a road, from a spectral viewpoint, a hedge is very similar to a forest. Remote sensors with very high spatial resolution (VHR) recently enable the automatic detection of hedges by the acquisition of images with enough spectral and spatial resolution. Indeed, recently VHR remote sensing data provided the opportunity to detect the hedgerow as line feature but still remain difficulties in monitoring the characterization in landscape scale. In this research is used the TerraSAR-x Spotlight and Staring mode with 3-5 m resolution in wet and dry season in the test site of Fermoy County, Ireland to detect the hedgerow by acquisition time of 2014-2015. Both dual polarization of Spotlight data in HH/VV is using for detection of hedgerow. The varied method of SAR image technique with try and error way by integration of classification algorithm like texture analysis, support vector machine, k-means and random forest are using to detect hedgerow and its characterization. We are applying the Shannon entropy (ShE) and backscattering analysis in single and double bounce in polarimetric analysis for processing the object-oriented classification and finally extracting the hedgerow network. The result still is in progress and need to apply the other method as well to find the best method in study area. Finally, this research is under way to ahead to get the best result and here just present the preliminary work that polarimetric image of TSX potentially can detect the hedgerow.

Keywords: TerraSAR-X, hedgerow detection, high resolution SAR image, dual polarization, polarimetric analysis

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Authors: Muhammad Ilham Agus Salim, Saufa Ata Taqiyya

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In many Muslim countries, secularization has successfully reduced the role of Islamic law as a formal legal source during this last century. The most obvious fact was the reform of Daulah Utsmaniyah to be Secular Republic of Turkey. Religion is strictly separated from the state authorities in many countries today. But these last decades in Indonesia, a remarkable fact is apparent. Islamic law has expanded its role in Indonesian legal system, especially in districts regulations. In Aceh province, as a case in point, shariah has been the basic source of law in all regulations. There are more provinces in Indonesia which adopted Islamic law as a formal legal source by the end of 2014. Different from some other countries which clearly stipulates the status of Islam in formal ways, Indonesian constitution formally does not render any recognition for Islam to be the formal religion of the state. But in this Muslim majority country, Islamic law takes a place in democratic way, namely on the basis of the voice of majority. This paper will analyze how this reality increases significantly since what so called by Indonesian reformation era (end of nineties). Some causes will be identified regarding this tendency of expansion of role. Some lessons learned also will be recommended as the concluding remarks by the end of the paper.

Keywords: Islamic law, Indonesia, legal reform, Syariah local regulation

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Authors: P. Michael Preetam Raj, Souri Banerjee, Souvik Kundu

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Oxide based memristors were fabricated in order to establish its potential applications in analog/digital electronics. BaTiO₃-BiFeO₃ (BT-BFO) was employed as an active material, whereas platinum (Pt) and Nb-doped SrTiO₃ (Nb:STO) were served as a top and bottom electrodes, respectively. Piezoelectric force microscopy (PFM) was utilized to present the ferroelectricity and repeatable polarization inversion in the BT-BFO, demonstrating its effectiveness for resistive switching. The fabricated memristors exhibited excellent electrical characteristics, such as hysteresis current-voltage (I-V), high on/off ratio, high retention time, cyclic endurance, and low operating voltages. The band-alignment between the active material BT-BFO and the substrate Nb:STO was experimentally investigated using X-Ray photoelectron spectroscopy, and it attributed to staggered heterojunction alignment. An energy band diagram was proposed in order to understand the electrical transport in BT-BFO/Nb:STO heterojunction. It was identified that the I-V curves of these memristors have several discontinuities. Curve fitting technique was utilized to analyse the I-V characteristic, and the obtained I-V equations were found to be parabolic. Utilizing this analysis, a non-linear BT-BFO memristors equivalent circuit model was developed. Interestingly, the obtained equivalent circuit of the BT-BFO memristors mimics the identical electrical performance, those obtained in the fabricated devices. Based on the developed equivalent circuit, a finite state machine (FSM) design was proposed. Efforts were devoted to fabricate the same FSM, and the results were well matched with those in the simulated FSM devices. Its multilevel noise filtering and immunity to external noise characteristics were also studied. Further, the feature of variable negative resistance was established by controlling the current through the memristor.

Keywords: band alignment, finite state machine, polarization inversion, resistive switching

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Authors: Khairil Ahmad, Jenny Gryzelius, Mohd Helmi Mohd Sobri

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With the waning support for centrist ‘third-way’ politics across the Western world, there has been an increase in political parties and individual candidates relying on populist political discourse and rhetoric in order to capitalize on the sense of frustration apparent within the electorate. What is of note is the divergence in the discourses employed. On the one hand, there is a polarization between a growing wave of populist right-wing parties and politicians, employing a mixture of economic populism with divisive nationalistic ideals such as restricted immigration, for example, the UK’s UKIP and Donald Trump in the US. On the other hand, there are resurgent, often grassroots-led, left-wing movements and politicians, such as Podemos in Spain and Jeremy Corbyn in the UK, focusing on anti-austerity measures and inclusive policies. In general, the concept of populism is often ascribed in a pejorative way. This is despite the success of populist left-wing governments across Latin America in recent times, especially in terms of reducing poverty. Nonetheless, recently, scholars such as Ernesto Laclau have tried to rethink populism as a social scientific concept which is essential in helping us make sense of contemporary political articulations. Using Laclau’s framework, this paper seeks to analyze poverty reduction policies in different iterations in the context of the tenures of three Prime Ministers of Malaysia. The first is Abdul Razak Hussein’s New Economic Policy, which focused on uplifting the economic position of Malaysia’s majority Malay population. The second is Mahathir Mohamad’s state-led neo-liberalization of the Malaysian economy, which focused on the creation of a core group of crony elites in order to spearhead economic development. The third is current Prime Minister Najib Razak’s targeted poverty eradication strategy through a focused program which directly provides benefits to recipients such as through direct cash transfers. The paper employs a discursive approach to trace elements of populism in these cases and highlight instances of how their strategies are articulated in ways that seek to appeal towards particular visions of national unity.

Keywords: discourse analysis, Malaysia, populism, poverty eradication

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Authors: Doaa El-Shereef

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This paper will focus on proving a theory that it is an Egyptian knife with Canaanite relief and will discuss the nature of the Gebel el-Arak Knife and the civilization to which it belongs and the relationship of the Canaanite deity with Mount Abydos in Egypt, and the influence between the ancient Egyptian religion and the Canaanite religion and their effect on each other. Finally, the paper will discuss in full detail the engraving of the two faces of the knife handle and analyze the register on the front face, which is the scene of the two lions engraved, and between them, an old man symbolized as the deity in the middle and compared it with other drawings similar in the Egyptian civilization. The paper will also discuss the registers on the back face, which are the engravings of a battle, soldiers, uniforms, and boats, and how the back face describes a water battle between three Egyptian boats and two foreign ships. In addition, it will prove that those foreign ships were not Mesopotamian ships because, in the period to which the knife of Gebel Al-Arak belongs, between 3300-3100 BC, there were no battles or trade exchanges between Egypt and Mesopotamia on sea routes. However, there was already a strong land and sea trade between Canaan and Egypt during Chalcolithic Age (4500-3500 BC), as described in many primary sources.

Keywords: Canaan, Egypt, Gebel el-Arak Knife, Louvre

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Authors: Samuel Onyekachi Chidi

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Nigeria today faces more internal threats stemming from ethnic and religious conflicts than external sources. This article seeks to examine the ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria from 2015 to 2021 and their impact on national security. The research was guided by six objectives. The theoretical framework adopted for this study is Structural Conflict Theory, which provides an adequate explanation, a predictive rationale for the frequent occurrence of ethno-religious conflicts and a tendency to provide the necessary insight for their resolution. The results of the study revealed that there is a strong relationship between ethnicity, religion, conflict and national security and that the ethno-religious conflicts experienced in Nigeria have gross implications for national security. The study recommends that the secularity of the Nigerian state be restored and preserved and that the state of origin be removed and replaced by the state of residence in all our national documents, as this will reduce ethnic identity, which is in opposition to nationalism. Religious leaders, traditional rulers, the media and other stakeholders should support the government in its fight to reduce ethno-religious conflict by sensitizing its youth, preaching unity and peaceful coexistence, and discouraging the use of violence as a means of settling disputes between groups and individuals.

Keywords: ethnicity, religion, conflict, national security

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Authors: Snezana Lazic, Zarko Gacevic, Mark Holmes, Ekaterina Chernysheva, Marcus Müller, Peter Veit, Frank Bertram, Juergen Christen, Yasuhiko Arakawa, Enrique Calleja

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The study reports how the pencil-like morphology of a homoepitaxially grown GaN nanowire can be exploited for the fabrication of a thin conformal InGaN nanoshell, hosting nonpolar, semipolar and polar single photon sources (SPSs). All three SPS types exhibit narrow emission lines (FWHM~0.35 - 2 meV) and high degrees of linear optical polarization (P > 70%) in the low-temperature micro-photoluminescence (µ-PL) experiments and are characterized by a pronounced antibunching in the photon correlation measurements (gcorrected(2)(0) < 0.3). The quantum-dot-like exciton localization centers induced by compositional fluctuations within the InGaN nanoshell are identified as the driving mechanism for the single photon emission. As confirmed by the low-temperature transmission electron microscopy combined with cathodoluminescence (TEM-CL) study, the crystal region (i.e. non-polar m-, semi-polar r- and polar c-facets) hosting the single photon emitters strongly affects their emission wavelength, which ranges from ultra-violet for the non-polar to visible for the polar SPSs. The photon emission lifetime is also found to be facet-dependent and varies from sub-nanosecond time scales for the non- and semi-polar SPSs to a few nanoseconds for the polar ones. These differences are mainly attributed to facet-dependent indium content and electric field distribution across the hosting InGaN nanoshell. The hereby reported pencil-like InGaN nanoshell is the first single nanostructure able to host all three types of single photon emitters and is thus a promising building block for tunable quantum light devices integrated into future photonic and optoelectronic circuits.

Keywords: GaN nanowire, InGaN nanoshell, linear polarization, nonpolar, semipolar, polar quantum dots, single-photon sources

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Authors: Lim Pey Huan

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Yi-Kuan-Tao has been developing in Malaysia for nearly 60 years. It was initially introduced from mainland China and later from Taiwan starting from the 1970s. Yi-Kuan-Tao was considered a 'new religion' for the local Chinese community in Malaysia in its early stages, as Chinese immigrants primarily practiced Taoism, Buddhism, Christianity, or Catholicism upon settling in the region. The overseas propagation and development of Yi-Kuan-Tao today primarily occur through Taiwanese temples, which began spreading abroad as early as 1949. Particularly since the 1970s, with the rapid economic growth of Taiwan, various branches of Taiwanese Yi-Kuan-Tao have gained economic strength to propagate abroad, further expanding the influence of Yi-Kuan-Tao overseas. Southeast Asia is the region out from Taiwan where the propagation and development of Yi-Kuan-Tao are fastest and most concentrated. With approximately over 6 million Chinese inhabitants, Malaysia's pursuit of traditional Chinese culture has led to a flourishing interest in Yi-Kuan-Tao, particularly its advocacy of the unity of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, with an emphasis on promoting Confucian thought. Moreover, Taiwan's rapid economic development since the 1970s has enabled Yi-Kuan-Tao to allocate significant human and financial resources for external propagation efforts. Additionally, Malaysia's government has adopted a relatively tolerant policy towards religion since that time, further fostering the flourishing development of Yi-Kuan-Tao in Malaysia. Furthermore, this thesis aims to strengthen the lineage and continuity of the Yi-Kuan-Tao tradition, particularly the branch of Fa Yi Chong De, through the perspective of Heavenly Mandate (天命). By examining the different origins and ethnic backgrounds, it investigates how the Malaysian Chinese community has experienced different changes through the cultural baptism of religion, thus delving into the religious influence of Yi-Kuan-Tao. Given that the Fa Yi Chong De Academy in Taiwan is currently in an active development and construction phase, academic works related to Yi-Kuan-Tao will lay a more solid academic foundation for the future establishment of the academy.

Keywords: initial exploration, cultural shifts, Yi-Kuan-Tao, Malaysian Chinese community

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Authors: Paawani Tewari, Oishik Dasgupta

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Cinema and politics have often intertwined in India. Movies have become a mainstream method of communication with audiences and voters subliminally and directly. Indian film industry on average produces over a thousand films in a year, and during the election year of 2019, India witnessed the release of several highly political movies. Movies such as Uri: The Surgical Strike, Accidental Prime Minister, and PM Modi, et cetera, which are the sample of this study have tried to depict an ideal character of political stalwart leaders with the plausibility to inspire and aiming to change ideological orientations of viewers and the potent voters. This study tries to understand the major links between nationalism, its representation, and its manifestation in Indian cinema and how it is instrumental in shaping the character and orientations of its citizens towards nation, nationalism, and nationhood. Our work aims to highlight how nationalistic assumptions that are swaddled in the Hindi movies released during January 2019 – May 2019 affect the political mood of the nation and, in totality, the democratic system. The authors also try to throw light on how films being a powerful tool, are now being used to shape ideas, brainwashing and swaying opinions for political mileage. Hence it becomes essential for us to explore the dynamics between the quintessential definitions of what nationalism is for a common man in India versus of what has been represented in cinema, especially during the time of the elections.

Keywords: political governance and political analysis, political and public administration, election, public choice

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Authors: Ana Luiza Casasanta Garcia, Maria Del Carmen Cortizo

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From the classic contractualist and early declarations of modern rights, discussions on policies for the protection and promotion of human rights were highlighted in an attempt to ensure the realization of human dignity and its values, which are (re) negotiated according to the needs evidenced in each historical and contextual moment. Aiming at guaranteeing human rights to Brazilian citizens, created in 2009 and updated in 2010, the Third National Human Rights Program (PNDH III) in force highlights guidelines and recommendations to guarantee human rights, among them, to guarantee the rights of women in Brazil. Based on this document, this article aims to locate historically and culturally the understanding of human rights related to the rights of women in Brazilian territory, from the analysis of the guiding axes of women's rights of the PNDH III. In methodological terms, the qualitative approach and documentary research were used to analyze the data according to the critical discourse analysis. As a result, it has been found that the process of building and maintaining the guarantee of women's human rights needs a reformulation that also shows a social revolution. This is justified by the fact that even with the provision in the PNDH III that, in order to guarantee the rights of women, it is necessary, for example, to adapt the Penal Code to the decriminalization of abortion and the professionalization of prostitution, these points are still very controversial and are not put into practice by the State. Finally, the importance of the critique of politics and the current system of production of understandings in favor of this social transformation is emphasized.

Keywords: human rights of women, social transformation, national human rights program III, public politics

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Authors: Sabrina N. Jafralie, Arzina Zaver

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Responding to religious diversity and the need for social change, the Ethics and Religious Culture (ERC) Program was introduced as a mandatory subject for all students in Quebec, Canada. Now that the Quebec provincial government has announced the end of the ERC program, it time to discuss and assess both challenges and successes in it's implementation especially its impact on social change. Though many studies have been written around the wider concepts of religious education and religious literacy in the public system, few studies have included voices from educators. Jafralie and Zaver's qualitative research study examines the potentials and struggles of the ERC Program, and by doing so, raise important considerations around the effective teaching of.  The findings point to several consistent themes that teachers grapple with in regards to curriculum and pedagogy and highlights that in-service teachers are not thoroughly prepared to teach about ethics and religion, nor are teacher education programs effectively preparing pre-service teachers entering the field to deal with the complexities of teaching about religion or social change in their classrooms. The authors suggest avenues in which teacher education for teachers can look like in order for students and teachers to engage meaningfully with religious diversity and be agents of social change. 

Keywords: Pedagogy, Professional Development, Quebec, Teaching

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Authors: Caglayan Pinar Demirtas, Mustafa Koc

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Objective: This study was carried out in order to find out; the methods which are used by primary school teachers to cope with stress, their psychological health, and the direction of controlling focus. The study was carried out by using the ‘school survey’ and ‘society survey’ methods. Method: The study included primary school teachers. The study group was made up of 1066 people; 511 women and 555 men who accepted volunteerly to complete; ‘the inventory for collecting data, ‘the Scale for Attitude of Overcoming Stress’ (SBTE / SAOS), ‘Rotter’s Scale for the Focus of Inner- Outer Control’ (RİDKOÖ / RSFIOC), and ‘the Symptom Checking List’ (SCL- 90). The data was collected by using ‘the Scale for Attitude of Overcoming Stress’, ‘the Scale for the Focus of Inner- Outer Control’, ‘the Symptom Checking List’, and a personal information form developed by the researcher. SPSS for Windows packet programme was used. Result: The age variable is a factor in interpersonal sensitivity, depression, anxciety, hostality symptoms but it is not a factor in the other symptoms. The variable, gender, is a factor in emotional practical escaping overcoming method but it is not a factor in the other overcoming methods. Namely, it has been found out that, women use emotional practical escaping overcoming method more than men. Marital status is a factor in methods of overcoming stress such as trusting in religion, emotional practical escaping and biochemical escaping while it is not a factor in the other methods. Namely, it has been found out that married teachers use trusting in religion method, and emotional practical escaping method more than single ones. Single teachers generally use biochemical escaping method. In primary school teachers’ direction of controlling focus, gender variable is a factor. It has been found out that women are more inner controlled while the men are more outer controlled. The variable, time of service, is a factor in the direction of controlling focus; that is, teachers with 1-5 years of service time are more inner controlled compared with teachers with 16-20 years of service time. The variable, age, is a factor in the direction of controlling focus; that is, teachers in 26-30 age groups are more outer controlled compared with the other age groups and again teachers in 26-30 age group are more inner controlled when compared with the other age groups. Direction of controlling focus is a factor in the primary school teachers’ psychological health. Namely, being outer controlled is a factor but being inner controlled is not. The methods; trusting in religion, active plannıng and biochemical escaping used by primary school teachers to cope with stress act as factors in the direction of controlling focus but not in the others. Namely, it has been found out that outer controlled teachers prefer the methods of trusting in religion and active planning while the inner controlled ones prefer biochemical escaping.

Keywords: coping with, controlling focus, psychological health, stress

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Authors: Gnanadeep Gudapati, V. Annie Grace

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A broadband circular polarization (CP) feature is designed for a CPW-fed planar printed monopole antenna. A rectangle patch and an improved ground plane make up the antenna. The antenna's impedance bandwidth can be increased by adding a vertical stub and a horizontal slit in the ground plane. The measured results show that the proposed antenna has a wide 10-dB return loss bandwidth of 70.2% (4.35GHz, 3.7-8.1GHz) centered at 4.2 GHz.

Keywords: CPW-fed, circular polarised, FR4 epoxy, slit and stub

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Authors: Amy Kless, Peter Reuter

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The purpose of this study was to explore the association between the teachings of religious doctrine on the use of contraceptives and its influence on the behavior of female college students. The religious doctrine of both Christian and non-Christian religions states that sexual intercourse shall only take place between people that are married. Additionally, the teachings of most Christian and non-Christian religions prohibit the use of contraceptives during sexual intercourse. Being away from home for the first time, students that grew up in religious households may stop attending church services or stop practicing religion entirety. The college years are also a time for sexual exploration. The desire for sexual exploration leaves many students, both religious and non-religious, with having to choose between abstaining from sexual intercourse or using a form of contraceptive to prevent pregnancy. Of 1,130 female students anonymously surveyed at a southern university between Spring 2016 and Fall 2020, 50% reported having religious beliefs. Less than 50% of the students who reported having religious beliefs attend church services on a regular basis. Nearly 75% of the same students reported having participated in sexual intercourse with close to 60% utilizing some form of contraceptive to prevent pregnancy. The data suggest that female college students do not follow religious teachings on abstinence from premarital sex or the ban on the use of contraceptives.

Keywords: contraceptives, females, intercourse, religion

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Authors: Eric Agyekum, Dominic Asitanga

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Ghana is widely considered asa beacon of democracy in sub-Saharan Africa. With a relatively free media, the country was ranked30thin the world and third in Africaon the 2021 Press Freedom Index. Despite the democratic gains, itis one of the most politically polarized nations in the world. Ghana’spolitical division is evident in the current hunglegislature, where each of the two dominant political parties has 137 members, with an independent member occupying the remaining one seat. Misinformation and fake newsthrive in systems with acuteideological and political differences(Imelda et al, 2021; Azzimonti&Fernandes, 2018; Spohr, 2017) and Ghana is no exception. The information disorder problem has been exacerbatedby the COVID-19 pandemic, with its attendant conspiracy theories and speculations, making it difficult for the media and fact-checking organizations to verifyall claims and flag false information. In Ghana, fact-checking agencies like Ghana Fact, Dubawa Ghana, and some mainstream news media organizations have been fact-checking political claims, COVID-19 conspiracy theories, and many others. However, it is not clear if the audience consumeand attach prominence to these fact-checked stories or even visit the websites of the fact-checking agencies to read the content. Nekmat (2020) opine that though the literature on fact-checking suggest that fact-checked stories can alter readers’ beliefs, very few studies have investigated the patronage and the potential of fact-checks to deter users from sharing false news with others, particularly on social media. In response to Nekmat, this study has been initiated to examine the perception and attitude of the audience in Ghana towards fact-checks. Anchored on the principles of the nudge theory, this study will investigate how fact-checked stories alters readers’ behavioural patterns. A survey will be conducted to collect data from sampled members of the Ghanaian society.

Keywords: fact-checking, information disorder, nudge theory, political polarization

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Authors: Sabrina Howard

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'Window Seat' uses public transportation as an entry point for understanding the relationship between public space, politics, and social identity construction. This project argues that by bringing people of different races, classes, and genders in 'contact' with one another, public transit operates as a site of exposure, as people consciously and unconsciously perform social identity within these spaces. These performances offer a form of freedom that we associate with being in urban spaces while simultaneously rendering certain racialized, gendered, and classed bodies vulnerable to violence. Furthermore, due to its exposing function, public transit operates as a site through which we, as urbanites and scholars, can read social injustice and reflect on the work that is necessary to become a truly democratic society. The major questions guiding this research are: How does using public transit as the entry point provide unique insights into the relationship between social identity, politics, and public space? What ideas do Americans hold about public space and how might these ideas reflect a liberal yearning for a more democratic society? To address these research questions, 'Window Seat' critically examines ethnographic data collected on public buses and trains in Los Angeles, California, and online news media. It analyzes these sources through literature in socio-cultural psychology, sociology, and political science. It investigates the 'everyday urban hero' narrative or popular news stories that feature an individual or group of people acting against discriminatory or 'Anti-American' behavior on public buses and trains. 'Window Seat' studies these narratives to assert that by circulating stories of civility in news media, United Statsians construct and maintain ideas of the 'liberal city,' which is characterized by ideals of freedom and democracy. Furthermore, for those involved, these moments create an opportunity to perform the role of the Good Samaritan, an identity that is wrapped up in liberal beliefs in diversity and inclusion. This research expands conversations in urban studies by making a case for the political significance of urban public space. It demonstrates how these sites serve as spaces through which liberal beliefs are circulated and upheld through identity performance.

Keywords: social identity, public space, public transportation, liberalism

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Authors: Giovanna X. De Moura, Fernando A. Starepravo

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In recent years, the discussion of women in sports has been part of the political agenda in several countries. However, in the Brazilian scope, it is possible to say that women's sport has not become a social problem recognized by political actors and, therefore, it has not entered the country's governmental agenda. Thus, this work aimed to analyze why sport for women is not on the Brazilian government's agenda. For this, it was interviewed six women considered to be stakeholders in sports, that is, women who influence or are influenced by sports. The interviews were based on a semi-structured script and carried out in the year 2022. Due to the difficulties of commuting and of the schedule of the interviewees, some interviews were carried out in person, others by video call or telephone and others by WhatsApp. The interviews were transcribed and analyzed using Bardin's Content Analysis. As a result, from the stakeholders' perception, it was ascertained that women's sport is not considered a political problem because both sport and politics are considered masculinized fields, making it difficult for women to be present in both spaces. Besides, not only the sport of women but sport in general, is seen as just a marketing tool and a way of getting financial return for companies, being neglected in government plans. Due to this fact, private institutions, corporative means, federations and confederations have been mobilized in the creation of policies that seek changes in the current scenario. Despite this, two PLs (PL 6263/2019 and PL 5297/2020) have been in the process since 2019 but have not been approved yet due to the failure to submit amendments within the established deadline. In order to change this reality, the ones surveyed suggested that there should be not only different types of women represented on the most varied fronts of sports but also more visibility of the issue of women in this field. Furthermore, they mentioned the importance of the creation of specific plans and policies that guarantee a safe place for women and that are consolidated as State policies. In addition, the need for more women in political decision-making positions was also mentioned. It was concluded that women's sport appears on the agenda at a secondary level since it is included on the legislative, and political agenda but not in the executive branch. In addition, there is not enough movement and mobilization in favor of women's sports for it to become a discussion in the field of politics. Regarding the Multiple Streams Model, women's sport is present only in the ideas stream, as there are solutions and ideas for improvements in this field. Finally, it was pointed that there is still a strong dependence on the State for the creation of policies that seek improvements in the participation of girls and women in sport, hence, being necessary the creation of multicentric policies, including non-governmental agents in the process of elaborating policies.

Keywords: agenda, politics, stakeholders, women’s sport

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Authors: Kazuma Mizukoshi

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Are electoral politics in contemporary Brazil still local in organization and focus? The importance of this question lies in its paradoxical trajectories. First, often coupled with institutional and sociological ‘barriers’ (e.g. the selection and election of candidates relatively loyal to the local party leadership, the predominance of territorialized electoral campaigns, and the resilience of political clientelism), the regionalization of electoral politics has been a viable and practical solution especially for pragmatic politicians in some Latin American countries. On the other hand, some leftist parties that once served as minor opposition forces at the time of foundational or initial elections have certainly expanded vote shares. Some were eventually capable of holding most (if not a majority) legislative seats since the 1990s. Though not yet rigorously demonstrated, theoretically implicit in the rise of leftist parties in legislative elections is the gradual (if not complete) nationalization of electoral support—meaning the growing equality of a party’s vote share across electoral districts and its change over time. This study will develop four hypotheses to explain the dynamics of party nationalization in contemporary Brazil: district magnitude, ethnic and class fractionalization of each district, voting intentions in federal and state executive elections, and finally the left-right stances of electorates. The study will demonstrate these hypotheses by closely working with the Brazilian Electoral Study (2002-2014).

Keywords: party nationalization, presidential coattails, Left, Brazil

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Authors: Shilpa Bagade Poharkar

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The basis for traditional notion of security was the use of force to preserve vital interest which based on either realism or power politics. The modern approach to security extends beyond the traditional notions of security which focus on issues as development and respect for human rights. In global politics, the issue of human security plays a vital role in most of the policy matter. In modern era, the protection of human rights is now recognized as one of the main functions of any legitimate modern state. The research paper will explore the relationship between human rights and security. United Nations is facing major challenges like rampant poverty, refugee outflows, human trafficking, displacement, conflicts, terrorism, intra-inter ethnic conflicts, proliferation of small arms, genocide, piracy, climate change, health issues and so on. The methodology is observed in this paper is doctrinaire which includes analytical and descriptive comparative method. The hypothesis of the paper is the relationship between human rights and a goal of United Nations to attain peace and security. Although previous research has been done in this field but this research paper will try to find out the challenges in the human security through human rights in the contemporary world and will provide measures for it. The study will focus on the following research questions: What are the issues and challenges United Nations facing while advancing human security through human rights? What measures the international community would take for ensuring the protection of human rights while protecting state security and contribute in the attainment of goals of United Nations?

Keywords: human rights, human security, peace, security, United Nations

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Authors: Kirsty Liddiard

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In this paper, we detail the politics and practicalities of co-produced disability research with disabled young people with life-limiting and life-threatening impairments in our ESRC funded project, Life, Death, Disability and the Human: Living Life to the Fullest. We centre our Co-Researcher Collective of disabled young people who, through virtual research methods and social technologies, are co-leading this innovative project exploring the lives, hopes, desires and ambitions of young disabled people living short(er) lives. Co-production is an established approach; however, our co-researchers have led us to develop inclusive and transformative research practices that engage with online social research methods in innovative ways. Through this discussion, we demarcate the Academy and ‘research process’ as potentially deeply ableist spaces that propogate the normative researcher as non-disabled; someone integrated into the Academy and insecure employment; and who enacts normative modes of leadership. We use our experiences of co-production in Living Life to the Fullest, then, to show that research – as a discipline, a set of politics, and scholarly practice – must be transformed in order to enable new inclusive research futures that support meaningful co-production with marginalised young people. In conclusion, as we detail our experiences, we aim to encourage disability studies researchers and others to adopt virtual environments and social technologies when researching with and for the lives of disabled people.

Keywords: co-production, illness, youth, technology

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Authors: Masooma Al-Balushi, Tamer Mohamed Atef

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The Sultanate of Oman is located on the South-eastern tip of the Arabian Peninsula. It is bordered by the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea and has borders with the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Yemen. Arabic is the official language. Islam is the official religion. Islam has a great impact on most Omanis, Shari’a law is the law of Oman. The tribal structure plays an essential role in the lives of Omanis. Most people in the Gulf States bear a tribal name rather than a family name. Religion, tribe, and family are highly influential in shaping individuals’ values and behaviors, and have a very noticeable influence on a person’s career choices. Tourism development has been given special attention by the Sultanate of Oman’s government aspiring that the industry would assist in creating direct job opportunities as well as boost the economy through provision of hard currency to improve the balance of payments. This study aims to assess the impact of socio-cultural and religious factors on Omanis employment in the hotel sector. The socio-cultural and religious factors have serious impacts on Omani employment in the hotel sector. Some employees are concerned about the source of income because of the idea that since the hotel business is based on activities such as serving alcohol and pork, gambling, and accommodating unmarried couples, their source of income would be questionable religion wise. For females, the designated job uniform and the interaction with males are major concerns. Ability to fulfil family obligations for married Omanis, and marriage opportunity for singles were other raised concerns. Whilst the future prosperity of the hotel industry depends on the quality of its people, in Oman, the hospitality industry has failed, for a number of reasons, to project an image that could generate interest amongst Omanis. Furthermore, the characteristics and the very nature of the hotel sector are in direct conflict with Islamic doctrines which are embedded in Omani life and society.

Keywords: culture, society, hotel, hospitality, Islam, Oman

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Authors: Andreas Aceranti, Simonetta Vernocchi, Marco Colorato, Guido Bighiani, Lorenzo Moretti

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Internalized homo/biphobia refers to a set of negative feelings (feelings of guilt, contempt, anger, a sense of inferiority) that nonheterosexuals may feel towards themselves. We studied 22 young males struggling with their bisexuality or homosexuality. All have come to psychoanalysis/counselling because something was “not going right in their lives.” Even though they were all involved in heterosexual relations, they felt that the relationship was not satisfactory, and even tried having affairs with other women, they felt unsatisfied. All revealed that even though they felt sexually attracted to women, they fell in love with other men. When we investigated the main resistances, the answers were almost the same fearing rejection: four from their mates; six from their parents; eight both from mates and parents; the other four were unable to accept the “deviation for religious reasons.” During the sessions, we educated them about sexual orientation and affection, and we spent much time educating them about the normality of sexual orientation. We found out that the majority (20 subjects) were totally ignorant about sexual orientation and had evaluated themselves only on prejudice or religious approaches. After many sessions, 18 subjects stopped coming to sessions as they felt at peace with themselves. Interestingly the four patients who still come to therapy and are still struggling with themselves are the four subjects with religious issues. Based on our experience, the most destructive aspect of sexual orientation acceptance is the lack of education. Prejudice and religion, unfortunately, still play a big role in self-acceptance.

Keywords: prejudice, homophobia, sexual orientation, biphobia, acceptance, ignorance

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Authors: Sheetal Dinkar Kamble

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The philosophy of Dalit women revolves around the question of how gender and caste inequality manifest itself in social institutions such as the workplace, home, community, rural economy, and the public and private spaces. On the other hand, Dalit feminism explains the range of untouchability related discriminatory practices and how they incorporate the factor of gender in all social relationships. Gender theories are needed to explain how the caste system works on gendered assumptions and are selectively subject to the notion of caste in established ways of life and the punishments for deviating from them. Dalit feminists working in the field of traditional philosophy, from anthropology to epistemology, have introduced new concepts and approaches that would have to form the basis of their philosophy. It also presents philosophical knowledge of caste, gender, religion, class, and sexuality. They are bringing a particularly feminist lens on the issues of globalization, human rights, popular culture, and caste. Dalit women’s philosophy leads to Dalit feminism and knowledge creation. It is an analysis of caste history, contributions, and the challenges faced by Dalit women in rural India. The researcher claims that the method of the case study, to understand caste and gender involved in the discussion of Dalit feminist philosophy, is important. This study will contribute towards the development of dynamic theoretical frameworks directed towards social justice and equality.

Keywords: caste, gender, class, religion

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Authors: Natalie M. Khazaal

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The effects of the civil war on Lebanese women have been challenging to conceptualize. For some, war is a liberating and empowering force for women, while for others it is one that subjugates women and disempowers them in new ways. Scholars have explored the impact on the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990) on women in the fields of labor history, political activism and literary production. In all these arenas, women’s role and visibility were contested and negotiated in diverse ways. But probably the most visible arena where this contestation took place was television. Dramatized entertainment series were crucial sites where fictional women battled out the gender question, and which reflected and participated in the negotiations of gender politics. Even more stunningly, actual television stations became part of this battle through the plots and portrayals of women that they created. The state-backed Tele-Liban (TL) peddled patriarchal articulations of gender that directly competed with the edgy vision of liberated, independent women on the pirate Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation (LBC). This presentation explores how LBC used gender to distinguish its brand against the retrograde TL programing. Television series are an important medium for creating, testing and reenacting gender politics. They are even more consequential in another way. They are the sites where a dramatic shift in the relationship between Arab television and Arab publics—from benign neglect of public concerns towards engagement with audiences—took place for the first time. As this shift is at the heart of why Arab media was seen as a participant in the Arab uprisings, it is important to explore the roots of the shift in the dramas and comedy series of the mid-1980s Lebanese television. This presentation argues that television battles over gender were consequential and need serious consideration as sites of unexpected meaning.

Keywords: gender, Lebanon, television, war, women

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Authors: Chew Zhao Hong

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Since the transition of power in 2018, the Malaysian political landscape has experienced substantial shifts and complexities. The decline of the longstanding ruling party, United Malays National Organization (UMNO), following the party rotation, has given rise to splinter parties such as the Indigenous Unity Party (Bersatu), along with the enduring presence of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) in the northern region of the Malay Peninsula. However, the "Sheraton Move" in 2020 led to the fall of the Pakatan Harapan government and the emergence of Perikatan Nasional, signifying the ascent of a third political force. The 2022 general elections marked Malaysia's entry into a hung parliament, culminating in an intricate negotiation that resulted in a coalition government formed by Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional, and the Sarawak parties alliance (GPS), collectively governing the Malaysian federal administration. During the 2023 state elections, Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional formed an unprecedented alliance, yet the media framing benefited Perikatan Nasional, even securing substantial support from UMNO's traditional constituencies. In the era of converging new media, Malaysia’s democratization faces new challenges: first, political leaders leveraging media to cultivate unfiltered personas risk inducing populism; second, under the influence of agenda-setting and two-step flow theories, media contributes to polarization; lastly, Malaysia's multi-party system is no longer effectively moderate extreme ideologies into the political center. This study examines the role of media framing and its impact on the democratization process within Malaysia's consociational democracy under a multi-party system and analyzes media discourse before and after the 2023 Malaysian state elections to explore how different parties shape public opinion and political discourse, and how political messages may be amplified or distorted in the process.

Keywords: multi-party system, democratization, elections, political polarization, Malaysia, media framing

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