Search results for: resource mobilization theory and social movement

Authors: Nur Rafeeda Daut

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The significance of this paper is to provide an insight on the role of social movement in building stronger ethnic relations in Malaysia. In particular, it focuses on how the BERSIH movement have been able to bring together the different ethnic groups in Malaysia to resist the present political administration that is seen to manipulate the electoral process and oppress the basic freedom of expression of Malaysians. Attention is given on how and why this group emerged and its mobilisation strategies. Malaysia which is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society gained its independence from the British in 1957. Like many other new nations, it faces the challenges of nation building and governance. From economic issues to racial and religious tension, Malaysia is experiencing high level of corruption and income disparity among the different ethnic groups. The political parties in Malaysia are also divided along ethnic lines. BERSIH which is translated as ‘clean’ is a movement which seeks to reform the current electoral system in Malaysia to ensure equality, justice, free and fair elections. It was originally formed in 2007 as a joint committee that comprised leaders from political parties, civil society groups and NGOs. In April 2010, the coalition developed as an entirely civil society movement unaffiliated to any political party. BERSIH claimed that the electoral roll in Malaysia has been marred by fraud and other irregularities. In 2015, the BERSIH movement organised its biggest rally in Malaysia which also includes 38 other rallies held internationally. Supporters of BERSIH that participated in the demonstration were comprised of all the different ethnic groups in Malaysia. In this paper, two social movement theories are used: resource mobilization theory and political opportunity structure to explain the emergence and mobilization of the BERSIH movement in Malaysia. Based on these two theories, corruption which is believed to have contributed to the income disparity among Malaysians has generated the development of this movement. The rise of re-islamisation values propagated by certain groups in Malaysia and the shift in political leadership has also created political opportunities for this movement to emerge. In line with the political opportunity structure theory, the BERSIH movement will continue to create more opportunities for the empowerment of civil society and the unity of ethnic relations in Malaysia. Comparison is made on the degree of ethnic unity in the country before and after BERSIH was formed. This would include analysing the level of re-islamisation values and also the level of corruption in relation to economic income under the premiership of the former Prime Minister Mahathir and the present Prime Minister Najib Razak. The country has never seen such uprisings like BERSIH where ethnic groups which over the years have been divided by ethnic based political parties and economic disparity joined together with a common goal for equality and fair elections. As such, the BERSIH movement is a unique case where it illustrates the change of political landscape, ethnic relations and civil society in Malaysia.

Keywords: ethnic relations, Malaysia, political opportunity structure, resource mobilization theory and social movement

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Authors: Rosyidah Muhamad

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New media is facilitating collective action in ways never thought possible. Although the broader political climate may have a powerful influence on the success or failure of emerging social movement organizations, the Internet is enabling groups previously incapable of political action to find their voices Whether this shift is offering greater relative benefit to previously underrepresented or incumbent political fixtures is subject to debate, but it is clear that like-minded people are now able to better locate and converse with each other via many Internet. The recent social movement in Malaysia – the BERSIH Movement had attracted demonstrators from countries all over the world. The movement with an unforeseen mixture of nationalities became world news. Interestingly, the new media seemed to play a crucial role in the organization of the protests around the world. This article maps this movement via an analysis of their websites. It examines the contribution of these websites based on the collective identity, actual mobilization and a network of organizations. This research indicates signs of an integration of different organizations that contributed to an important role of the new media.

Keywords: Bersih Movement, Malaysian politics, new media, social movement

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Authors: Ali Aqa Mohammad Jawad

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Taking a relational approach, this paper analyzes the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Enlightening Movement in post-2001 Afghanistan. The movement emerged after the state-owned Da Afghan Bereshna Sherkat (DABS) decided to divert the route for the Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan-Tajikistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan (TUTAP) electricity project. The grid was initially planned to go through the Hazara-inhabited province of Bamiyan, according to Afghanistan’s Power Sector Master Plan. The reroute served as an aide-mémoire of historical subordination to other ethno-religious groups for the Hazara community. It was also perceived as deprivation from post-2001 development projects, financed by international aid. This torched the accumulated grievances, which then gave birth to the Enlightening Movement. The movement had a successful mobilization. However, it demobilized after losing much of its mobilizing capabilities through an amalgamation of external and internal relational factors. The successful mobilization yet rapid demobilization constitutes the puzzle of this paper. From the theoretical perspective, this paper is significant as it establishes the applicability of contentious politics theory to protest mobilizations that occurred in Afghanistan, a context-specific, characterized by ethnic politics. Both primary and secondary data are utilized to address the puzzle. As for the primary resources, media coverage, interviews, reports, public media statements of the movement, involved in contentious performances, and data from Social Networking Services (SNS) are used. The covered period is from 2001-2018. As for the secondary resources, published academic articles and books are used to give a historical account of contentious politics. For data analysis, a qualitative comparative historical method is utilized to uncover the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Movement. In this pursuit, both mobilization and demobilization are considered as larger political processes that could be decomposed to constituent mechanisms. Enlightening Movement’s framing and campaigns are first studied to uncover the associated mechanisms. Then, to avoid introducing some ad hoc mechanisms, the recurrence of mechanisms is checked against another case. Mechanisms qualify as robust if they are “recurrent” in different episodes of contention. Checking the recurrence of causal mechanisms is vital as past contentious events tend to reinforce future events. The findings of this paper suggest that the public sphere in Afghanistan is drastically different from Western democracies known as the birthplace of social movements. In Western democracies, when institutional politics did not respond, movement organizers occupied the public sphere, undermining the legitimacy of the government. In Afghanistan, the public sphere is ethicized. Considering the inter- and intra-relational dynamics of ethnic groups in Afghanistan, the movement reduced to an erosive inter- and intra-ethnic conflict. This undermined the cohesiveness of the movement, which then kicked-off its demobilization process.

Keywords: enlightening movement, contentious politics, mobilization, demobilization

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Authors: Jon Gunnar Bernburg

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The present study addresses a topic that is fundamental to social movement theory, namely, the contingent link between movement support and movement participation. Usually, only a small fraction of those who agree with the cause of a social movement is mobilized into participating in it (a pattern sometimes referred to as 'the collective action problem'). However, historical moments sometimes emerge when many supporters become mobilized to participate in the movement, greatly enhancing the chance of movement success. By studying a case in point, this paper addresses the limited work on how support and participation are related at such critical moments. Specifically, the paper examines the association between supporting and participating in a huge 'pro-democracy' protest in Iceland in April 2016, in the wake of the global Panama Papers scandal. Organized via social media by only a handful of activists, but supported by a majority of Icelanders, the protest attracted about a fourth of the urban population, leading to a snap election and government change. Surveying Iceland’s urban population, this paper tests hypotheses about the processes mobilizing supporters to participate in the protest. The findings reveal how variables derived from the theories of biographical availability (males vs. females, working class vs. professionals), critical mass (expectations, prior protest success), and social embeddedness (close ties with protesters) moderate the association between protest support and participation. The study helps to account for one of the largest protests in Iceland’s history while contributing to the theory about how historical contexts shape the behavior of movement supporters.

Keywords: Iceland, crisis, protest support vs. participation, theories of mass mobilization

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Authors: Saeed Saffar-Heidari

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This article aims to study the recent Iranian national uprising of “Women, Life, Freedom” as a site of memory which renders the political possibility of imagining the post-Islamic futures in Iran. “Women, Life, Freedom” movement in Iran has been arguably the most pervasive social movement since the Islamic Revolution (1979) as it has posed serious issues and conflicts for the present Islamic state in Iran. The core argument of this article, however, is oriented toward the critical role of collective memory as a means of political transition and revolutionary mobilization. “Women, Life, Freedom” movement, among other things, has revitalized the popular binary opposition of pre-1979 and post-1979 Iran through which the Ancien Régime or the pre-1979 era is likely to be interpreted, read, and remembered in terms of present post-1979 cultural and political demands. As remembering involves everyday participation in shaping and reshaping the past through new codes, criteria, and values, it is argued that the presentist refashioning and remembering of the pre-1979 monarchical era has been one of the major facilitatory forces for the on-going revolutionary mobilization in Iran. The construction of the pre-1979 memory and the return of the dynastic specter has played a significant role in revolutionary mobilization as it has provided the protesters with the possible perspectives of post-Islamic regime in Iran. Additionally, the question of compulsory “Hijab” (veiling) as the prime mover of "Women, Life, Freedom” movement in Iran has strongly contributed to the everyday comparative discourse of pre/post 1979 memory. According to this presentist remembering of pre-1979, the Pahlavi dynasty would be conceived as a symbol of modernization, westernization, secularization, and non-compulsory Hijab. While the memory of the pre-revolutionary Iran is genuinely an imaginative as well as a constructed entity that finally culminates in the public condemnation of the very Islamic revolution (1979), it serves the enrichment of the Iranian political imagination as it paves the ways for the revolutionary mobilization and then the overthrowing of the Islamic regime in Iran. This article makes a case for the ways that the public narrative and discourse around the Islamic regime (especially the Islamic Hijab) led to the refashioning of the memory of pre-1979 era and inspired he revolutionary mobilization in Iran.

Keywords: post-islamic, utopias, memory, revolutionary, mobilization, Iran

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Authors: Peter Amobi Chiamogu

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Communication has subsisted as the basis for mass mobilization and political education through history with the media as a generic concept. Revolutions in ICTs have occasioned a limitless environment for the dissemination of information and ideas especially with the use of a seemingly pervasive access, penetration and use of the internet which has engendered a connected society. This study seeks to analyze the prospects and challenges for the adaptation of social media for free election and how this process can enhance public policy making, implementation and evaluation in a developing state.

Keywords: social media, e-participation, political mobilization, public policy, electioneering

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Authors: M. Inbar Daeribi, Vara Leoni

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Street Library Movement has been established and started to grow in some cities in Indonesia as a social movement. In the beginning, this movement emerged as a response to Indonesian lack of reading culture. Nevertheless, this study found out that street library movement is not only a literacy movement for developing reading culture. Furthermore, this movement is also a resistance towards education system in Indonesia. Street library movement is a critical consciousness driven by autonomous working group (community) as counter-public form towards Indonesia’s education condition legitimated by the government. This study, conducted in qualitative method with street library movement in Sukabumi, West Java, Indonesia as the object of study, will examine resistance forms of this movement and its social impacts. By studying this paper, it can be explained how street library movement served as an engine for social development.

Keywords: street library movement, social movement, resistance, education system

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Authors: Nassim Salmi

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Postoperative mobilization is an important part of fundamental care. Increased mobilization has a positive effect on recovery, but immobilization is still a challenge in postoperative care. Aims: To report how the establishment of a national nursing database was used to measure postoperative mobilization in patients undergoing surgery for ovarian cancer. Mobilization was defined as at least 3 hours out of bed on postoperative day 1, with the goal set at achieving this in 60% of patients. Clinical nurses on 4400 patients with ovarian cancer performed data entry. Findings: 46.7% of patients met the goal for mobilization on the first postoperative day, but variations in duration and type of mobilization were observed. Of those mobilized, 51.8% had been walking in the hallway. A national nursing database creates opportunities to optimize fundamental care. By comparing nursing data with oncological, surgical, and pathology data, it became possible to study mobilization in relation to cancer stage, comorbidity, treatment, and extent of surgery.

Keywords: postoperative care, gynecology, nursing documentation, database

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Authors: Chihab Benmoussa

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Could the Work System Approach (WSA) function as a framework for designing high-impact knowledge mobilization systems? This paper put forward arguments in favor of the applicability of WSA for knowledge mobilization design based on evidences from a practical research. Normative approaches for practitioners are highly needed especially in the field of knowledge management (KM), given the abysmal rate of disappointment and failure of KM projects. The paper contrasts knowledge management and knowledge mobilization, presents the WSA and showed how the WSA’s concepts and ideas fit with the approach adopted by a multinational company in designing a successful knowledge mobilization initiative.

Keywords: knowledge management, knowledge mobilizations, work system method

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Authors: Yu Yaochuan

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This paper explores the pivotal role of public opinion during the Xinhai Revolution. Examining the dynamics of public sentiment in Chinese society in 1911 shows how information dissemination, ideological propaganda, and public mobilization worked together to drive the revolution to success. The study highlights the indispensable role of revolutionary newspapers, assemblies, and speeches in spreading revolutionary ideas, mobilizing the public, and shaping policy perceptions. By analyzing these historical events, the paper provides a deeper insight into the Xinhai Revolution and offers theoretical and empirical support for understanding the application of public opinion in modern social and political transformations.

Keywords: Xinhai Revolution, public opinion, social mobilization, information dissemination, ideology, political transformation

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Authors: Driss Bouyahya

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During the late 1960s, Islam-oriented social movements have encroached to reach the Moroccan public spheres and mobilize huge waves of people from different walks of life under the banners of a rhetoric that resonates with the Muslim way of life away from Modernity and globalization tenets. In this respect, the present study investigates and explores some of the ways utilized by the Movement for Unity and Reform in Morocco as an Islam-oriented movement to recruit students massively at universities. The significance of this study lies in demystifying the recruitment strategies and mechanisms, considered essential for the Islam-oriented social movements to mobilize. This research paper uses a quantitative method to collect and analyze data through two different structured questionnaires. One of the major findings is that this Islam-oriented movement uses different techniques to recruit students, namely social networks, its websites and You-tube as three main modern and sophisticated means of communication. In a nutshell, this paper´s findings fill some of the gaps in the literature in regard to Islam-oriented movements ‘mobilization strategies.

Keywords: changing, ideology, Islam, party

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Authors: Ladan Surajo

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Nigeria as a third world country is full of people who cannot read and write, thereby constituting a stumbling block to the modern way of communication. It is a well known fact that Nigeria is a heterogeneous country with an estimated 450 or more ethnic groups communicating in divergent languages. Despite this scenario, English, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba languages are predominantly used in the country. Apart from English language, Hausa has a wider coverage of usage among the indigenous languages in Nigeria, thereby using it in the area of social mobilization and conflict management cannot be overemphasized. Hausa Oral Singers are depicting their artistic and God endowed talents through singing to mobilize and sensitize the local communities about government programmes and the ills of other social problems of the society. It is the belief of this researcher that if used properly, the Hausa Oral Singers will assist immensely in reducing to the barest minimum some social ills of the society in Nigeria. More so that music is the food of the heart and has a resounding impact in changing the behaviour of individuals and groups.

Keywords: oral, singers, praise, social mobilization, conflict management

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Authors: Husnul Isa Harahap

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On December 2, 2016 occurred mass movements in Indonesia, led by the National Movement of Fatwa Guard, Indonesian Ulema Council (GNPF MUI). This movement is named 212 in accordance with the date, and also called The Third Islamic Defend Action, a continued movement of Islamic defend earlier (November 4, 2016 and October 14, 2016). All three movements have raised the issue of the demand that Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Jakarta governor) also known as Ahok put on trial for allegedly insulting the Quran. The interesting view of this movement is that: first, the great social movement could emerge from a small but sensitive issues. Second, although this movement followed by radical Islamic groups, that movement known as the largest and most peaceful Islamic Movement in Indonesia. Third, the movement succeeded in answer the doubts of many parties that the social movements with large masses can not maintain security, order, and even the cleanliness of the site action. What causes all this happen? First, the emphasis on the use of basic religious elements that Islam is love for peace. Second, the role of leadership that is trusted and based on religious relationship. Third, this movement is well organized and trying reflect Islamic values.

Keywords: Islamic values, social movement, peaceful group, sensitive issue

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Authors: Ersun N. Kurtulus

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One of the strategic goals of left-wing terrorism, both in its Anarchist and Marxist-Leninist forms, was mobilization of masses as a first step in launching a revolution. However, in the canonical texts of left-wing terrorist literature (such as the works of Brousse, Nachaev, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Most, Heinzen, Guevara and Marighella) it is not clear how resort to terrorist tactics such as assassinations or bomb attacks will lead to mobilization of masses. This link is usually presumed and taken for granted. However, in other, less known terrorist texts, where there is some elaboration upon this link, two conflicting views emerge: (i) terrorist attacks are supposed to cause state repression which in turn radicalizes masses and opens up the way for recruitment and mobilization versus (ii) terrorist attacks are supposed to demonstrate the hollowness of the already existent state repression and thereby encourage mobilization of masses that are already radicalized but inactive due fear caused by state repression. The paper argues that terrorism studies have largely overemphasized the former while the latter has remained more or less unnoticed.

Keywords: terrorism, repression, radical left, mobilization of masses

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Authors: Pauline E. Ngo-Henha

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Existing turnover intention theories are reviewed in this paper. This review was conducted with the help of the search keyword “turnover intention theories” in Google Scholar during the month of July 2017. These theories include: The Theory of Organizational Equilibrium (TOE), Social Exchange Theory, Job Embeddedness Theory, Herzberg’s Two-Factor Theory, the Resource-Based View, Equity Theory, Human Capital Theory, and the Expectancy Theory. One of the limitations of this review paper is that data were only collected from Google Scholar where many papers were sometimes not freely accessible. However, this paper attempts to contribute to the research in clarifying the distinction between theories and models in the context of turnover intention.

Keywords: Literature Review, Theory, Turnover, Turnover intention

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Authors: Libia Jiménez Chávez

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This is a study of freedom riders and their courageous journey for civil rights, but the year was not 1961. It was 2003. This paper chronicles the emergence of a new civil rights movement for immigrant rights through an oral history of the 2003 U.S. Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride (IWFR). During the height of the post-9/11 immigrant repression, a bloc of organizations inspired by the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s mobilized 900 multinational immigrants and their allies in the fight for legal status, labor protections, family reunification, and civil rights. The activists visited over 100 U.S. cities, met with Congressional leaders in the nation’s capital, and led a rally of over 50,000 people in New York City. This unified effort set the groundwork for the national May Day immigration protests of 2006. Movements can be characterized in two distinct ways: physical movement and social movements. In the past, historians have considered immigrants both as people and as participants in social movements. In contrast, studies of recent migrants tend to say little about their involvement in immigrant political mobilizations. The dominant literature on immigration portrays immigrants as objects of exclusion, border enforcement, detention, and deportation instead of strategic political actors. This paper aims to change this perception. It considers the Freedom Riders both as immigrants who were literally on the move and as participants in a social movement. Through interviews with participants and archival video footage housed at the University of California Los Angeles, it is possible to study this mobile protest as a movement. This contemporary immigrant struggle is an opportunity to explore the makeup and development of a heterogenous immigrant coalition and consider the relationship between population movements and social justice. In addition to oral histories and archival research, the study will utilize social movement literature, U.S. immigration and labor history, and Undocumented Critical Theory to expand the historiography of immigrant social movements in America.

Keywords: civil rights, immigrant social movements, undocumented communities, undocumented critical theory

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Authors: Wen-Shan Lin, Shu-Lu Hsu

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Environmental concern and consumer rights have entailed e-tailers to adopt better strategies to facilitate product returns from customers. As the demand for reverse logistics (RL) continues to grow, little is known about what motivates e-tailers to enhance their RL capabilities and about the role RL capabilities plays in enabling e-tailers to achieve better customer satisfaction and economic performance. Based on resource-based theory and institutional theory, this article proposes that the following factors play a critical role in influencing the RL capability of e-tailers: (a) Financial resource commitment to RL, (b) managerial resource commitment to RL, and (c) institutional pressure to implement RL. Based on the role of these factors, the study provides a framework and propositions that serve to guide future research addressing the link among resources, institutional pressure, and RL capability.

Keywords: reverse logistics, e-tailing, resource-based theory, institutional theory

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Authors: Enrico Maria la Forgia

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Since the 80ies, in specific situations, France’s Muslims have enacted political actions to reply to attacks on their identity or assimilation attempts, using their religious affiliation as a resource for the organization and expression of collective claims. Indeed, despite Islam's internal sectarian and ethnic differences, religion may be politicized when minorities’ social and cultural rights are under attack. French Civil Society organizations, in this specific case with an Islamic background (ICSO - Islamic Civil Society Organizations), play an essential role in defending Muslims’ social and cultural rights. As a matter of fact, Civil Society organized on an ethnic or religious base is a way to strengthen minoritarian communities and their role as political actors, especially in multicultural contexts. Since the first 1983’s “Marche des Beurs” (slang word referring to French citizens with foreign origins), which involved many Muslims, the development of ICSO contributed to the strenghtening of Islam in France, here meant as a Social Movement aiming to constitute a French version of Islam, defending minorities’ cultural and religious rights, and change the perception of Islam itself in national society. However, since a visible and stigmatized minority, ICSO do not relate only to protests as a strategy to achieve their goals: on several occasions, pressure on authorities through personal networks and connections, or the introduction into public debates of bargaining through the exploitation of national or international crisis, might appear as more successfully - public discourses on minorities and Islam are generally considered favorable conditions to advance requests for cultural legitimation. The proposed abstract, based on a literary review and theoretical/methodological reflection on the state of knowledge on the topic, aims to open a new branch of studies and analysis of Civil Society and Social Movements in Europe, focusing on the French Islamic community as a political actor relating on ICSO to pressure society, local, and national authorities to improve Muslims' rights. The opted methodology relies on a qualitative approach based on ethnography and face-to-face interviews addressing heads and middle-high level activists from ICSO, in an attempt to individuate the strategies enacted by ICSO for mobilizing Muslims and build relations with, on one hand, local and national authorities; into the other, with actors belonging to the Civil Society/political sphere. The theoretical framework, instead, relies on the main Social Movements Theories (resources mobilization, political opportunity structure, and contentious/non-contentious movements), aiming to individuate eventual gaps in the analysis of Islamic Social Movements and Civil Society in minoritarian contexts.

Keywords: Islam, islamophobia, civil society, social movements, sociology, qualitative methodology, Islamic activism in social movement theory, political change, Islam as social movement, religious movements, protest and politics, France, Islamic civil society

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Authors: Zsofia Nagy, Tibor Dessewffy

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The relationship between social movements and the media that represents them comprises both of the media representation of movements on the one hand, and the media strategies employed by movements on the other. A third possible approach is to connect the two and look at the interactions connecting the two sides. This relationship has been affected by the emergence of social networking sites (SNS) that have a transformative effect on both actors. However, the extent and direction of these changes needs to be investigated. Empirical case studies that focus on newly enabled forms of social movements can contribute to these debates in an analytically fruitful way. Therefore in our study, we use the case of Migration Aid, a Hungarian Facebook-based grassroots relief organization that gained prominence during the refugee crisis that unfolded in Hungary in 2015. Migration Aid formed without the use of traditional mobilizational agents, and that took over roles traditionally occupied by formal NGOs or the state. Analyzing different movement strategies towards the media - we find evidence that while effectively combining these strategies, SNSs also create affordances for movements to shift their strategy towards creating alternatives, their own micromedia. Beyond the practical significance of this – the ability to disseminate alternative information independently from traditional media – it also allowed the group to frame the issue in their own terms and to replace vertical modes of communication with horizontal ones. The creation of micromedia also shifts the relationship between social movements and the media away from an asymmetrical and towards a more symbiotic co-existence. We provide four central factors – project identity, the mobilization potential of SNSs, the disruptiveness of the event and selectivity in the construction of social knowledge – that explain this shift. Finally, we look at the specific processes that contribute to the creation of the movement’s own micromedia. We posit that these processes were made possible by the rhizomatic structure of the group and a function of SNSs we coin the Social Information Thermostat function. We conclude our study by positioning our findings in relation with the broader context.

Keywords: social networking sites, social movements, micromedia, media strategies

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Authors: Priya Sepaha

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Social media has loomed as the most effective tool in recent times to flag the causes, contents, opinions and direction of any social movement and has demonstrated that it will have a far-reaching effect on government as well. This study focuses on India which has emerged as the fastest growing community on social media. Social movement activists, in particular, have extensively utilized the power of digital social media to streamline the effectiveness of social protest on a particular issue through extensive successful mass mobilizations. This research analyses the role and impact of social media as a power to catalyze the social movements in India and further seeks to describe how certain social movements are resisted, subverted, co-opted and/or deployed by social media. The impact assessment study has been made with the help of cases, policies and some social movement which India has witnessed the assertion of numerous social issues perturbing the public which eventually paved the way for remarkable judicial decisions. The paper concludes with the observations that despite its pros and cons, the impacts of social media on the functioning of the Indian Government have demonstrated that it has already become an indispensable tool in the hands of social media-suave Indians who are committed to bring about a desired change.

Keywords: social media, social movements, impact, law, government

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Authors: David Gottlieb, Jason Yoder

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The feeling of loneliness is not uncommon in modern society, and yet, there is a fundamental lack of understanding in its origins and purpose in nature. One interpretation of loneliness is that it is a subjective experience that punishes a lack of social behavior, and thus its emergence in human evolution is seemingly tied to the survival of early human tribes. Still, a common counterintuitive response to loneliness is a state of hypervigilance, resulting in social withdrawal, which may appear maladaptive to modern society. So far, no computational model of loneliness’ effect during evolution yet exists; however, agent-based models (ABM) can be used to investigate social behavior, and applying evolution to agents’ behaviors can demonstrate selective advantages for particular behaviors. We propose an ABM where each agent contains four social behaviors, and one goal-seeking behavior, letting evolution select the best behavioral patterns for resource allocation. In our paper, we use an algorithm similar to the boid model to guide the behavior of agents, but expand the set of rules that govern their behavior. While we use cohesion, separation, and alignment for simple social movement, our expanded model adds goal-oriented behavior, which is inspired by particle swarm optimization, such that agents move relative to their personal best position. Since agents are given the ability to form connections by interacting with each other, our final behavior guides agent movement toward its social connections. Finally, we introduce a mechanism to represent a state of loneliness, which engages when an agent's perceived social involvement does not meet its expected social involvement. This enables us to investigate a minimal model of loneliness, and using evolution we attempt to elucidate its value in human survival. Agents are placed in an environment in which they must acquire resources, as their fitness is based on the total resource collected. With these rules in place, we are able to run evolution under various conditions, including resource-rich environments, and when disease is present. Our simulations indicate that there is strong selection pressure for social behavior under circumstances where there is a clear discrepancy between initial resource locations, and against social behavior when disease is present, mirroring hypervigilance. This not only provides an explanation for the emergence of loneliness, but also reflects the diversity of response to loneliness in the real world. In addition, there is evidence of a richness of social behavior when loneliness was present. By introducing just two resource locations, we observed a divergence in social motivation after agents became lonely, where one agent learned to move to the other, who was in a better resource position. The results and ongoing work from this project show that it is possible to glean insight into the evolutionary advantages of even simple mechanisms of loneliness. The model we developed has produced unexpected results and has led to more questions, such as the impact loneliness would have at a larger scale, or the effect of creating a set of rules governing interaction beyond adjacency.

Keywords: agent-based, behavior, evolution, loneliness, social

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Authors: Arne Fagerstrom, Gary Cunningham, Fredrik Hartwig

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In this paper, a theory of sustainable enterprises, sustainable enterprise theory (SET), is developed. The sustainable enterprise theory can only be a valid theory if knowledge about life and nature is complete. Knowledge limitations should not stop enterprises from doing business with a goal of better long-term life on earth. Life demands stewardship of the resources used during one’s lifetime. This paper develops a model influenced by (the classical) enterprise theory and resource theory that includes more than money in the business activities of an enterprise. The sustainable enterprise theory is then used in an analysis of accountability and in discussions about sustainable businesses.

Keywords: sustainable business, sustainability reporting, sustainable values, theory of the firm

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Authors: Ruanzhenghao Shi

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Student movements have persisted in mainland China, especially in elite universities since the Tiananmen Prodemocracy Movement, contrary to the lack of studies on them. However, the participants' repertoire, mobilization and mode of interaction with authorities are vastly different from their predecessors in the 1980s as well as their western counterparts. In most of the cases, agents, cognizant of the high cost of action and their vulnerability to the authorities, consciously curtailed certain repertoire and themes of resistance. Thus these movements, without appreciable organized force, were self-interested, fragmentally mobilized, lowly integrated and limited within the campus. This study documents the 2014 protest against Yanching Academy program at Peking University, a top-tier Chinese university that played the leading role in the 1989 protest. The 2014 case is different from abovementioned trend of submissive resistance in the last twenty years, insofar as it is a value-oriented and emotion-driven collective action with the resurgence of some repertoire. The participants perceived the university's contemporary ineffectiveness and clumsiness in control and administration, higher Party authorities' indifference to less-political themes, and an increasing number of potential advocates, including students, intellectuals and social media. It shows that resisters' perception of their relative strength to their opponents - in this case, the university and its system for controlling students - under specific circumstances, not merely political opportunities or institutional changes, stimulates the participants and thus contributes to the mobilization and organization of a collective action, even under severe social control.

Keywords: collective action, China, university students, resistance

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Authors: Ognjen Vukovic

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Chern-Simons equation represents the cornerstone of quantum physics. The question that is often asked is if the aforementioned equation can be successfully applied to the interaction in international financial markets. By analysing the time series in financial theory, it is proved that Chern-Simons equation can be successfully applied to financial time-series. The aforementioned statement is based on one important premise and that is that the financial time series follow the fractional Brownian motion. All variants of Chern-Simons equation and theory are applied and analysed. Financial theory time series movement is, firstly, topologically analysed. The main idea is that exchange rate represents two-dimensional projections of three-dimensional Brownian motion movement. Main principles of knot theory and topology are applied to financial time series and setting is created so the Chern-Simons equation can be applied. As Chern-Simons equation is based on small particles, it is multiplied by the magnifying factor to mimic the real world movement. Afterwards, the following equation is optimised using Solver. The equation is applied to n financial time series in order to see if it can capture the interaction between financial time series and consequently explain it. The aforementioned equation represents a novel approach to financial time series analysis and hopefully it will direct further research.

Keywords: Brownian motion, Chern-Simons theory, financial time series, econophysics

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Authors: Syafinatul Fitri

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Cakrawala Baca is one of social organization in Indonesia that realize to transform its organization into social enterprise to create more sustainable organization that result more sustainable social impact. Cakrawala Baca implements voluntary system for its organization and it has passive social target. It funds its program by several fund rising activities that depend on donors or sponsor. Therefore social activity that held does not create sustainable social impact. It is different with social enterprise that usually more independent in funding its activity through social business and implement active social target and professional work for organization member. Therefore social enterprise can sustain its organization and then able to create sustainable social impact. Developing transformation model from social movement into social enterprise is the focus of this study. To achieve the aim of study, benchmark approach from successful social enterprise in Indonesia that has previously formed as social movement is employed. The benchmark is conducted through internal and external scanning that result the understanding of how they transformed into social enterprise. After understanding SAM and Agritektur transformation, transformation pattern is formulated based on their transformation similarities. This transformation pattern will be implemented to formulate the transformation plan for Cakrawala Baca to be a social enterprise.

Keywords: social movement/social organization, non-profit organization (NPO), social enterprise, transformation, Benchmarks approach

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Authors: Jung-Hoon Han, Jooyoung Kwak

Abstract:

Distances between cultures, institutions are gaining academic attention once again since the classical debate on the validity of globalization. Despite the incessant efforts to define international segments with various concepts, no significant attempts have been made considering the institutional dimensions. Resource-based theory and institutional theory provides useful insights in assessing market environment and understanding when and how MNEs loose or gain advantages. This study consists of two parts: identifying institutional clusters and predicting the effect of MNEs’ origin on the applicability of competitive advantages. MNEs in one country cluster are expected to use similar management systems.

Keywords: institutional theory, resource-based theory, institutional environment, cultural dimensions, cluster analysis, standardized management

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Authors: Merve Ak Efe

Abstract:

Youth branches in Turkey are one of the sub-fields where political ideologies are intersected with daily life practices. When the youth branches are examined within the framework of daily life practices, a social area can be defined where many types of capital turn into gains. The relationship between politics and capital is not only financial but can also be observed in the form of social, cultural, or emotional capital. This paper examines the political mobilization of young people who are members of the Youth Branch of the Justice and Development Party. The reason why JDP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) was chosen is that they have been the ruling party for twenty years, and there is a considerable number of young members within the party. Since Bayrampaşa is a district where JDP is politically active, This study is based on Bayrampaşa youth branches. The study examines how young people who are members of the party are mobilized and the everyday life practices and emotions underlying this mobilization. The data was collected through in-depth interviews with 13 young people, and the participant observation method was applied at the weekly meetings of the Justice and Development Party Bayrampaşa Youth Branch. Youth Branches represent a political space in which emotions turn into action for the young people who are involved in the party. During the field study at the micro level, it has been observed that the Bayrampaşa JDP Youth Branch hosted a transformation that incorporates political and social practices into modern tactics. One of the other results shows that being a member of youth branches causes a significant rise in social capital for young people. On the other hand, for the members with low cultural capital, there is an increase in social capital; however, an increase in cultural capital is not prominent.

Keywords: political mobilization, everyday practices, emotional capital, social capital, cultural capital

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Authors: Leon C. Prieto, Simone T. A. Phipps

Abstract:

There is a need to promote social entrepreneurship in order to solve some of the complex problems facing various countries in Africa (poverty, unemployment, crime, HIV, etc.). For example, one possible consequence of the HIV/AIDS crisis in Zimbabwe and elsewhere is a deterioration in the educational opportunities for orphans and other vulnerable children. Given that high returns are associated with education, the loss of education for a large segment of the population would likely worsen the already dire economic consequences of the HIV/AIDS crisis. Using a systems approach, this paper argues that social entrepreneurship can be used as a vehicle to promote national human resource development, which will assist in the alleviation of societal ills on the national level as well as throughout Africa.

Keywords: human resource development, pan-african, social entrepreneurship, social enterprise

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Authors: Moshreka Aditi Huq

Abstract:

This study shows how a progressive portion of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh contributed as the solidarity activist entities in a movement of tea workers that became the symbol of their unique moral struggle. Their passive yet sharp way of resistance, with the integration of mass tea workers of a tea estate, got demonstrated against certain private companies and government officials who approached to establish a special economic zone inside the tea garden without offering any compensation and rehabilitation for poor tea workers. Due to massive protests and rebellion, the authorized entrepreneurs had to step back and called off the project immediately. The extraordinary features of this movement generated itself from the deep core social need of indigenous tea workers who are still imprisoned in the colonial cage. Following an anthropological and ethnographic perspective, this study adopted the main three techniques of intensive interview, focus group discussion, and laborious observation, to extract empirical data. The intensive interviews were undertaken informally using a mostly conversational approach. Focus group discussions were piloted among various representative groups where observations prevailed as part of the regular documentation process. These were conducted among civil intellectual entities, tea workers, tea estate authorities, civil service authorities, and business officials to obtain a holistic view of the situation. The fieldwork was executed in capital Dhaka city, along with northern areas like Chandpur-Begumkhan Tea Estate of Chunarughat Upazilla and Habiganj city of Habiganj District of Bangladesh. Correspondingly, secondary data were accessed through books, scholarly papers, archives, newspapers, reports, leaflets, posters, writing blog, and electronic pages of social media. The study results find that: (1) civil intellectuals opposed state-sponsored business impositions by producing counter-discourse and struggled against state hegemony through the phases of the movement; (2) instead of having the active physical resistance, civil intellectuals’ strength was preferably in passive form which was portrayed through their intellectual labor; (3) the combined movement of tea workers and civil intellectuals reflected on social security of ethnic worker communities that contrasts state’s pseudo-development motives which ultimately supports offensive and oppressive neoliberal growths of economy; (4) civil intellectuals are revealed as having certain functional limitations in the process of movement organization as well as resource mobilization; (5) in specific contexts, the genuine need of protest by indigenous subaltern can overshadow intellectual elitism and helps to raise the voices of ‘subjugated knowledge’. This study is quite likely to represent two sets of apparent protagonist entities in the discussion of social injustice and oppressive development intervention. On the one, hand it may help us to find the basic functional characteristics of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh when they are in a passive mode of resistance in social movement issues. On the other hand, it represents the community ownership and inherent protest tendencies of indigenous workers when they feel threatened and insecure. The study seems to have the potential to understand the conditions of ‘subjugated knowledge’ of subalterns. Furthermore, being the memory and narratives, these ‘activism mechanisms’ of social entities broadens the path to understand ‘power’ and ‘resistance’ in more fascinating ways.

Keywords: civil intellectuals, resistance, subjugated knowledge, indigenous

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Authors: Aleksander V. Zakharov, Marat R. Bogdanov, Ramil F. Malikov, Irina N. Dumchikova

Abstract:

Classification of persecution movement laws is proposed. Modes of persecution in number of specific cases were researched. Modes of movement control using GLONASS/GPS are discussed.

Keywords: UAV Management, mathematical algorithms of targeting and persecution, GLONASS, GPS

Procedia PDF Downloads 345