Search results for: liberal political ideology

Authors: Chu-Ching Hsu

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This paper focuses on how the government-led language policies and the political changes in Taiwan manipulate the languages choice in translations and what translation strategies are employed by the translator to show his or her language ideology behind the power struggles and decision-making. Therefore, framed by Lefevere’s theoretical concept of translating as rewriting, and carried out a diachronic and chronological study, this paper specifically sets out to investigate the language ideology and translator’s idiolect of Chinese language translations of Anglo-American novels. The examples drawn to explore these issues were taken from different versions of Chinese renditions of Mark Twain’s English-language novel The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn in which there are several different dialogues originally written in the colloquial language and dialect used in the American state of Mississippi and reproduced in Mark Twain’s works. Also, adapted corpus methodology, many examples are extracted as instances from the translated texts and source text, to illuminate how the translators in Taiwan deal with the dialectal features encoded in Twain’s works, and how different versions of Chinese translations are employed by Taiwanese translators to confirm the language polices and to express their language identity textually in different periods of the past five decades, from the 1960s onward. The finding of this study suggests that the use of Taiwanese dialect and language patterns in translations does relate to the movement of the mother-tongue language and language ideology of the translator as well as to the issue of language identity raised in the island of Taiwan. Furthermore, this study confirms that the change of political power in Taiwan does bring significantly impact in language policy-- assimilationism, pluralism or multiculturalism, which also makes Taiwan from a monolingual to multilingual society, where the language ideology and identity can be revealed not only in people’s daily communication but also in written translations.

Keywords: language politics and policies, literary translation, mother-tongue, multiculturalism, translator’s ideology

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Authors: Alphan Telek

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Political secularism is different from philosophical secularism in terms of its inclusionary, peaceful, liberal and democratic aspects. Secularism as a political principle not only takes the separation of state and religion as a basis but also it aims to exclude any kind of ethnic, religious, racial, gender domination at the state level. Thus, although political secularism does not see any problem with the visibility and implementation of religious views and symbols in the public sphere, it stands against the fusion of political power and religious views or more generally any kind of identity. Iranian context especially the post-reformist period, which starts in 2005, shows religious and/or reformist intellectuals try to put forward the political secularism and make it attractable to the large masses. Three prominent figures of reformist intellectualism Abdolkarim Soroush, Mohsen Kadivar and Akbar Ganji form the basic vocabulary of political secularism in the post-reformist period of Iran. Their intellectual and political struggle against the Islamic regime’s anti-democratic policies and actions do carry significance not only for Iranian democracy but also for all Muslim people around the world that demand a more equal, free, and just society. The political and intellectual discourses of Iranian intellectuals indicate that political secularism is a requirement of democratic state and society. In this paper, it is discussed the relationship between political secularism, state, society, and Islam. Thus, it will be argued that secularism as a political principle is increasingly held by Iranian intellectuals to show the relation between secularism and democracy.

Keywords: political secularism, Iranian intellectuals, democracy, Middle East

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Authors: S. Zev Kalifon

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The question of polygamy for Moslem minorities in Western nations has often been raised in the political and social discourse. Can polygamy be tolerated as a religious or human right in the West. For example, before the 2015 election in Israel, changes were made in the electoral system, which encouraged three small Arab parties to merge into one list. This “Unity List” included the socially liberal Communist list and a socially conservative Islamist list. Two members of the Islamist list were polygamists. Some rival politicians called for the election board to disqualify these men (and even the whole list) from the election process. This request was denied by the courts, and the men were elected to the parliament. Their subsequent seating in the parliament was questioned by many on both the liberal and conservative sides of the political spectrum. Some political commentators went so far as to describe polygamy as a “mark of disgrace” (a term usually reserved for people convicted on corruption charges). There are also problems in other areas of society; these include the rights of these families for welfare and social services (public policy issues) and residence in Israel. Using qualitative methods (primarily historical and archival data), this paper will analyze at the historic and cultural processes which created the intense opposition to polygamy in Judaism (for Israel) and Christianity (for the Western world). It will look at the debate over the "religious right" of polygamy for Moslem citizens in Israel and other Western cultures. Finally, it will examine the political, cultural, and demographic pressures which encourage polygamy in these minorities. This paper will demonstrate that the debate over polygamy is more than a question of religious freedom or human rights or multi-culturalism. It is a central symbol of modernity and the Western worldview.

Keywords: human rights, Judaism, multi-culturalism, polygamy, western values

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Authors: Xiangmei Li

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Domestic violence (DV) victims are at a greater risk of suffering mental health problems; however, not all victims experience the same degree of depression. Women respond differently to gender inequalities based on their gender ideologies. This study explored the moderating role of gender ideology in the relation between exposure to DV and depression. Data were drawn from a sub-sample of women aged 18-60 from the Third WaveSurvey on the Social Status of Women in China (N = 10,701). The survey adopted astratified three-stage sampling design to select a representative sample of respondents from the country. Regression models were used to examine the moderating effects of gender ideology on the relation between DV and depression. Women who reported DV experience had more severe depressive symptoms after controlling for confounding social–demographic factors (β = 0.592, 95% CI: 0.489 – 0.695). Women's gender ideology moderated the association between DV severity and depression (β = -0.049, 95% CI: -0.085 – -0.013), despite being subjected to the same levels of victimization. The experience of domestic violence is a useful indicator for routine screening for depression in clinic and community settings. Interventions that aim to decrease depression caused by DV are more likely to be effective if they promote more egalitarian gender ideology to counter the mindset that a woman's role is confined to the home and a family suffers if the wife participates in the labor force.

Keywords: domestic violence against wives, depression, gender ideology, moderation

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Authors: Malika Hammouche

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The novel Pillars of Salt, written by Fadia Faqir in 1996, is a good example where storytelling is utilized as a traditional material to underline the author’s womanist ideology. A study of narrative could be fruitfully combined with that of ideology in this case. This combination could be demonstrated through the narrative technique used by Fadia Faqir in Pillars of Salt (1996), reflecting her anti-colonial ideology. The first step of this work will highlight the storyteller’s narrative in the novel representing, on the one hand, the imperial voice, and on the other exoticism and orientalism. The second step will demonstrate how Faqir’s narrative technique uses focalization as a narratological tool to negotiate her space. Faqir gives a voice to the female protagonist of the novel within the androcentric bias of Arab narrative theory to point to and amend the orientalist discourse typical to colonial literature. The orientalist discourse is represented through the voice of the storyteller in the novel. The juxtaposition of the storyteller’s and the female protagonist narratives is borrowed from the Arab literary background. It is a postcolonial counter-discursive strategy used by the author as a traditional material to underline her Arabo Islamic Womanist ideology in this novel.

Keywords: Arabo Islamic womanism, focalization, ideology, narrative technique, orientalist

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Authors: Vesile Evrim, Aliyu Awwal

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Today as in the other domains, there are an enormous number of political transcripts available in the Web which is waiting to be mined and used for various purposes such as statistics and recommendations. Therefore, automatically determining the political orientation on these transcripts becomes crucial. The methodologies used by machine learning algorithms to do the automatic classification are based on different features such as Linguistic. Considering the ideology differences between Liberals and Conservatives, in this paper, the effect of Personality Traits on political orientation classification is studied. This is done by considering the correlation between LIWC features and the BIG Five Personality Traits. Several experiments are conducted on Convote U.S. Congressional-Speech dataset with seven benchmark classification algorithms. The different methodologies are applied on selecting different feature sets that constituted by 8 to 64 varying number of features. While Neuroticism is obtained to be the most differentiating personality trait on classification of political polarity, when its top 10 representative features are combined with several classification algorithms, it outperformed the results presented in previous research.

Keywords: politics, personality traits, LIWC, machine learning

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Authors: Ogbu Harry Omilonye

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This paper examines feminism as a literary ideology which attempts to win for women a status of recognition and parity in a male-dominated society like Nigeria. This article deals essentially with the emergence of the ideology and literary personalities behind it. It focuses sharply on Zaynab Alkali’s brand of feminism as demonstrated in the delineation of her female characters vis-à-vis her male characters. The woman’s destiny, this paper believes, lies in her hand, and that true emancipation of women can only be realized through education and hard work.

Keywords: feminism, stillborn, literary ideology, literature

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Authors: Irene Bruna Seu

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This paper draws on a three-year research project investigating everyday moral reasoning in relation to donations and prosocial behaviour in the humanitarian context. The analysis focuses on the principle of deservingness by which members of the public decide who and under which conditions to help and illustrates how the speakers engage in ideological dilemmas. The paper focuses on the theme ‘Something for nothing’ to examine how the position of ‘deserving’ and the speaker’s rights and duties in relation to victims of humanitarian crises are negotiated. Discursive analyses of this dilemmatic storyline of deservingness illuminate the cultural and ideological resources buttressing this construction. They also illustrate how humanitarianism intersects and clashes with other ideologies and value systems. The presentation will focus on the role of Individualism underpinned by Neo-liberalism ideology. The data propose that neo-liberal ideology, which endorses self-gratification, materialistic and individualistic ethics play an important role in decisions regarding humanitarian helping. The paper argues for the need for psychological research to engage more actively with the dilemmatic nature of moral reasoning in the humanitarian context, and to contextualize decisions about giving and helping within the socio-cultural and ideological landscape in which the helpers operate.

Keywords: humanitarianism, individualism, ideological dilemmas, discourse, neo-liberalism, prosocial behaviour

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Authors: Yangyang Zhang

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Martin Eden tells about the tragedy of the protagonist Martin Eden’s suicide after his disillusion about American dream. The author Jack London presents various spatial routines of Martin Eden and reveals the involvement of space in realizing American dream: on the one hand, the Berkeley and Oakland cities contribute to Martin’s material success, making his American dream practical, and on the other hand, the two cities involve in the oppression of bourgeoisie ideology to Martin, promoting the domestic imperialization of bourgeoisie ideology represented by American dream. Molded by bourgeoisie ideology in the city, Martin constructed the oriental South Sea, revealing the oversea imperialization of bourgeoisie ideology behind American dream. By exploring the social, historical and political aspects of space, Martin Eden tries to demonstrate the mere material success and imperialism represented by American dream, revealing the fact of the involvement of American dreamin ideological oppression. When Jack London wrote Martin Eden, he had become a famous writer and realized his personal "American dream". He integrated his struggle experience into the protagonist Martin Eden, and also put his critique of the nature of "American dream" in the novel. The concept of the "American Dream" made the United States the land of dreams, and it also made many Americans believe that through personal struggle, they could climb the social ladder. Under the context of rapid growth in economy in the late 19 th century, American dream was reduced to the satisfaction on a material level. When material wealth was fulfilled, many people felt shattered for a variety of reasons, and such a phenomenon was reflected in the literature of disillusionment in 19th-century America.Martin Eden is such a work about disillusion, in which the geographical space becomes the witness of the realization and disillusionment of the protagonist Martin's "American dream". By analyzing the spatial narrative in Martin Eden, this paper reveals that the "American dream" only represents material success for individuals and the imperialization of capitalist ideology, and exposes the ideological nature of the "American Dream".

Keywords: Martin Eden, space, American dream, ideology of imperialism

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Authors: Paiboon Chuwatthanakij

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Each of the countries around the world has different ways of management and many of them depend on people to administrate their country. Thailand, for example, empowers the sovereignty of Thai people under constitution; however, our Thai voting system is not able to flow fast enough under the current Political management system. The sovereignty of Thai people is addressing this problem through representatives during current elections, in order to set a new policy for the countries ideology to change in the House and the Cabinet. This is particularly important in a democracy to be developed under our current political institution. The Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 is the establishment we have today that is causing confrontations within the establishment. There are many political parties that will soon be abolished. Many political parties have already been subsidized. This research study is to analyze the legal problems with the political party establishment under the Organic Act on Political Parties 2007. This will focus on the freedom of each political establishment compared to an effective political operation. Textbooks and academic papers will be referenced from studies home and abroad. The study revealed that Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 has strict provisions on the political structure over the number of members and the number of branches involved within political parties system. Such operations shall be completed within one year; but under the existing laws the small parties are not able to participate with the bigger parties. The cities are capable of fulfilling small political party requirements but fail to become coalesced because the current laws won't allow them to be united as one. It is important to allow all independent political parties to join our current political structure. Board members can’t help the smaller parties to become a large organization under the existing Thai laws. Creating a new establishment that functions efficiently throughout all branches would be one solution to these legal problems between all political parties. With this new operation, individual political parties can participate with the bigger parties during elections. Until current political institutions change their system to accommodate public opinion, these current Thai laws will continue to be a problem with all political parties in Thailand.

Keywords: coalesced, political party, sovereignty, elections

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Authors: Aarif Rasheed, Joseph Bulbulia

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Western democracies exhibit signs of distinctive anti-Muslim prejudice, but little is known about its causes and effects on Muslim minorities. Here, drawing on nine years of responses from a nationally representative longitudinal sample of New Zealanders (New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study, N > 31,000), we systematically investigate the demographic and ideological predictors of factors that predict both positive and negative change in Muslim attitudes. First, we find that that education, moderate and liberal political ideology, and positive views about religion predict greater Muslim acceptance. Second, we find a there though there is a general trend for increasing acceptance over nine years, we find evidence of increasing extremism at the margins. Third, focusing on the Muslim sub-sample and comparing it to other religious sub-groups, we find substantially higher reports of perceived anti-religious prejudice. Collectively, these results point to serious challenges to the health of New Zealand as a democracy where people can worship freely without discrimination. Finally, we find consistency in our responses with the reported experiences of victims of the Christchurch attacks, in terms of harassment, assault, slurs, and other hostile behaviour both before and after the attacks.

Keywords: democracy, longitudinal, Muslim, panel data, prejudice

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Authors: Gintaras Mitrulevičius

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This text, which is based on the conference report, seeks to briefly examine the relationship between the concepts of social democracy and democratic socialism, drawing attention to the essential aspects of its development and, in particular, discussing the contradictions in the relationship between these concepts in the modern period. In the preparation of this text, such research methods as historical, historical-comparative methods were used, as well as methods of analyzing, synthesizing, and generalizing texts. The history of the use of terms in social democracy and democratic socialism shows that these terms were used alternately and almost synonymously. At the end of the 20th century, traditional social democracy was transformed into the so-called "new social democracy." Many of the new social democrats do not consider themselves democratic socialists and avoid the historically characteristic identification of social democracy with democratic socialism. It has become quite popular to believe that social democracy is a separate ideology from democratic socialism. Or that it has become a variant of the ideology of liberalism. This is a testimony to the crisis of ideological self-awareness of social democracy. Since the beginning of the 21st century, social democracy has also experienced a growing crisis of electoral support. This, among other things, led to her slight shift to the left. In this context, some social democrats are once again talking about democratic socialism. The rise of the ideas of democratic socialism in the United States was catalyzed by Bernie Sanders. But the proponents of democratic socialism in the United States have different concepts of democratic socialism. In modern Europe, democratic socialism is also spoken of by leftists of non-social democratic origin, whose understanding is different from that of democratic socialism inherent in classical social democracy. Some political scientists also single out the concepts in question. Analysis of the problem shows that there are currently several concepts of democratic socialism on the spectrum of the political left, both social-democratic and non-social-democratic.

Keywords: democratic socializm, socializm, social democracy, new social democracy, political ideologies

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Authors: Peter Jin

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Ever since the recent resurgence of interest in political theorist Carl Schmitt’s work, much of the current analysis on Schmitt has fo-cused on evaluating Schmitt’s legacy by exposing contradictions in his rationale. Rather than condemn such contradictions, this paper instead seeks to analyze these contradictions in an effort to better understand the radical shift in Schmitt’s intellectual trajectory from an astute critic of liberal democracy to a fascist apologist towards the end of the Weimar period. An essential part of this change is his interest in what Schmitt called ‘the emergence of aesthetics.’ Schmitt diagnosed the underlying issue with the aesthetic in the political sphere to be its irrationalism, indifference, and indeci-siveness. For Schmitt, the latter two of these were especially prob-lematic for two of his key concepts: the ‘political’ and ‘the shared historical reality.’ Schmitt’s radical depiction of ‘the political’ as an existential opposition of allegiances that necessitated a state of emergency and a decisionist sovereign political struggle required an equally radical justification, or Schmitt’s call for ‘a shared his-torical reality’ not based in historical fact yet able to mobilize the masses. In this way, Schmitt clearly condemns the indifferent, indecisive aesthetic that runs against his decisionist, action-oriented political theory. Yet despite his firm stance against aestheticism, Schmitt himself used the evocative and irrational power of aesthet-icism as a tool to present his own ‘political myth’ that compelled believers to join in decisive unity against a common enemy. In short, Schmitt’s contradictions on aestheticism and his creation of a ‘political myth’ suggest that Schmitt’s underlying conflict with aestheticism was not as much of an issue of irrationality as it was a chronic preoccupation with coercing concrete action at the expense of rational deliberation.

Keywords: aesthetics of the political, Carl Schmitt, political myth, Weimar democracy

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Authors: Sabrina Howard

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'Window Seat' uses public transportation as an entry point for understanding the relationship between public space, politics, and social identity construction. This project argues that by bringing people of different races, classes, and genders in 'contact' with one another, public transit operates as a site of exposure, as people consciously and unconsciously perform social identity within these spaces. These performances offer a form of freedom that we associate with being in urban spaces while simultaneously rendering certain racialized, gendered, and classed bodies vulnerable to violence. Furthermore, due to its exposing function, public transit operates as a site through which we, as urbanites and scholars, can read social injustice and reflect on the work that is necessary to become a truly democratic society. The major questions guiding this research are: How does using public transit as the entry point provide unique insights into the relationship between social identity, politics, and public space? What ideas do Americans hold about public space and how might these ideas reflect a liberal yearning for a more democratic society? To address these research questions, 'Window Seat' critically examines ethnographic data collected on public buses and trains in Los Angeles, California, and online news media. It analyzes these sources through literature in socio-cultural psychology, sociology, and political science. It investigates the 'everyday urban hero' narrative or popular news stories that feature an individual or group of people acting against discriminatory or 'Anti-American' behavior on public buses and trains. 'Window Seat' studies these narratives to assert that by circulating stories of civility in news media, United Statsians construct and maintain ideas of the 'liberal city,' which is characterized by ideals of freedom and democracy. Furthermore, for those involved, these moments create an opportunity to perform the role of the Good Samaritan, an identity that is wrapped up in liberal beliefs in diversity and inclusion. This research expands conversations in urban studies by making a case for the political significance of urban public space. It demonstrates how these sites serve as spaces through which liberal beliefs are circulated and upheld through identity performance.

Keywords: social identity, public space, public transportation, liberalism

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: Moses Joseph

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Language is a veritable tool in the hands of politicians. They use it to shape social realities; create new meanings and ultimately to acquire, exercise and sustain power in the society. Language and politics both share a symbiotic relationship. The former is the medium through which members of the society communicate and cohabitate while the later is used to gain and exercise power in the society. Language therefore is the epicenter of every human activity and politicians explore, deploy and manipulate it to advance their personal interests. This paper examines the ideological use of language in Okediran’s Tenants of the House. The study further shows that language is used as an instrument of political domination and manipulation through the display of emotiveness. The study concludes that politicians do not innocently use language but deliberately employ them to foreground their ideological position.

Keywords: language, ideology, political domination, manipulation

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Authors: Mohammad Saif

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In the post-Westphalianworld order, the concept of sovereignty has been a fundamental area of inquiry in Political Science, International Relations, and International Law. Modern Islamic political thought has also dedicated a fair share of debate on the subject. The debate fundamentally revolves around the ‘ontological differentiation’ between western and Islamic political thought. While the centrality of the individual in western political thought regards the individual as the center of universe, Islamic Political thought provides that space to God. The modern liberal democratic principles suggest sovereignty as one of the major attributes of modern nation state; Islamists regard sovereignty as an attribute of God. However, the position regarding God’ssovereignty in Islamic political thought is not coherent in conception. Some scholars regard such a position as ‘the political interpretation of Islam’. This paper is an attempt to first analyze the fundamental discord between two rival political ideologies (western and Islamic), and then forward a debate on the subject of sovereignty in South Asian Islamic Political thought, particularly between Syed Abul Ala Maududi (ideological father of modern islamist movements) andHifzurrahmanSeoharvi (lesser known in Academia but highly influential in shaping Deobandi position of principles related to political nature of Islamic theology). Maududi regardssovereignty as an attribute of God and the rulers as subservient to Gods will, Seoharvi suggests that God's sovereignty does not entail that the caliph or amir cannot be a ruler or hakim, nor can his command or hukum be an order. Certain references have also been made to contemporary scholars like Sayidd Qutub, Rashid al Ghanouchi, who in one way or the other have contributed to the debate on ‘sovereignty in Islamic thought’.

Keywords: nation state, sovereigty, sovereignty of God (Hakimmiyah), deoband

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Authors: Nancy Bartekian, Christine Reyna

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Republicans and Democrats are often polarized when it comes to important topics, but the portrayal of polarization of key issues might be distorted and exaggerated. We examined Republicans' and Democrats’ attitudes about police reform policy during the 2020 racial justice protests and calls to ‘defund the police’. We hypothesized that a) Republicans and Democrats will be polarized on the “defund police'' question; however, b) they will have similar overall attitudes towards specific police reform policies (will be on the same side of the scale--disagree vs. agree), but c) will differ in their extent of agreement or disagreement (main effect of political party ID, but located on the same side of the scale). Using one-way, Multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) controlling for race, education, and income, we found an overall effect of political party ID. Six out of the nine policies studied were, in fact, not polarizing; both groups were in consensus on whether they disagreed or agreed with the policy, including “defund police''. Results suggest that polarization might be exaggerated.

Keywords: political psychology, social, ideology, polarization

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Authors: Yuying Liu

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Despite the increasing popularity of Chinese and the recognition of the growing commodifying ideology of Chinese language in many contexts (Liu and Gao, 2020; Guo, Shin and Shen 2020), the ideological orientations of the Chinese diaspora community towards the Chinese language remain under-researched. This research contributes seeks to bridge this gap by investigating the micro-level language ideologies embedded in the Chinese complementary schools in the Republic of Ireland. Informed by Ruíz’s (1984) metaphorical representations of language, 11 Chinese complementary schools’ websites were analysed as discursive texts that signal the language policy and ideology to prospective learners and parents were analysed. The results of the analysis suggest that a move from a portrayal of Chinese as linked to student heritage identity, to the commodification of linguistic and cultural diversity, is evident. It denotes the growing commodifying ideology among the Chinese complementary schools in the Republic of Ireland. The changing profile of the complementary school, from serving an ethnical community to teaching Chinese as a foreign language for the wider community, indicates the possibility of creating the a positive synergy between the Complementary school and the mainstream education. This study contributes to the wider discussions of language ideology and language planning, with regards to modern language learning and heritage language maintenance.

Keywords: the Chinese language;, Chinese as heritage language, Chinese as foreign language, Chinese community schools

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Authors: Hema Vanita Kesevan

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This study investigated the impact of teacher’s language ideology on their classroom discursive practice in ESL / EFL classrooms. It examines teachers’ perceptions of the use of local variety of Malaysian English in the classroom. The investigation shows that although teachers and students are against its use in the classroom, it is widely employed. The participants of this study consist of two Malaysian non-native English teachers with different linguistic and cultural backgrounds. This study employs a comparative case study approach which focuses on the teachers and their classroom discourse practice. There are two modes of inquiry used in this study: classroom observation and semi-guided interviews. The findings are of interest to ESL / EFL teachers, policy makers and language researchers in the Malaysian and other similar ESL / EFL contexts.

Keywords: language ideology, Malaysian English, native teachers, non-native teachers

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Authors: Amani Hassan Abu Atieh

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This study aims at examining the patterns of ideology reflected in the written discourse of women writers in the media of Jordan; Lana Mamkgh is taken as an example. This study critically analyzes the discursive, linguistic, and cognitive representations that she employs as an agent in the institutionalized discourse of the media. Grounded in van Dijk’s critical discourse analysis approach to Sociocognitive Discourse Studies, the present study builds a multilayer framework that encompasses van Dijk’s triangle: discourse, society, and cognition. Specifically, the study attempts to analyze, at both micro and macro levels, the underlying cognitive processes and structures, mainly ideology and discursive strategies, which are functional in the production of women’s discourse in terms of meaning, forms, and functions. Cognitive processes that social actors adopt are underlined by experience/context and semantic mental models on the one hand and social cognition on the other. This study is based on qualitative research and adopts purposive sampling, taking as an example a sample of an opinion article written by Lana Mamkgh in the Arabic Jordanian Daily, Al Rai. Taking her role as an agent in the public sphere, she stresses the National and feminist ideologies, demonstrating the use of assertive, evaluative, and expressive linguistic and rhetorical devices that appeal to the logic, ethics, and emotions of the addressee. Highlighting the agency of Jordanian writers in the media, the study sought to achieve the macro goal of dispensing political and social justice to the underprivileged. Further, the study seeks to prove that the voice of Jordanian women, viewed as underrepresented and invisible in the public arena, has come through clearly.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, sociocognitive theory, ideology, women discourse, media

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Authors: Merav Alush Levron, Sivan Rajuan Shtang

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From as early as their emergence in Europe and the US, postmodern and post-colonial paradigm have formed the backbone of the visual culture field of study. The self-representation project of political minorities is studied, described and explained within the premises and perspectives drawn from these paradigms, addressing the key issues they had raised: modernism’s crisis of representation. The struggle for self-representation, agency and multicultural visibility sought to challenge the liberal pretense of universality and equality, hitting at its different blind spots, on issues such as class, gender, race, sex, and nationality. This struggle yielded subversive identity and hybrid performances, including reclaiming, mimicry and masquerading. These performances sought to defy the uniform, universal self, which forms the basis for the liberal, rational, enlightened subject. The argument of this research runs that this politics of representation itself is confined within liberal thought. Alongside post-colonialism and multiculturalism’s contribution in undermining oppressive structures of power, generating diversity in cultural visibility, and exposing the failure of liberal colorblindness, this subversion is constituted in the visual field by way of confrontation, flying in the face of the universal law and relying on its ongoing comparison and attribution to this law. Relying on Deleuze and Guattari, this research set out to draw theoretic and empiric attention to an alternative, post-liberal occurrence which has been taking place in the visual field in parallel to the contra-hegemonic phase and as a product of political reality in the aftermath of the crisis of representation. It is no longer a counter-representation; rather, it is a motion of organic minor desire, progressing in the form of flows and generating what Deleuze and Guattari termed deterritorialization of social structures. This discussion shall have its focus on current post-liberal performances of ‘Mizrahim’ (Jewish Israelis of Arab and Muslim extraction) in the visual field in Israel. In television, video art and photography, these performances challenge the issue of representation and generate concrete peripheral Mizrahiness, realized in the visual organization of the photographic frame. Mizrahiness then transforms from ‘confrontational’ representation into a 'presence', flooding the visual sphere in our plain sight, in a process of 'becoming'. The Mizrahi desire is exerted on the plains of sound, spoken language, the body and the space where they appear. It removes from these plains the coding and stratification engendered by European dominance and rational, liberal enlightenment. This stratification, adhering to the hegemonic surface, is flooded not by way of resisting false consciousness or employing hybridity, but by way of the Mizrahi identity’s own productive, material immanent yearning. The Mizrahi desire reverberates with Mizrahi peripheral 'worlds of meaning', where post-colonial interpretation almost invariably identifies a product of internalized oppression, and a recurrence thereof, rather than a source in itself - an ‘offshoot, never a wellspring’, as Nissim Mizrachi clarifies in his recent pioneering work. The peripheral Mizrahi performance ‘unhook itself’, in Deleuze and Guattari words, from the point of subjectification and interpretation and does not correspond with the partialness, absence, and split that mark post-colonial identities.

Keywords: desire, minority, Mizrahi Jews, post-colonialism, post-liberalism, visibility, Deleuze and Guattari

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Authors: Ahmed Hassan Sabra

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Context: The research explores the impact of ideology on the aesthetic reading of literary texts. It aims to investigate how ideology affects the way in which readers interpret and appreciate literature. The study focuses on a selection of Arabic novels that have been subject to significant controversy among critics, with some praising their aesthetic value and others denouncing it. By analyzing this controversy, the research seeks to demonstrate the extent to which ideology influences aesthetic judgments in literary readings. Research Aim: The aim of this study is to examine the influence of ideology on the aesthetic reading of literary texts. It seeks to understand how the ideological perspective of readers shapes their interpretation and evaluation of literature. Methodology: The research adopts an aesthetic approach as the primary methodology for investigating the relationship between literary reading and ideological reception. By employing this approach, the study aims to uncover the intricate connections between aesthetics and ideology in the process of interpreting and appreciating literature. Findings: The research reveals that ideology cannot be separated from the aesthetic experience of reading literary texts. It argues that the ideological perspective of the reader significantly impacts their aesthetic judgments and interpretations. The differing viewpoints among critics regarding the aesthetic value of the selected Arabic novels highlight the influence of ideology on readers' assessments of artistic merit. Theoretical Importance: The study contributes to the understanding of the complex interplay between aesthetics and ideology in the realm of literary interpretation. It reinforces the notion that aesthetic judgments are not solely based on the intrinsic qualities of the text but are also shaped by the ideological framework of the reader. Data Collection: The research collects data by examining critical responses to a number of Arabic novels that have generated controversy. These responses include both positive and negative evaluations of the novels' aesthetic value. The research also considers the ideological positions and perspectives of the critics. Analysis Procedures: The collected data is analyzed using an aesthetic lens, taking into account the ideological viewpoints expressed in the critical responses. The analysis explores how these ideological perspectives influence the aesthetic judgments made by the critics. Questions Addressed: The research addresses the question of how ideology impacts the aesthetic reading of literary texts. It investigates the extent to which ideology shapes readers' interpretations and evaluations of literature, particularly in the case of controversial novels. Conclusion: The study concludes that ideology plays a significant role in the aesthetic reading of literary texts. It demonstrates that readers' ideological perspectives influence their interpretation and evaluation of a text's aesthetic value. The research highlights the interconnectedness of aesthetics and ideology in the process of literary reception, emphasizing the importance of considering the ideological framework of readers when analyzing the aesthetic qualities of literature.

Keywords: novel, aesthetic, ideology, reading

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Authors: Peter Hajnal

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The need to combine serious training in disciplinary/scholarly approaches to problems of general significance with an educational experience that engages students with these very same problems on a personal level is one of the key challenges facing modern liberal education in the West. The typical approach to synthesizing these two goals, one highly abstract, the other elusively practical, proceeds by invoking ideals traditionally associated with Enlightenment and 19th century “humanism”. These ideas are in turn rooted in an approach to reality codified by Cartesianism and the rise of modern science. Articulating this connection of the modern humanist tradition with Cartesianism allows for demonstrating how the central problem of modern liberal education is rooted in the strict separation of knowledge and personal experience inherent in the dualism of Descartes. The question about the shape of contemporary liberal education is, therefore, the same as asking whether an anti-Cartesian version of liberal education is possible at all. Although the formulation of a general answer to this question is a tall order (whether in abstract or practical terms), and might take different forms (nota bene in Eastern and Western contexts), a key inspiration may be provided by a certain shift of attitude towards the Cartesian conception of the relationship of knowledge and experience required by discussion based close-reading of works of visual art. Taking the work of Stanley Cavell as its central inspiration, my paper argues that this shift of attitude in question is best described as a form of “second naïveté”, and that it provides a useful model of conceptualizing in more concrete terms the appeal for such a “second naïveté” expressed in recent writings on the role of various disciplines in organizing learning by philosophers of such diverse backgrounds and interests as Hilary Putnam and Bruno Latour. The adoption of naïveté so identified as an educational ideal may be seen as a key instrument in thinking of the educational context as itself a medium of synthesis of the contemplative and the practical. Moreover, it is helpful in overcoming the bad dilemma of ideological vs. conservative approaches to liberal education, as well as in correcting a certain commonly held false view of the historical roots of liberal education in the Renaissance, which turns out to offer much more of a sui generis approach to practice rather than represent a mere precursor to the Cartesian conception.

Keywords: liberal arts, philosophy, education, Descartes, naivete

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Authors: Jihye Jeon

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This paper analyzes the political and economic issues that people with disabilities face related to globalization; how people with disabilities have been adapting globalization and surviving under worldwide competition system. It explains that economic globalization exacerbates inequality and deprivation of people with disabilities. The rising tide of neo-liberal welfare policies emphasized efficiency, downsized social expenditure for people with disabilities, excluded people with disabilities against labor market, and shifted them from welfare system to nothing. However, there have been people with disabilities' political responses to globalization, which are characterized by a global network of people with disabilities as well as participation to global governance. Their resistance can be seen as an attempt to tackle the problems that economic globalization has produced. It is necessary paradigm shift of disability policy from dependency represented by disability benefits to independency represented by labor market policies for people with disabilities.

Keywords: economic globalization, people with disability, deprivation, welfare cut, disability right movement, resistance

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Authors: Shantanu Majumder

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This paper attempts to explain the factors contribute in attracting and engaging rural women in Bangladesh toward political Islam that in many cases manifests itself in the form of violent extremism (VE). Bangladesh, the fourth largest Muslim majority country in the world, has been confronting the problem of VE in the name of Islam since a long. The political Islamists, explaining the events like military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, anti-Muslim politics in neighboring India and Myanmar, Islamophobia in the West, and several other issues in their own way, have become to a vast extent successful in creating a high level of emotion, anger and a feeling of being oppressed worldwide among the ordinary Muslims masses. Half-hearted role of public intellectuals and political expediency of liberal political forces in explaining these events in a secular democratic way also facilitate the extremists to earn political dividend. VE was perceived as an all-male activism of the political Islamists’ in the past in Bangladesh. However, evidence in the recent times shows that there are sympathizers, recruiters, and perpetrators as well among the womenfolk in favor of VE-based political Islam. The first section in this paper sheds light on the way the political Islamists build rapport with and win over the heart of target women in countryside under the camouflage of preaching authentic Islam. This section also describes the role of family in involvement of women in VE. The second section discusses wide-ranging use of websites, facebook, laptop, mobile phones and several other means in the way to motivate and radicalize women. How the involvement with political Islamists brings changes in thinking process, lifestyle and family life of motivated women has been focused in the third section. The final section deals briefly with the way out relying on the argument that law and order forces alone cannot tackle this problem.

Keywords: Bangladesh, political Islam, violent extremism, women

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Authors: Nathan Garcia

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The polarizing dialogue of contemporary political America results from core philosophical differences. But these differences are beyond ideological and reach metaphysical distinction. Good intellectual historians have theorized that fundamental concepts such as freedom, God, and nature have been sterilized of their intellectual vigor. They are partially correct. 19th-century pragmatist Charles Sanders Peirce offers a penetrating philosophy which can yield greater insight into the contemporary political divide. Peirce argues that metaphysical and ethical issues are derivative of operational logic. His triadic logical structure and ensuing metaphysical principles constructed therefrom is contemporaneously applicable for three reasons. First, Peirce’s logic aptly scrutinizes the logical processes of liberal and conservative mindsets. Each group arrives at a cosmological root metaphor (abduction), resulting in a contemporary assessment (deduction), ultimately prompting attempts to verify the original abduction (induction). Peirce’s system demonstrates that liberal citizens develop a cosmological root metaphor in the concept of fairness (abduction), resulting in a contemporary assessment of, for example, underrepresented communities being unfairly preyed upon (deduction), thereby inciting anger toward traditional socio-political structures suspected of purposefully destabilizing minority communities (induction). Similarly, conservative citizens develop a cosmological root metaphor in the concept of freedom (abduction), resulting in a contemporary assessment of, for example, liberal citizens advocating an expansion of governmental powers (deduction), thereby inciting anger towards liberal communities suspected of attacking freedoms of ordinary Americans in a bid to empower their interests through the government (induction). The value of this triadic assessment is the categorization of distinct types of inferential logic by their purpose and boundaries. Only deductive claims can be concretely proven, while abductive claims are merely preliminary hypotheses, and inductive claims are accountable to interdisciplinary oversight. Liberals and conservative logical processes preclude constructive dialogue because of (a) an unshared abductive framework, and (b) misunderstanding the rules and responsibilities of their types of claims. Second, Peircean metaphysical principles offer a greater summary of the contemporaneously divisive political climate. His insights can weed through the partisan theorizing to unravel the underlying philosophical problems. Corrosive nominalistic and essentialistic presuppositions weaken the ability to share experiences and communicate effectively, both requisite for any promising constructive dialogue. Peirce’s pragmatist system can expose and evade fallacious thinking in pursuit of a refreshing alternative framework. Finally, Peirce’s metaphysical foundation enables a logically coherent, scientifically informed orthopraxis well-suited for American dialogue. His logical structure necessitates radically different anthropology conducive to shared experiences and dialogue within a dynamic, cultural continuum. Pierce’s fallibilism and sensitivity to religious sentiment successfully navigate between liberal and conservative values. In sum, he provides a normative paradigm for intranational dialogue that privileges individual experience and values morally defensible notions of freedom, God, and nature. Utilizing Peirce’s thought will yield fruitful analysis and offers a promising philosophical alternative for framing and engaging in contemporary American political discourse.

Keywords: Charles s. Peirce, american politics, logic, pragmatism

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Authors: Adriana Pereira Arteaga

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In many Latin American countries the transition towards legal pluralism - has developed as part of what is called Latin-American-Constitutionalism over the last thirty years. The aim of this paper is to discuss how legal pluralism in its current form in Bolivia may produce exclusion and violence. Legal sources and discourse analysis - as an approach to examine written language on discourse documentation- will be used to develop this paper. With the constitution of 2009, Bolivia was symbolically "re-founded" into a multi-nation state. This shift goes hand in hand with the "indigenista" and "decolonisation" ideologies developing since the early 20th century. Discourses based on these ideologies reflect the rejection of liberal and western premises on which the Bolivian republic was originally built after independence. According to the "indigenista" movements, the liberal nation-state generates institutions corresponding to a homogenous society. These liberal institutions not only ignore the Bolivian multi-nation reality, but also maintain the social structures originating form the colony times, based on prejudices against the indigenous. The described statements were elaborated through the image: the indigenous people humiliated by a cruel western system as highlighted by the constitution's preamble. This narrative had a considerable impact on the sensitivity of people and received great social support. Therefore the proposal for changing structures of the nation-state, is charged with an emancipatory message of restoring even the pre-Columbian order. An order at times romantically described as the perfect order. Legally this connotes a rejection of the positivistic national legal system based on individual rights and the promotion of constitutional recognition of indigenous justice administration. The pluralistic Constitution is supposed to promote tolerance and a peaceful coexistence among nations, so that the unity and integrity of the country could be maintained. In its current form, legal pluralism in Bolivia is justified on pre-existing rights contained for example in the International - Labour - Organization - Convention 169, but it is more developed on the described discursive constructions. Over time these discursive constructions created inconsistencies in terms of putting indigenous justice administration into practice: First, because legal pluralism has been more developed on level of political discourse, so a real interaction between the national and the indigenous jurisdiction cannot be observed. There are no clear coordination and cooperation mechanisms. Second, since the recently reformed constitution is based on deep sensitive experiences, little is said about the general legal principles on which a pluralistic administration of justice in Bolivia should be based. Third, basic rights, liberties, and constitutional guarantees are also affected by the antagonized image of the national justice administration. As a result, fundamental rights could be violated on a large scale because many indigenous justice administration practices run counter to these constitutional rules. These problems are not merely Bolivian but may also be encountered in other regional countries with similar backgrounds, like Ecuador.

Keywords: discourse, indigenous justice, legal pluralism, multi-nation

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Authors: Edwin Onwuka, Segun Omidiora, Eugenia Abiodun-Eniaiyekan

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The Nigerian military is often the subject of active critical inquiries having played significant roles in Nigeria’s national development. However, the soldier is one of the most vilified characters in Nigeria’s imaginative literature, be it in poetry, drama or prose fiction. In the main, the characterization of soldiers is predictable because of their entrenched stereotype as oppressors, tyrants, bullies, rapists, despots, killers or at best law-breakers subject to no authority outside the military institution. In most novels, the soldier’s personality is associated with force and violence; still, few have defied the norm to portray soldiers that go against the grain of notoriety. Such novels have characterized the Nigerian soldier positively as a civil, thinking and human personality in relating to civil society. To a great extent, two major impetuses that influence literary representation of characters and institutions in African literature are ideology and commitment, and one necessarily impacts on the other in shaping the artistic vision of the writer. Using two war novels therefore as templates, this paper argues that the ideology that drives the Nigerian writer’s socio-cultural commitment to national development shapes their portrayal of the Nigerian soldier in imaginative literature. A major objective of this study, therefore, is to show through close textual analysis that the writers’ ideologies influence their perception and characterization of the Nigerian soldier in Isidore Okpewho’s The Last Duty and Festus Iyayi’s Heroes, two representative novels of both persuasions described above. New Historicism is the critical framework applied in this study and its conclusion is that the Nigerian writer’s characterization of the soldier is influenced by his ideological perception of the military in the policy against the backdrop of their past socio-political activities.

Keywords: commitment, ideology, national development, new historicism, Nigerian soldier

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Authors: Sarah Ledoux

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This paper analyses the quantitative effects of political content consumption in social media platforms on self-reported ideological preference across the Latin American region. Initially praising the democratic potential of the internet and its social networking websites, digital politics scholars have transitioned their discourse to warning against the undemocratic side-effects it cultivates, such as hate speech, filter bubbles, and ideological polarisation. Holding technology solely responsible for political trends worldwide is an oversimplification of the factors influencing social change. Nonetheless, widespread use of social media in new democracies raises questions on the reproduction of recent trends that have been observed in the US and Western Europe. Through the analysis of ordered logistic regressions on data from the 2018 AmericasBarometer survey, this study examines the extent to which the relationship between the consumption of political content on social media is related to ideological polarisation in Latin America. The findings indicate that there is a close link between consumption of political information on social media, specifically on Facebook and WhatsApp, and ideological positioning on the extremes of the political left- and right-wings. This relation holds when controlling for individual-level demographic and attitudinal factors, as well as country-level effects. These results demonstrate with empirical evidence that viewing political content on social media has a significant positive effect on the likelihood that citizens position themselves on the extreme ends of the left-right ideological spectrum and implies that political polarisation is a phenomenon that accompanies politically driven social media use.

Keywords: Latin America, polarisation, political consumption, political ideology, social media, survey

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