Search results for: ideological placemaking

Authors: Fikrat Abdullayev, Narmin Huseynli

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Archaeology is a science that learns ancient people’s life and household on the basis of samples of material culture. The key research object of this science is artefacts, which are acquired during archaeological excavations. These artefacts can be seen in museums. Museums are the main institutions that give impressions of daily life and household of people in ancient times. Therefore, systematization, exhibition and presentation of archaeological items in museums should be adapted to trace the development of productive forces and its reflection on the household of people. In Gobustan museum which was commissioned in 2011, you can get information about the life and household, as well as religious beliefs, of people at all stages of history from the end of the Upper Palaeolith to the Middle Ages through archaeological items, rock inscriptions and modern technologies. The main idea of museum exposition is to give an idea to visitors about the environment, society and production relations during the Stone and Metal Age. Stimulation of development of production factors and production relationships of environmental factors that are influenced by natural forces can be easily seen through exhibits of Gobustan Museum. At the same time, creating of new ideological attributes in the changing society and the process of transforming people into a dominant position in a belief system can be seen in the substitution of motives of rock carvings in the chronological context. The historical and cultural essence of rock carvings in Gobustan Museum is demonstrated through modern technological means and traditional museum concepts. In addition, Gobustan Preserve is one of the rare places where visitors can directly contact with rock carvings.

Keywords: Gobustan, rock art, museum, productive forces

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Authors: Mathieu Bere

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Al-Qaeda and Islamic State-affiliated groups such as Ja’amat Nusra al Islam Wal Muslimim (JNIM) and the Islamic State-Greater Sahara Faction, which is now part of the Boko Haram splinter group, Islamic State in West Africa, were responsible, between 2018 and 2020, for at least 1.333 violent incidents against both military and civilian targets, including the assassination and kidnapping for ransom of Western citizens in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, the Central Sahel. Protecting civilians from the terrorist violence that is now spreading from the Sahel to the coastal countries of West Africa has been very challenging, mainly because of the many unknowns that surround the perpetrators. To contribute to a better protection of civilians in the region, this paper aims to shed light on the motivations and targeting logic of jihadist perpetrators of terrorist violence against civilians in the central Sahel region. To that end, it draws on relevant secondary data retrieved from datasets, the media, and the existing literature, but also on primary data collected through interviews and surveys in Burkina Faso. An analysis of the data with the support of qualitative and statistical analysis software shows that military and rational strategic motives, more than purely ideological or religious motives, have been the main drivers of terrorist violence that strategically targeted government symbols and representatives as well as local leaders in the central Sahel. Behind this targeting logic, the jihadist grand strategy emerges: wiping out the Western-inspired legal, education and governance system in order to replace it with an Islamic, sharia-based political, legal, and educational system.

Keywords: terrorism, jihadism, Sahel, targeting logic

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Authors: Chong Zhang

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There is widespread debate about the nationalistic top-down approach to citizenship education. Employing the notion of cultural citizenship as a useful theoretical lens, citizenship education research tends to focus on the process of subjectivity construction among students’ citizenship learning process. As the Communist Party of China (CPC) plays a dominant role in cultivating citizens through ideological and political education (IaPE) in Chinese universities, the research problem herein focuses on the dynamics and complexity of how Chinese university students construct their subjectivities regarding citizenship learning through IaPE, mediated by the interaction between the state and university teachers. Drawing on questionnaire data from 212 students and interview data from 25 students in one university in China, this paper examines the ways in which students understand and respond to dominant discourses. Its findings reveal there is a deficit of citizenship learning in IaPE, and that students feel ideologically pressurized. From its analysis of social contexts’ influence, the article suggests Chinese higher education students act as either mild changemakers or active self-motivators to enact complex subjectivities, in that they must involve themselves in IaPE for personal academic and career development, yet adopt covert strategies to realise their self-conscious citizenship learning expectations. These strategies take the form of passive and active freedoms, ranging from obediently completing basic curriculum requirements and distancing themselves by studying abroad, to actively searching for learning opportunities from other courses and social media. This paper contributes to the research on citizenship education by recognizing the complexities of how subjectivities are formed in formal university settings.

Keywords: university students, citizenship learning, cultural citizenship, subjectivity, Chinese higher education

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Authors: Mohammad Saif

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In the post-Westphalianworld order, the concept of sovereignty has been a fundamental area of inquiry in Political Science, International Relations, and International Law. Modern Islamic political thought has also dedicated a fair share of debate on the subject. The debate fundamentally revolves around the ‘ontological differentiation’ between western and Islamic political thought. While the centrality of the individual in western political thought regards the individual as the center of universe, Islamic Political thought provides that space to God. The modern liberal democratic principles suggest sovereignty as one of the major attributes of modern nation state; Islamists regard sovereignty as an attribute of God. However, the position regarding God’ssovereignty in Islamic political thought is not coherent in conception. Some scholars regard such a position as ‘the political interpretation of Islam’. This paper is an attempt to first analyze the fundamental discord between two rival political ideologies (western and Islamic), and then forward a debate on the subject of sovereignty in South Asian Islamic Political thought, particularly between Syed Abul Ala Maududi (ideological father of modern islamist movements) andHifzurrahmanSeoharvi (lesser known in Academia but highly influential in shaping Deobandi position of principles related to political nature of Islamic theology). Maududi regardssovereignty as an attribute of God and the rulers as subservient to Gods will, Seoharvi suggests that God's sovereignty does not entail that the caliph or amir cannot be a ruler or hakim, nor can his command or hukum be an order. Certain references have also been made to contemporary scholars like Sayidd Qutub, Rashid al Ghanouchi, who in one way or the other have contributed to the debate on ‘sovereignty in Islamic thought’.

Keywords: nation state, sovereigty, sovereignty of God (Hakimmiyah), deoband

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Authors: Lily Chimuanya, Ehioghae Esther

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Language, a versatile and sophisticated tool, is fundamentally sacrosanct to mankind especially within the realm of politics. In this dynamic world, political leaders adroitly use language to engage in a strategic show aimed at manipulating or mechanising the opinion of discerning people. This nuanced synergy is marked by different rhetorical strategies, meticulously synced with contextual factors ranging from cultural, ideological, and political to achieve multifaceted persuasive objectives. This study investigates the (de)legitimation strategies inherent in African presidential inaugural speeches, as African leaders not only state their policy agenda through inaugural speeches but also subtly indulge in a dance of legitimation and delegitimation, performing a twofold objective of strengthening the credibility of their administration and, at times, undermining the performance of the past administration. Drawing insights from two different legitimation models and a dataset of 4 African presidential inaugural speeches obtained from authentic websites, the study describes the roles of authorisation, rationalisation, moral evaluation, altruism, and mythopoesis in unmasking the structure of political discourse. The analysis takes a mixed-method approach to unpack the (de)legitimation strategy embedded in the carefully chosen speeches. The focus extends beyond a superficial exploration and delves into the linguistic elements that form the basis of presidential discourse. In conclusion, this examination goes beyond the nuanced landscape of language as a potent tool in politics, with each strategy contributing to the overall rhetorical impact and shaping the narrative. From this perspective, the study argues that presidential inaugural speeches are not only linguistic exercises but also viable weapons that influence perceptions and legitimise authority.

Keywords: CDA, legitimation, inaugural speeches, delegitmation

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Authors: Dane B. Norris

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This paper offers a reflective and reflexive examination of the lived reality of a group of young white, working-class males engaging in secondary education in England at a time when this population is widely recognised as the lowest attaining ethnic group within British schools. The focus of the paper is an exploration of the development of identities and aspirations alongside contemporary demographic shifts in the British population within the intersection of neoliberal education policies and the emerging ideological conflict between identity conservatism and liberalism. The construction and performance of intersecting social-class, gender, ethnic and national identities are considered, as well as the process through which socially constructed narratives inform identities and aspirations. Evocative autoethnography is then employed to offer reflections on working-class habitus and, in particular, classed and gendered codes that underpin expectations of manhood in post-industrial culture within an education system which seemingly requires the abandonment of aspects of a working-class background, affiliation, and identity. Findings from the study identify the emergence of a culture of hyper-individualisation amongst white, working-class males in schools and a belief in the meritocratic ideologies of the New Right. In particular, the breakdown of the social contract, including notions of political and civic responsibility, coupled with the symbolic violence perpetrated against working-class culture and solidarity in British schools, have all informed the construction of working-class masculinity which values the individual entrepreneur over the collective and depoliticizes students to an extent where a focus on the spectacle and performance of success has replaced individual and collective investment in community.

Keywords: education, identity, masculinity, neoliberalism, working-class

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Authors: Oscar H. Malaco Jr.

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Homosexuality has been adapted as the universal concept that defines the deviations from the heteronormative parameters of society. Sexual orientation and gender identities have been used in a concretely separate manner the same way as the dynamics between man and woman, male and female, gender and sex operate. These terms are all products of human beings’ utilization of language. Language has proven its power to define and determine the status and the categories of the subjects in society. This tool developed by human beings provides a definition of their own specific cultural community and their individual selves that either claim or oppugn their space in the social hierarchy. The label ‘bakla’ is reasoned as an identity which is a reaction to the spectral disposition of gender and sexuality in the Philippine society. To expose the Filipino constitutes of bakla is the major attempt of this study. Through the methods of Sikolohiyang Pilipino (Filipino Psychology), namely Pagtatanung-tanong (asking questions) and Pakikipagkuwentuhan (story-telling), the utterances of the bakla were gathered and analyzed in a rhetorical and ideological manner. Furthermore, the Dramatistic Pentad of Kenneth Burke was adapted as a methodology and also utilized as a perspective of analysis. The results suggest that the bakla as an identity carries the hurdles of class. The performativity of the bakla is proven to be a cycle propelled by their guilt to be identified and recognized as subjects in a society where heteronormative power contests their gender and sexual expressions as relatively aberrational to the binary gender and sexual roles. The labels, hence, are potent structures that control the disposition of the bakla in the society, reflecting an aspect of the disposition of Filipino identities. After all, performing kabaklaan in the Philippine society is interplay between resistance and conformity to the hegemonic dominions as a result of imperial attempts to universalize the concept of homosexuality between and among distant cultural communities.

Keywords: gender identity, sexual orientation, rhetoric, performativity

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Authors: Abimbola Mobolanle Adu, Marcus Tayo Akinlade

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This comprehensive study systematically dissects the intricate interplay between the removal of fuel subsidy and its multifaceted repercussions on Nigeria's educational system. Originating in the 1970s, the fuel subsidy policy initially conceived to curtail fuel costs and faced financial unsustainability. In 2023, President Bola Tinubu's administration announced its cessation. The resultant escalation in petroleum product prices precipitated challenges within the education sector, manifesting as heightened administrative costs, increased student fees, amplified dropout rates, and others. Employing a qualitative research methodology, grounded in Critical Theory, the study draws from diverse secondary sources and employs content analysis to unravel the intricate layers of this issue. Critical Theory provides a lens through which the power dynamics, socio-economic structures, and ideological influences shaping policy decisions can be critically examined, offering a deeper understanding of the multifaceted impact. Findings underscore the imperative for strategic interventions, advocating for investments in technology and the exploration of alternative energy sources. The paper concludes by emphasizing the pivotal role of education, advocating for nuanced policies to alleviate the impact on both private and public educational institutions. In essence, this research contributes nuanced insights into the labyrinthine dynamics between fuel subsidy policies and the educational sector, underscoring the exigency for meticulous interventions to fortify the nation's educational foundation.

Keywords: administration, education, fuel subsidy, policy, multilayered impact

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Authors: Sara Rozenwajn Acheroy

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This study aims to analyze gender stereotypes’ influence of physical education’s teachers in secondary education and coaches in sports clubs of five sports: swimming, beach-volley, tennis, gymnastics and football. Because sport is a major socializing agent of high symbolic, ideological and economical relevance with an impact in the social values and the construct of identity, in addition, to be an international and global phenomenon, States tend to institutionalize it through education, federations, and clubs, as well as build sports facilities. Research in the field is now needed more than ever, given that sport is still considered as a masculine practice, and that such perspective is spread at school since the age of six in physical education lessons. For all those reasons, and more, it is necessary to study which stereotypes are transmitted in its everyday practice and how it affects young people’s self-perception on their physical and body capacities. This study’s objectives are centered on 4 points: 1) stereotypes and self-perception of students and young people, 2) teachers and coaches’ stereotypes and influence, 3) social status of parents (indicative) and 4) environmental analysis of schools and sport clubs. To that end, triangular methodology has been favored. Quantitative and qualitative data, through semi-structured interviews with coaches and teachers; group interviews with young people; 450 surveys in high schools from Madrid, Barcelona and Canary Islands; and participant observation in clubs. Remarks made at this stage of the study are diverse and not conclusive. For example, physical education teachers have more gender stereotypes than coaches in sport clubs, matching with our hypothesis so far. It also seems that young people at the age of 16-17 still do not have internalized gender stereotypes as deep as their teachers. This among other observations of the current fieldwork will be exposed, hoping to give a better understanding of the need for gender policies and educational programs with gender perspective in all sectors that includes sport’s activities.

Keywords: gender, sport, sexism, gender stereotypes, sport education

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Authors: Iman Shabanzadeh

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The economic growth and the special model of development in China have caused sensitivity in the public opinion of the world regarding the nature of this growth and development. In this regard, the Chinese have tried to put an end to such alarming procedures by using all the tools at their disposal and seek to present a peaceful and cooperative image of themselves. In this way, one of the most important diplomatic tools that Beijing has used to reduce the concerns caused by the Threat Theory has been the use of soft power resources and its tools in its development policies. This article begins by analyzing the concept of soft power and examining its foundations in international relations, and continues to examine the components of soft power in its Chinese version. The main purpose of the article is to figure out about the position of West Asia in China's soft power strategy and resources China use to achieve its goals in this region. In response to the main question, the paper's hypothesis is that soft power in its Chinese version had significant differences from Joseph Nye's original idea. In fact, the Chinese have imported the American version of soft power and adjusted, strengthened and, in other words, internalized it with their abilities, capacities and political philosophy. Based on this, China's software presence in West Asia can be traced in three areas. The first source of China's soft power in this region of West Asia is cultural in nature and is realized through strategies such as "use of educational tools and methods", "media methods" and "tourism industry". The second source is related to political soft power, which is applied through the policy of "balance of influence" and the policy of "mediation" and relying on the "ideological foundations of Confucianism". The third source also refers to China's economic soft power and is realized through three tools: "energy exchanges", "foreign investments" and "Belt-Road initiative". The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical.

Keywords: soft power, cooperative power, china, west asia

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Authors: Carles Martinez-Almoyna Gual, Jiwon Choi

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Urban communities face risks of disintegration and segregation as a consequence of globalised migration processes towards urban environments. Linking social and cultural components with environmental and economic dimensions becomes the goal of all the disciplines that aim to shape more sustainable urban environments. Solutions require interdisciplinary approaches and the use of a complex array of tools. One of these tools is the implementation of urban farming, which provides a wide range of advantages for creating more inclusive spaces and integrated communities. Since food is strongly related to the values and identities of any cultural group, it can be used as a medium to promote social inclusion in the context of urban multicultural societies. By bringing people together into specific urban sites, food production can be integrated into multifunctional spaces while addressing social, economic and ecological goals. The goal of this research is to assess different approaches to urban agriculture by analysing three existing community gardens located in Newtown, a suburb of Wellington, New Zealand. As a context for developing research, Newtown offers different approaches to urban farming and is really valuable for observing current trends of socialization in diverse and multicultural societies. All three spaces are located on public land owned by Wellington City Council and confined to a small, complex and progressively denser urban area. The developed analysis was focused on social, cultural and physical dimensions, combining community engagement with different techniques of spatial assessment. At the same time, a detailed investigation of each community garden was conducted with comparative analysis methodologies. This multidirectional setting of the analysis was established for extracting from the case studies both specific and typological knowledge. Each site was analysed and categorised under three broad themes: people, space and food. The analysis revealed that all three case studies had really different spatial settings, different approaches to food production and varying profiles of supportive communities. The main differences identified were demographics, values, objectives, internal organization, appropriation, and perception of the space. The community gardens were approached as case studies for developing design research. Following participatory design processes with the different communities, the knowledge gained from the analysis was used for proposing changes in the physical environment. The end goal of the design research was to improve the capacity of the spaces to facilitate social inclusiveness. In order to generate tangible changes, a range of small, strategic and feasible spatial interventions was explored. The smallness of the proposed interventions facilitates implementation by reducing time frames, technical resources, funding needs, and legal processes, working within the community´s own realm. These small interventions are expected to be implemented over time as part of an ongoing collaboration between the different communities, the university, and the local council. The applied research methodology showcases the capacity of universities to develop civic engagement by working with real communities that have concrete needs and face overall threats of disintegration and segregation.

Keywords: community gardening, landscape architecture, participatory design, placemaking, social inclusion

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Authors: Saheed Ahmad Rufai

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The growing nature of insurgencies in their various forms in the Muslim world is now of great concern to both the leadership and the citizenry. The high sense of insecurity occasioned by the unpleasant experience has in fact attained an alarming rate in the estimation of both Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Consequently, the situation began to attract contributions from scholars and researchers in security-related fields of humanities and social sciences. However, there is little evidence of contribution to the discourse and the scholarship involved by scholars in the field of education. The purpose of this proposed study is to contribute an education dimension to the growing scholarship on the subject. The study which is situated in the broad scholarship of curriculum making and grounded in both the philosophical and sociological foundations of the curriculum, employs a combination of curriculum criticism and creative synthesis, as methods, in reconstructing Muslim schools’ educational blueprint. The significance of the proposed study lies in its potential to contribute a useful addition to the scholarship of curriculum construction in the context of the Muslim world. The significance also lies in its potential to offer an ameliorative proposal over unnecessary insurgency or militancy thereby paving the way for the enthronement of a regime characterized by peaceful, harmonious and tranquil co-existence among people of diverse orientations and ideological persuasions in the Muslim world. The study is restricted to only the first two stages of curriculum making namely the formulation of philosophy which concerns the articulation of objectives, aims, purposes, goals, and principles, as well as the second stage which covers the translation of such principles to an anti-insurgency secondary school curriculum for the Muslim world.

Keywords: education for conflict resolution, anti-insurgency curriculum principles, peace education, anti-terrorist curriculum framework, curriculum for Muslim secondary schools

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Authors: Anna Stoutenburg

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With the rise of the so-called 'new left' within the United States, marked by social democratic figures such as Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, significant questions have been raised in response to those who would identify with the term 'socialist'. These queries typically revolve around the negatively perceived legacy of past and present countries that share the term in question, with the stark conclusion that not only is socialism a structure that does not work economically, but that it also tends to inflict more harm on those living under it that would be endured in a country functioning under capitalism. In order to examine these claims, the goal of this paper is to examine the legacy of anti-communist historiography in a western context, with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, China, and modern Venezuela used as case studies for how this phenomenon operates. Not only will key portions of each nation’s history be re-examined, but there will also be a critical analysis of source cultivation and usage among western historians. The intent of this paper is not merely to deride previous attempts at historicizing and reporting on the events of the nations, but rather to attempt to glean a clearer picture that is free from anti-communist sentiments. Theoretical works that will be consulted in order to define this project are 'The Historiography of Communism' by Michael Brown, as well as 'Beyond Philosophy: Ethics, History, Marxism, and Liberation Theology' by Enrique Dussel. The latter will provide insights concerning why these questions are relevant in a larger context, namely by articulating how the means of liberation understood through an analectic method can be achieved structurally. For a majority of leftists, this question is integral, and by using history as a tool, the ways that political organizing can be used can be better understood, bridging the gap between the common assumption that the communist legacy is a dire one and the idea that it is something which needs to be completely lauded.

Keywords: anti-communism, history, ideology, Marxism

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Authors: Taoufik Djennane

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Algeria is characterized by a fragmented language education policy. While pre-university education is entirely conducted in Arabic, higher education remains linguistically divided, with some fields offered in Arabic and others exclusively based on French. Within this linguistic policy, English remains far behind French. However, there has been a significant shift in the state’s linguistic orientation since the social riot of March 2019, known as El-Hirak, which ousted away the ex-president. Since then, social calls were voiced to get rid of French, and English started to receive an unprecedented political push. The historical decision only came at the beginning of the academic year 2023-2024 when the ministry of higher education imposed English as medium of instruction (hereafter EMI), especially in scientific and technological fields. As such, this paper considered this abrupt switch in the medium of instruction and its effects on the community of teachers. Building on a socio-psychological approach, teachers’ attitudes towards EMI were measured. Data were collected using classroom observation, semi-structured interviews and a survey. The results showed that a clear majority of teachers hold negative attitudes towards EMI. The point is that they are linguistically incompetent, and they are not ready yet to deliver content subjects in a language they have no, or little, command of. The study showed the importance of considering attitudes in the ‘policy-formation’ stage before the ‘implementation’ stage. The findings also proved that teachers are not passive bystanders; they can rather be the final arbiters imposing themselves as policy-makers resisting ministerial instructions through their linguistic practices inside the classroom which only acknowledge French. The study showed the necessity to avoid sudden switch and opt for gradual change, without putting aside those who are directly concerned with political/pedagogical measures (teachers, learners, etc).

Keywords: micro planning, EMI, language education policy, agency

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Authors: Elza Jurun, Damir Piplica, Tea Poklepović

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Numerous studies carried out in the developed western democratic countries have shown that the ideological framework of the governing party has a significant influence on the monetary policy. The executive authority consisting of a left-wing party gives a higher weight to unemployment suppression and central bank implements a more expansionary monetary policy. On the other hand, right-wing governing party considers the monetary stability to be more important than unemployment suppression and in such a political framework the main macroeconomic objective becomes the inflation rate reduction. The political framework conditions in the transition countries which are new European Union (EU) members are still highly specific in relation to the other EU member countries. In the focus of this paper is the question whether the same monetary policy principles are valid in these transitional countries as well as they apply in developed western democratic EU member countries. The data base consists of inflation rate and unemployment rate for 11 transitional EU member countries covering the period from 2001 to 2012. The essential information for each of these 11 countries and for each year of the observed period is right or left political orientation of the ruling party. In this paper we use t-statistics to test our hypothesis that there are differences in inflation and unemployment between right and left political orientation of the governing party. To explore the influence of different countries, through years and different political orientations descriptive statistics is used. Inflation and unemployment should be strongly negatively correlated through time, which is tested using Pearson correlation coefficient. Regarding the fact whether the governing authority is consisted from left or right politically oriented parties, monetary authorities will adjust its policy setting the higher priority on lower inflation or unemployment reduction.

Keywords: inflation rate, monetary policy orientation, transition EU countries, unemployment rate

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Authors: Yangyang Zhang

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In The Valley of the Moon, Jack London implicitly presents the connection between the city and the male, the country and the female, constructing a gender space where the city and the countryside are opposed. But meanwhile, London is constantly dismantling the gender space through the reversed travel map so as to highlight the fluidity and productivity of female space. Under such circumstance, the original gender space has to be reorganized. Through the construction of gendered urban and rural spaces, Jack London presents the national crisis in the process of urbanization of the American West in the late 19th century, while the female-led reversed travel map reproduces the original contribution of the American West to the construction of nationality. In the end, the reorganized neutral space “valley of the moon” reflects the “garden” motif in American national imagination and plays an important role in rebuilding national identity. This research studies the feminist geography and cartography in Jack London's novel The Valley of the Moon and analyzes the gender-politics attribution in the literary geography writing in London's novel on this basis. The research returns to the American historical context at the end of the 19th century, focusing on how London’s feminist geography embodies his sense of nationality and investigating how female-dominated literary cartography reconstructs American identity. This paper takes Literary Cartography, and feminist geography as the ideological guide combines with the discourse of gender politics. comprehensively uses various literary criticism methods such as deconstructionist literary criticism, and new historicism literary criticism, etc., Through the study of Jack London's work, the paper aims to analyse how London constructs a national image by literary geography.

Keywords: American identity, American west, feminist geography, garden motif, the valley of the moon

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Authors: Edwin Onwuka, Segun Omidiora, Eugenia Abiodun-Eniaiyekan

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The Nigerian military is often the subject of active critical inquiries having played significant roles in Nigeria’s national development. However, the soldier is one of the most vilified characters in Nigeria’s imaginative literature, be it in poetry, drama or prose fiction. In the main, the characterization of soldiers is predictable because of their entrenched stereotype as oppressors, tyrants, bullies, rapists, despots, killers or at best law-breakers subject to no authority outside the military institution. In most novels, the soldier’s personality is associated with force and violence; still, few have defied the norm to portray soldiers that go against the grain of notoriety. Such novels have characterized the Nigerian soldier positively as a civil, thinking and human personality in relating to civil society. To a great extent, two major impetuses that influence literary representation of characters and institutions in African literature are ideology and commitment, and one necessarily impacts on the other in shaping the artistic vision of the writer. Using two war novels therefore as templates, this paper argues that the ideology that drives the Nigerian writer’s socio-cultural commitment to national development shapes their portrayal of the Nigerian soldier in imaginative literature. A major objective of this study, therefore, is to show through close textual analysis that the writers’ ideologies influence their perception and characterization of the Nigerian soldier in Isidore Okpewho’s The Last Duty and Festus Iyayi’s Heroes, two representative novels of both persuasions described above. New Historicism is the critical framework applied in this study and its conclusion is that the Nigerian writer’s characterization of the soldier is influenced by his ideological perception of the military in the policy against the backdrop of their past socio-political activities.

Keywords: commitment, ideology, national development, new historicism, Nigerian soldier

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Authors: A. Kok

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The South African experience of the general upsurge in protest movements internationally is characterised by a tension between a neo-patrimonial state on the one hand, and a society with growing middle-class needs and interests on the other. This tension translates into local community service delivery protests – often violent in nature – that have been steadily increasing in number since 2008, student uprisings that have reached their height in October 2015, and various continuing local social #MustFall movements that are geared towards addressing government corruption and transforming neo-liberal structures. As a result, growing citizen (and non-citizen) revolt in South Africa has seen the (i) creeping securitization of the neo-patrimonial state and (ii) the 'top-down' misuse of a current 'bottom-up' people’s ideology, decoloniality, in an attempt by a faction in the ruling party (representing the neo-patrimonial state) to legitimize its actions and consolidate its power. The neo-patrimonial state’s creeping securitization and ideological positioning lead to a further mistrust of public institutions, people’s disengagement with traditional politics, and the creation of a 'parallel polis' by citizens and non-citizens that bypasses the official and oftentimes corrupt structures of the state. By applying the concept 'parallel polis' – originally developed by Václav Benda in connection with the movement Charter 77 in former Czechoslovakia – to a South African case study, it is illustrated that, even in the absence of overt oppression and the use of terror by a ruling elite, entrenched neo-patrimonialism can be potent enough to fuel the creation of various independent parallel public spheres (or, as a whole, understood as a 'parallel polis') to bypass dysfunctional state channels. A flourishing parallel polis offers possibilities for political, social and economic renewal. This is especially relevant in the consolidation of South Africa’s relatively young democracy.

Keywords: decoloniality, neo-patrimonialism, 'parallel polis', protest movements, South Africa, state securitization

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Authors: L. Freeman, D. Bax, V. K. Sapong

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Community-based, preventative approaches to violent extremism may be effective and yet remain an underutilised method. In a realm where security approaches dominate, with the focus on countering violence extremism and combatting radicalisation, community resilience programming remains sparse. This paper will present a survey tool that aims to measure the risk and protective factors that can lead to violent extremism in Mozambique and Tanzania. Conducted in four districts in the Cabo Delgado region of Mozambique and one district in Pwani, Tanzania, the survey uses a combination of BRAVE-14, Afrocentric and context-specific questions in order to more fully understand community resilience opportunities and challenges in preventing and countering violent extremism. Developed in Australia and Canada to measure radicalisation risks in individuals and communities, BRAVE-14 is a tool not yet applied in the African continent. Given the emerging threat of Islamic extremism in Northern Mozambique and Eastern Tanzania, which both experience a combination of socio-political exclusion, resource marginalisation and religious/ideological motivations, the development of the survey is timely and fills a much-needed information gap in these regions. Not only have these Islamist groups succeeded in tapping into the grievances of communities by radicalising and recruiting individuals, but their presence in these regions has been characterised by extreme forms of violence, leaving isolated communities vulnerable to attack. The expected result of these findings will facilitate the contextualisation and comparison of the protective and risk factors that inhibit or promote the radicalisation of the youth in these communities. In identifying sources of resilience and vulnerability, this study emphasises the implementation of context-specific intervention programming and provides a strong research tool for understanding youth and community resilience to violent extremism.

Keywords: community resilience, Mozambique, preventing violent extremism, radicalisation, Tanzania

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Authors: Monica Dantas

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At what socio-economic costs can the food industry offer products at low prices? This research seeks to understand and to explore how we attribute competence and meaning, what enables the outcomes of agriculture and what institutions provides validation regarding food production. This study objective is to explain and interpret conditions of the present state of agriculture in Brazil centring on two distinct segments, agribusiness and family farming, as the Brazilian, rapidly changing political environment unfolds. The approach is grounded in multidisciplinary literature drawing from the politics of development, the sociology of food, the sustainability framework and the conceptual differences between agribusiness and family farming regarding the innate purpose of the two segments. In addition, a quantitative portion of the research includes secondary data analysis from statistical measurements, economic indicators, federal budget information, and census data to compare the two segments, conveying a general snapshot of the conditions investigated. The results raised questions about the perceived image of the success of agribusiness, against some contradicting economic checks and balances. Analyzing how public funds are invested in agriculture shed light on what can enable or undermine the development of food systems in Brazil. It also revealed how politics, ideology, and corporations might influence the Brazilian Federal. In the 2000-2018 observed timeline of annual federal spending on agriculture in Brazil, there is variation in the amount invested in family farming that seems to 'coincide' with the ideological direction of the federal government in power. It was also observed that significant changes in the institutional framework and financial support either promoted or purposely undermined family farming importance using public institutions to validate support for agribusiness.

Keywords: food politics, sustainability, family farming, food system, public budget

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Authors: Mark Andrew

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Geopolitical tensions are at a thirty-year high, and the pace of technological innovation is driving asymmetry in force capabilities between nation states and between non-state actors. Technology futures are a vital component of defence capability growth, and investments in technology futures need to be informed by accurate and reliable forecasts of the options for ‘systems of systems’ innovation, development, and deployment. This paper describes a method for forecasting technology futures developed through an analysis of four key systems’ development stages, namely: technology domain categorisation, scanning results examining novel systems’ signals and signs, potential system-of systems’ implications in warfare theatres, and political ramifications in terms of funding and development priorities. The method has been applied to several technology domains, including physical systems (e.g., nano weapons, loitering munitions, inflight charging, and hypersonic missiles), biological systems (e.g., molecular virus weaponry, genetic engineering, brain-computer interfaces, and trans-human augmentation), and information systems (e.g., sensor technologies supporting situation awareness, cyber-driven social attacks, and goal-specification challenges to proliferation and alliance testing). Although the current application of the method has been team-centred using paper-based rapid prototyping and iteration, the application of autonomous language models (such as GPT-3) is anticipated as a next-stage operating platform. The importance of forecasting accuracy and reliability is considered a vital element in guiding technology development to afford stronger contingencies as ideological changes are forecast to expand threats to ecology and earth systems, possibly eclipsing the traditional vulnerabilities of nation states. The early results from the method will be subjected to ground truthing using longitudinal investigation.

Keywords: forecasting, technology futures, uncertainty, complexity

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Authors: Omotoyosi Bilikies Ilori, Adekunle Saheed Ajisebiyawo

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After the Second World War, there was an emergence of a new stage of capitalist globalization with its Neo-liberal ideology. There were global economic and political restructurings that affected third-world countries like Nigeria. Neo-liberalism is the driving force of globalization, which is the latest manifestation of imperialism that engenders endemic poverty in Nigeria. Poverty is severe and widespread in Nigeria. Poverty entails a situation where a person lives on less than one dollar per day and has no access to basic necessities of life. Poverty is inhuman and a breach of human rights. The Nigerian government initiated some strategies in the past to help in poverty reduction. Neo-liberalism manifested in the Third World, such as Nigeria, through the privatization of public enterprises, trade liberalization, and the rollback of the state investments in providing important social services. These main ideas of Neo-liberalism produced poverty in Nigeria and also encouraged the abandonment of the social contract between the government and the people. There is thus a gap in the provision of social services and subsidies for the masses, all of which Neo-liberal ideological positions contradict. This paper is a qualitative study which draws data from secondary sources. The theoretical framework is anchored on the market theory of capitalist globalization and public choice theory. The objectives of this study are to (i) examine the impacts of Neo-liberalism on poverty in Nigeria as a typical example of a Third World country and (ii) find out the effects of Neo-liberalism on the provision of social services and subsidies and employment. The findings from this study revealed that (i) the adoption of the Neo-liberal ideology by the Nigerian government has led to increased poverty and poor provision of social services and employment in Nigeria; and (ii) there is an increase in foreign debts which compounds poverty situation in Nigeria. This study makes the following recommendations: (i) Government should adopt strategies that are pro-poor to eradicate poverty; (ii) The Trade Unions and the masses should develop strategies to challenge Neo-liberalism and reject Neo-liberal ideology.

Keywords: neo-liberalism, poverty, employment, poverty reduction, structural adjustment programme

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Authors: Rajlekha Sil

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This paper aims to investigate Ray’s portrayal of liminality and the female gaze in ‘Charulata’ (1964) and ‘Ghare Baire’ (1984), both of which primarily articulates the stories of two women (Charu and Bimala respectively), entangled within the cobwebs of their seething, unfulfilled sexuality, amidst a newly-globalised urban culture, punctuated with political turmoils and ideological conflicts. Their tempestuous interactions with the societal space, both tangible and intangible, that surrounds them, and the men in their lives makes them dwell in a liminal space, filled with an ambiguous sense of virtue. In Ray’s films, this sexual ambivalence is characterised by the liminality between the scenic and extrascenic spaces, which, in turn, defines the female gaze as the director’s lenses paint a picture of the new wave of socio-political and socio-cultural movements in early twentieth-century Bengal. Brinda Bose’s essay on ‘Modernity, Globality, Sexuality, and the City: A Reading of Indian Cinema’, analyses the ‘necessary’ process of urbanisation as a marker of ‘moral degeneracy of the nation easily analogous with female sexual transgression/ promiscuity with the nation personified as a woman, by using the concept of the liminal space, a site of both empowerment through transgression and containment through regulation.’ My paper, however, would focus on the liminal space propagated by Ray through his contrasting depiction of scenic and extrascenic spaces to satiate the equivocal voices in Charu and Bimala, along with their way of ‘gazing’ into an equally disheveled society - a gaze that helps them transcend the barriers of politics and urbanization into a state of universal uniformity, symmetrical with their sexual immorality. The first section of the paper would explore Ray’s usage of these theatrical spaces through his character sketches, shots and dialogues, while the second section of the paper would delve into the ‘female gaze’ on a newly revolutionised society.

Keywords: satyajit ray, space, gaze, female sexuality, charulata, ghare baire

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Authors: Érica Lima

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In the digital era, in which we have an avalanche of information, it is not new that the Internet has brought new modes of communication and knowledge access. Characterized by the multiplicity of discourses, opinions, beliefs and cultures, the web is a space of political-ideological dimensions where people (who often do not know each other) interact and create representations, deconstruct stereotypes, and redefine identities. Currently, the translator needs to be able to deal with digital spaces ranging from specific software to social media, which inevitably impact on his professional life. One of the most impactful ways of being seen in cyberspace is the participation in social networking groups. In addition to its ability to disseminate information among participants, social networking groups allow a significant personal and social exposure. Such exposure is due to the visibility of each participant achieved not only on its personal profile page, but also in each comment or post the person makes in the groups. The objective of this paper is to study the representations of translators and translation process on the Internet, more specifically in publications in two Brazilian groups of great influence on the Facebook: "Translators/Interpreters" and "Translators, Interpreters and Curious". These chosen groups represent the changes the network has brought to the profession, including the way translators are seen and see themselves. The analyzed posts allowed a reading of what common sense seems to think about the translator as opposed to what the translators seem to think about themselves as a professional class. The results of the analysis lead to the conclusion that these two positions are antagonistic and sometimes represent conflict of interests: on the one hand, the society in general consider the translator’s work something easy, therefore it is not necessary to be well remunerated; on the other hand, the translators who know how complex a translation process is and how much it takes to be a good professional. The results also reveal that social networking sites such as Facebook provide more visibility, but it takes a more active role from the translator to achieve a greater appreciation of the profession and more recognition of the role of the translator, especially in face of increasingly development of automatic translation programs.

Keywords: Facebook, social representation, translation, translator

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Authors: Hafiz Atif Iqbal

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It is a confirmed historical fact that Pakistan is an ideological state, and religion has played a very important and vital role in the establishment of Pakistan. This is the reason why the slogan "What does Pakistan mean is "la ilaha illa Allah" is embedded in the heart of every Muslim. This slogan became so popular in the dimensions of India that Movement of Pakistan and this slogan became inseparable, and that is why Quaid-e-Azam said: "Twenty-five percent share in Movement of Pakistan belongs to the creator of this slogan, Asghar Soudai Sialkoti." This slogan later formed the basis of the two-nation theory, whereby the Hindus and Muslims of the sub-continent were declared to be two separate and complete nations, completely different from each other in terms of their religion, affairs, dress, lifestyle, and values. In this regard, on March 23, 1940, at the historic meeting of the Muslim League in Lahore, in which the Lahore Resolution was passed, Quaid-e-Azam said: Islam and Hinduism are not just religions, but actually two different social systems. Therefore, this desire should be called a dream and a dream that Hindus and Muslims will be able to create a common nationality together. These people do not marry each other, nor do they eat at the same table. I say in a nutshell that they belong to two different civilizations, and these civilizations are based on concepts and facts that contradict each other and are against each other. Quaid-e-Azam, while addressing Peshawar in January 1948, said: "We did not demand Pakistan just to get a separate piece of land, but we wanted to get a laboratory where we can test the principles of Islam. The distinction of the concept of Islamic government should be kept in mind that the authority of obedience and loyalty in it is God Almighty, whose practical means of compliance are the rules and principles of the Holy Quran. Only the rules of the Holy Quran can determine the limits of our freedom and restrictions in the state and society. In other words, the Islamic government is the government of Quranic principles and rules. All these facts make it clear that religion has played a fundamental and important role in the establishment of Pakistan.

Keywords: la ilaha illa allah, asghar soudai sialkoti, lahore resolution, quaid-e-azam

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Authors: Kabiru Adamu

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The Nigerian electricity industry was deregulated and privatized in 2005 and 2014 in line with global trend and practice. International and multilateral lending institutions advised developing countries, Nigeria inclusive, to adopt deregulation and privatization as part of reforms in their electricity sectors. The ideological basis of these reforms are traceable to neoliberalism. Neoliberalism is an ideology that believes in the supremacy of free market and strong non-interventionist competition law as against government ownership of the electricity market. This ideology became a state practice and a blue print for the deregulation and privatization of the electricity markets in many parts of the world. The blue print was used as a template for the privatization of the Nigerian electricity industry. In this wise, this paper, using documentary analysis and review of academic literatures, examines neoliberalism as an ideology and model of economic governance for the electricity supply industry in Nigeria. The paper examines the origin of the ideology, it features and principles and how it was used as the blue print in designing policies for electricity reforms in both developed and developing countries. The paper found out that there is gap between the ideology in theory and in practice because although the theory is rational in thinking it is difficult to be implemented in practice. The paper argues that the ideology has a mismatched effect and this has made its application in the electricity industry in many developing countries problematic and unsuccessful. In the case of Nigeria, the article argues that the template is also not working. The article concludes that the electricity sectors in Nigeria have failed to develop into competitive market for the benefit of consumers in line with the assumptions and promises of the ideology. The paper therefore recommends the democratization of the electricity sectors in Nigeria through a new system of public ownership as the solution to the failure of the neoliberal policies; but this requires the design of a more democratic and participatory system of ownership with communities and state governments in charge of the administration, running and operation of the sector.

Keywords: electricity, energy governance, neo-liberalism, regulation

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Authors: Lateef Hakim Zai Khyber, Syed Rashid Ali

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In the post 9/11 era, a new trend has developed of terrorist profiling on the basis of the ethnic, religious, political, psychological, social, and economic background of the terrorists to anticipate and assess the possible risk and to prevent and prosecute the suspected before they commit any violent act. The same profiling approach was adopted in different militant or terrorist de-radicalization and rehabilitation programs across the world in order to evaluate and identify the reasons and causes for joining terrorism in terms of push and pull factors. This paper attempts to explore and investigate the profiles of the detainees in the Sabaoon de-radicalization and Emancipation program, which aimed at de-radicalizing the former militants of Tehrik-e-Taliban (TTP) Pakistan in the Swat valley of Pakistan. This research attempted to use qualitative methods for collecting data, including a number of formal and informal open-ended interviews with the former staff members of Sabaoon to explore various aspects of the program, such as various approaches used at Sabaoon for terrorist profiling. It conducts a thorough examination of the profiles of the terrorist through their socioeconomic, ideological, emotional, intellectual, and psychological conditions and orientations, personal details, family issues, social preferences, etc. The study finds out that the majority of the terrorists belonged to the marginalized groups or lower class, including underprivileged tenants and poor laborers, of society having no access to land. They possess almost the same profiles, including low socioeconomic status, absence of a father or strict behavior of parents, large and combined families, lack of education, lack of religious understanding, etc. They also possess some common traits such as anxiety disorder, emotional instability, aggressive impulses and insecurity, depression, inferiority complex, lack of critical thinking and logical reasoning, authority-seeking behavior, and revenge-seeking behavior.

Keywords: terrorist profiling, Sabaoon, de-radicalization, rehabilitation, Swat, Pakistan, juvenile militants

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Authors: Ren Boyuan

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This study focuses on how the Character and Citizenship Education textbook in Singapore primary schools deliver preferred and desired qualities to students and therefore reveals how discourse in textbooks can facilitate and perpetuate certain social practices. In this way, this study also serves to encourage the critical thinking of textbook writers and school educators by unveiling the nuanced message through language use that facilitates the perpetuation of social practices in a society. In Singapore, Character and Citizenship Education is a compulsory subject for primary school students. Under the framework of 21st Century Competencies, Character and Citizenship Education in Singapore aims to help students thrive in this fast-changing world. The Singapore government is involved in the development of CCE curriculum in schools from primary schools to pre-university. Inevitably, the CCE curriculum is not free from ideological influences. This qualitative study utilizes Fairclough’s three-dimensional theory and his framework of three assumptions to analyze the Character and Citizenship Education textbook for Primary 1 and to reveal ideologies in this textbook. Data for the analysis in this study are the textual parts of the whole textbook for Primary 1 students as this book is used at the beginning of citizenship education in primary schools. It is significant because it promotes messages about CCE to the foundation years of a child's education. The findings of this study show that the four revealed ideologies, namely pragmatism, communitarianism, nationalism, and multiculturalism, are not only dated back in the national history but also updated and explained by the current demands for Singapore’s thriving and prosperity in a sustainable term. This study ends with a discussion of the implications of this study. By pointing out the ideologies in this textbook and how they are embedded in the discourse, this study may help teachers and textbook writers realize the possible political involvement in the book and therefore develop their recognition of the implicit influence of lexical choice on their teaching and writing. In addition, by exploring the ideologies in this book and comparing them with ideologies in past textbooks, this study helps researchers in this area on how language influences readers and reflects certain social demands.

Keywords: citizenship education, critical discourse analysis, sociolinguistics, textbook analysis

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Authors: A. Pascual Ramsay

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Accounts of the management of the economic and euro crisis in Spain have been dominated by an emphasis on external constraints. However, this approach leaves unanswered important questions about the role of domestic political factors. Using systematic qualitative primary research and employing elite interviewing and process tracing, this paper aims to fill this gap for the period of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) administration. The paper shows that domestic politics played a crucial role in the management of the crisis, most importantly by determining the shape of the measures undertaken. In its three distinct stages – downplaying/inaction, reaction/stimulus, and austerity/reform – the PSOE's response was certainly constrained by external factors, most notably EMU membership and the actions of sovereign-bond investors, the ECB and Germany. Yet while these external constraints forced the government to act, domestic political factors fundamentally shaped the content of key measures: the fiscal stimulus, the labour, financial and pension reforms, the refusal to accept a bailout or the reform of the Constitution. Seven factors were particularly influential: i) electoral and political cost, ii) party and partisanship, iii) organised interests, iv) domestic institutions, v) ideological preferences, vi) ineffective decision-making, and vii) judgement and personal characteristics of decision-makers. In conclusion, domestic politics played an important role in the management of the crisis, a role that has been underestimated by dominant approaches focusing on external constraints and weak domestic policy autonomy. The findings provide empirical evidence to support research agendas that identify significant state discretion in the face of international economic integration and an important role for domestic political factors such as institutions, material interests, partisanship and ideology in shaping economic outcomes.

Keywords: economic crisis, Euro, PSOE, Spain

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Authors: Chetna Khandelwal

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This research aims to study the contentions that Farm Animal Sanctuaries pose to human-animal relationships in modernity, which have developed as a result of globalisation of the meat industry and advancements in technology. The sociological history of human-animal relationships in farming is contextualised in order to set a foundation for the follow-up examination of challenges to existing human-(farm)animal relationships by Farm Animal Sanctuaries. The methodology was influenced by relativism, and the method involved three semi-structured small-group interviews, conducted at locations of sanctuaries. The sample was chosen through purposive sampling and varied by location and size of the sanctuary. Data collected were transcribed and qualitatively coded to generate themes. Findings revealed that sanctuary contentions to established human-animal relationships by factory farming could be divided into 4 broad categories – Revealing horrors of factory farming (involving uncovering power relations in agribusiness); transforming relationships with animals (including letting them emotionally heal in accordance with their individual personalities and treating them as partial-pets); educating the public regarding welfare conditions in factory farms as well as animal sentience through practical experience or positive imagery of farm animals, and addressing retaliation made by agribusiness in the form of technologies or discursive strategies. Hence, this research concludes that The human-animal relationship in current times has been characterised by – (ideological and physical) distance from farm animals, commodification due to increased chasing of profits over welfare and exploitation using technological advancements, creating unequal power dynamics that rid animals of any agency. Challenges to this relationship can be influenced by local populations around the sanctuary but not so dependent upon the size of it. This research can benefit from further academic exploration into farm animal sanctuaries and their role in feminist animal rights activism to enrich the ongoing fight against intensive farming.

Keywords: animal rights, factory farming, farm animal sanctuaries, human-animal relationships

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