Search results for: democracy ideology

Authors: Najmuddin Rasul

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The purpose of this study is to determine whether media usage and change of citizenship norms influence trends of change of political participation of young voters in Indonesia. The focus of this study is to examine citizenship norms in the context of the development of information and communication technology influence political participation in the context of Indonesia's transition to democracy. The main theoretical framework is media and political participation. For data gathering, 384 young voters between the ages of 17 to 40 years were interviewed in Padang, West Sumatra, Indonesia. The results of this study reveal that gender, age and educational background of respondents did not influence significantly media usage and citizenship norms. The results also show that educational background is not a factor that distinguishes media usage but it becomes differentiating factor in citizenship norms. The results further show that media usage has a significant correlation with citizenship norms and citizenship norms has a significant relationship with political participation. In addition, media usage and citizenship norm significantly influence political participation. The sub-dimensions the citizenship norms (compliance, duty, and engaged citizenship) provides a significant contribution to the sub-dimensions of political participation (traditional political participation, modern political participation, civic political participation). Based on the findings it can be concluded that the political euphoria in the era of transition to democracy has changed pattern of media usage and citizenship norms among the young generation in Indonesia.

Keywords: political participation, media, citizenship norms, democracy, young voters, Indonesia

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Authors: Ridho Al-Hamdi, Sakir, Tanto Lailam

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During the democratic period of 1999-present, Indonesia has consistently applied a List Proportional Representation (List PR) system in the parliamentary election. Between 1999 and 2004, it adopted a closed-list proportional representation (CLPR) system. In the meantime, it employed open-list proportional representation (OLPR) system from 2009 to 2019. Recently, some parties intended to propose the application of CLPR while others are still consistent in adopting OLPR. An unfinished debate is taking place. Thus, this article aims to evaluate the application of CLPR in Indonesia and, in turn, analyze its compatibility in contemporary parliamentary election system. From a methodological standpoint, it is qualitative research by applying a case study approach. Data-gathering relies on field data, mainly focus group discussion (FGD) and in-depth interviews with political parties, electoral management bodies (EMBs), NGO activists, and scholars spread in six provinces and nine regencies/cities across the country. Using SWOT analysis and the compatibility of CLPR and embedded democracy framework, the finding demonstrates that CLPR is no longer relevant for contemporary Indonesian elections. This paper recommends OLPR by considering that CLPR has numerous weaknesses and threats that can jeopardize embedded democracy. More importantly, CLPR can remove inclusive suffrage significantly.

Keywords: closed-list proportional representation, embedded democracy, Indonesia, parliamentary election

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Authors: Jiaqi XU, Qingru Sun

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Accent plays a crucial role in second language (L2) learners’ performance in the schooling context in the era of globalization, where English is adopted as a lingua franca (ELF). Previous studies found that Chinese mainland students prefer American English accents, whereas the young generations in Hong Kong prefer British accents. However, these studies neglect the non-native accents of English and fail to elaborate much about why the L2 learners differ in accent preferences between the two regions. Therefore, this research aims to bridge the research gap by 1) including both native and non-native varieties of English accents: American accent, British accent, Chinese Mandarin English accent, and Hong Kong English accent; and 2) uncovering and comparing the deeper reasons for the similar or/and different accent preferences between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong speakers. This research designed a questionnaire including objective and subjective questions to investigate the students’ accent inclinations and the attitudes and reasons behind their linguistic choices. The questionnaire was distributed to eight participants (4 Chinese mainland students and 4 Hong Kong students) who were postgraduate students at a Hong Kong university. Based on the data collection, this research finds out one similarity and two differences between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong students’ attitudes. The theories of identity construction and standard language ideology are further applied to analyze the reasons behind the similarities and differences and to evaluate how language attitudes intertwine with their identity construction and language ideology.

Keywords: accent, language attitudes, identity construction, language ideology, ELF communication

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Authors: Kechikeche Nabil

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The MENA region has undergone many mutations throughout history. The most significant one was, yet, to happen during the colonial era, where the Arab Muslim ‘cosmic’ clock was recalibrated to match a more or less modern perception of time. As for modern civic and political experiences of life, they were left in a state of inertia. This article considers the problematic amalgam of traditional Islam, modernity and democratization in the Arab world, as well as the effects on the configuration of recent progressive endeavours. It is argued that the assimilation of democratic ethos - as a requisite for modernity - depends on the assimilation of power, progress and time, by what is referred to as the Umma. Drawing on postmodern and political literature, it is suggested that because of a conceptualization which draws mainly on traditional Islam, the Umma and the state in the Arab world remain in conflict while, at times, they appear to act collaboratively, either to embrace modernity or to obstruct democratization.

Keywords: Islam, democracy, Arab world, modernity

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Authors: Ahmed Usman

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This paper attempts to examine the relevance of an Electoral Commission in the democratic process of governance in Nigeria. However, democratic system and governance present a clear indication of responsive and responsible governments. The idea of a government being responsive and responsible is based on the premise of conventional principles of democracy such as freedom of political, economic and social rights of and individual. More so, upholding of the Rule of Law based on the ground of constitutionalism is a clear manifestation of the democratic governance. The burdens of ascertaining theses democratic ethos rely solely on the constituted election management body known as Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for the case of Nigeria. This body is however, saddled with the responsibility of organizing and conducting periodic regular credible election known as free and fair election. The body also, is expected to be neutral, and independent to ensure fair treatment to all. It is on the basis of this fair treatment that credible leaders emerged. To this end, the paper examines the powers, functions and features of Independent National Electoral Commission. More so, the concepts of election and democracy have been operationalized. It is obvious that electoral process in Nigeria is marred with series of problems of which the paper identified and solutions were proffered towards credible, free and fair elections for sustainable democratic governance. In order to succinctly discuss and analyze the issues at stake, Structural Functional Analysis theory is adopted as a theoretical frame work for the paper.

Keywords: election, electoral commission, democracy, governance

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Authors: Yaron Katz

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The investigation of immigrants' electoral choices has remained relatively uncharted territory despite the fact that numerous nations extend political rights to their expatriates. This paper centers its attention on the matter of public trust in democracy, with a focus on the intricacies of Israeli politics as a divided system. It delves into the potential implications of political and social transformations stemming from the involvement of expatriate voters in elections taking place in their country of origin. In doing so, the article endeavors to explore a pathway for resolving a persistent challenge facing the stability of the Israeli political landscape over the past decade: the difficulty in forming a resilient government that genuinely represents the majority of voters. An examination is conducted into the role played by a demographic with the capacity to exert significant influence on election outcomes, namely, individuals residing outside of Israel. The objective of this research is to delve into this subject, dissecting social developments and political prospects that may shape the country's trajectory in the coming decades. This inquiry is especially pertinent given the extensive engagement of migrants in Israeli politics and the link between Israelis living abroad and their home country. Nevertheless, the study's findings reveal that while former citizens exhibit extensive involvement in Israeli politics and are cognizant of the potential consequences of permitting them to participate in elections, they maintain steadfastly unfavorable views regarding the inclusion of Israelis living overseas in their home country's electoral processes.

Keywords: trust, globalization, policy, democracy

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Authors: Yaprak Aydin

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The rural is no longer a space of only agricultural activities that gave into the global market demands; or an idyll to return after retirement; or only a reservoir of cultural values, but rather a vision to redefine the future in terms of production and consumption relations. Gulpınar in Turkey and Ashtarak in Armenia are two towns where a new ground of dialogue between two communities has been initiated: ‘energy democracy’, which is a significant driving force in a sense of gathering people of two historically conflicted communities around common future concerns; and in a sense of transforming the accepted knowledge on the rurality and all the social structures it represents. This paper seeks to provoke a discussion of to what extent such a rurality is attainable by contextualizing – through visits and meetings in person – two towns and two communities within a renewable energy project called 'Under the Same Sun' carried out by two local civil society organizations together at two public spaces.

Keywords: civil society, energy democracy, prosumer communities, renewable energy, transnational rurality

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Authors: Djehich Mohamed Yousri

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With the advent of social media, political communication scholars have systematically reviewed theories and empirical findings that revolve around media use and democracy. It is interesting that around the same time period, there has been a trend towards revitalization of political populism in different latitudes around the world. This wide-ranging populist movement has expanded regardless of whether these political systems are established democracies, emerging democracies, or societies mired in endangered political contexts. This article serves as an introductory piece to a special issue on populism. First, it highlights the ways in which "populism", as an ancient phenomenon, has transmigrated into the political sphere in the age of social media. Second, the article seeks to better define the populist context and how it has evolved in today's hybrid media society. Finally, this introduction also lays the groundwork for six data-driven theoretical core papers that cover many of the important issues revolving around the phenomenon of populism today.

Keywords: democracy, facebook, populism, social media, twitter

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Authors: Magdalena Zabrocka

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The terror of women throughout the governance of the current populist ruling party in Poland, PiS, has been a subject of a heated debate alongside the issues of minorities’ rights, the rule of law, and democracy in the country. The challenges that women and other vulnerable groups are currently facing, however, come down to more than just a lack of comprehensive equality laws, severely limited reproductive rights, hateful slogans, and messages propagated by the central authority and its sympathisers, or a common disregard for women’s fundamental rights. Many sources and media reports are available only in Polish, while international rapporteurs fail to acknowledge the whole picture of the tragedy happening in the country and the variety of factors affecting it. Starting with the authorities’ and Polish catholic church’s propaganda concerning CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence by spreading strategic disinformation that it codifies ‘gender ideology’ and ‘anti-Christian values’ in order to convince the electorate that the legal instruments should be ‘abandoned’. Alongside severely restricted abortion rights, bullying medical professionals helping women exercise their reproductive rights, violating women’s privacy by introducing a mandatory registry of pregnancies (so that one’s pregnancy or its ‘loss’ can be tracked and traced), restricting access to the ‘day after pill’ and real sex education at schools (most schools have a subject of ‘knowledge of living in a family’), introducing prison punishment for teachers accused of spreading ‘sex education’, and many other, the current tyrant government, has now decided to target the youngest with its misinformation and indoctrination, via strategically designed textbooks and curriculum. Biology books have seen a big restriction on the size of the chapters devoted to evolution, reproductive system, and sexual health. Approved religion books (which are taught 2-3 times a week as compared to 1 a week sciences) now cover false information about Darwin’s theory and arguments ‘against it’. Most recently, however, the public spoke up against the absurd messages contained in the politically rewritten history books, where the material about some figures not liked by the governing party has already been manipulated. In the recently approved changes to the history textbook, one can find a variety of strongly biased and politically-charged views representative of the conservatives in the states, most notably, equating the ‘gender ideology’ and feminism with Nazism. Thus, this work, by employing a human rights approach, would focus on the right to education and development as well as the considerate obstacles to access to scientific information by the youth.

Keywords: Poland, right to education, right to development, authoritarianism, access to information

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Authors: Nandini Mohan, Thiruvengadam R. B.

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Mahatma Gandhi advocated that the true indicator of modern India lay in the development of its villages. This has been proven with the recent outbreak of the Coronavirus pandemic and the surfacing predicament of our urban centers. Developed on the Industrialization model, the current state of the metropolis is of rampant overcrowding, high rates of unemployment, inadequate infrastructure, and resources to cater to the growing population. A majority of each city’s strength composes of the migrant population, demonstrated through the migrant crisis, a direct repercussion of COVID-19. This paper explores the ideology of how rural development can act as a tactic to counter the high rates of rural-urban migration. It establishes the need for a rural push, as India is predominantly an agrarian economy, with a vast disparity between the urban and rural centers due to its urban bias. It seeks to define development in holistic terms. It studies the models of ‘cluster’ as conceptualized by V.K.R.V. Rao, and detailed by Architect Charles Correa in his book, The New Landscape. The paper reexamines the theory of cluster development through existing models proposed by the government of India. Namely, PURA (Provision of Urban Amenities in Rural Areas), DRI (Deendayal Research Institute), and Rurban under Shyama Prasad Mukharjee Rurban Mission. It analyses the models, their strengths, weaknesses, and reasons for their failure and success to derive parameters for the ideation of an archetype model. A model of rural development that talks of the simultaneous development of existing adjacent villages, by the introduction of set unique functions, that may turn into self-sustaining clusters or agglomerations in the future, which could serve as the next step for Indian village development based on the cluster ideology.

Keywords: counter migration, models of rural development, cluster development theory, India

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: Masanori Kimura

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The “founding spirit” of a Japanese university is similar to the mission statement of a Western university, but the difference between the two is that the former more closely reflects the founder’s inner world because it usually originates from the strong personal beliefs that the founder held when establishing the university. To find how much this ideology actually valued in today’s higher education, this paper surveys 2091 job openings for foreign language full-time faculty positions, posted by Japanese private universities from 2012 to 2016. The results suggest that women’s universities and universities with religious affiliations have a tendency to request that successful candidates observe their founding spirit, or at least demonstrate some understanding of the ideology after being hired. On the other hand, co-ed universities and universities with no religious affiliations do not show such a distinct tendency. A chi-square test revealed that this difference between the two groups was statistically significant (p<.01). Furthermore, the paper argues that it is not always appropriate for universities to evaluate themselves based on a single evaluation scale such as university rankings, and that both faculty and staff members need to be more aware of the founding spirit to improve the quality of the education the university provides.

Keywords: founding spirit, higher education, university administrative management, university evaluation

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Authors: Ilona Bontenbal

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In this research, the potential for societal change is researched through the idea of migrants as change agents. The viewpoint is on the potential that migrants have for affecting societal change in their country of origin through transmitting transnational peer-to-peer information. The focus is on the information that Russian migrants living in Finland transmit about their experiences and attitudes regarding the Nordic welfare state, its democratic foundation and the social rights embedded in it, to their family and friends in their country of origin. The welfare provision and level of democracy are very different in the two neighbouring countries of Finland and Russia. Finland is a Nordic welfare state with strong democratic institutions and a comprehensive actualizing of civil and social rights. In Russia, the state of democracy has on the other hand been declining, and the social and civil rights of its citizens are constantly undermined. Due to improvements in communications and travel technology, migrants can easily and relatively cheaply stay in contact with their family and friends in their country of origin. This is why it is possible for migrants to act as change agents. By telling about their experiences and attitudes about living in a democratic welfare state, migrants can affect what people in the country or origin know and think about welfare, democracy, and social rights. This phenomenon is approached through the concept of social remittances. Social remittances broadly stand for the ideas, know-how, world views, attitudes, norms of behavior, and social capital that flows through transnational networks from receiving- to sending- country communities and the other way around. The viewpoint is that historically and culturally formed democratic welfare models cannot be copied entirely nor that each country should achieve identical development paths, but rather that migrants themselves choose which aspects they see as important to remit to their acquaintances in their country of origin. This way the potential for social change and the agency of the migrants is accentuated. The empirical research material of this study is based on 30 qualitative interviews with Russian migrants living in Finland. Russians are the largest migrant group in Finland and Finland is a popular migration destination especially for individuals living in North-West Russia including the St. Petersburg region. The interviews are carried out in 2018-2019. The preliminary results indicate that Russian migrants discuss social rights and welfare a lot with their family members and acquaintances living in Russia. In general, the migrants feel that they have had an effect on the way that their friends and family think about Finland, the West, social rights and welfare provision. Democracy, on the other hand, is seen as a more difficult and less discussed topic. The transformative potential that the transmitted information and attitudes could have outside of the immediate circle of acquaintances on larger societal change is seen as ambiguous although not negligible.

Keywords: migrants as change agents, Russian migrants, social remittances, welfare and democracy

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Authors: Rana Nasiri, Hamid Vahidkia

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Recently, most courts in democratic nations were hesitant to consider foreign and international law. Their approach was to steer clear of using foreign sources of law that conflicted with their own government's stance. Numerous legal experts consider turning to foreign and international law unsuitable. However, those who advocate for using external sources of law also believe that relying on foreign and international law will always be in conflict with the importance of national sovereignty. Therefore, the academic discussion revolves around the commonly known broader debate on ‘the counter-majoritarian difficulty’. This article challenges the idea of tension. It suggests that in many democratic nations' legal systems, including those in the U.S., using foreign and international law can help strengthen domestic democratic processes by protecting them from outside economic, political, and legal influences. Citing international law supports domestic democratic processes and regains national sovereignty from various globalization forces. In other words, national courts must consider foreign and international law to uphold their national political institutions and protect their own status in relation to political branches.

Keywords: international law, social science, US, democracy, politics

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Authors: Peter Jin

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Ever since the recent resurgence of interest in political theorist Carl Schmitt’s work, much of the current analysis on Schmitt has fo-cused on evaluating Schmitt’s legacy by exposing contradictions in his rationale. Rather than condemn such contradictions, this paper instead seeks to analyze these contradictions in an effort to better understand the radical shift in Schmitt’s intellectual trajectory from an astute critic of liberal democracy to a fascist apologist towards the end of the Weimar period. An essential part of this change is his interest in what Schmitt called ‘the emergence of aesthetics.’ Schmitt diagnosed the underlying issue with the aesthetic in the political sphere to be its irrationalism, indifference, and indeci-siveness. For Schmitt, the latter two of these were especially prob-lematic for two of his key concepts: the ‘political’ and ‘the shared historical reality.’ Schmitt’s radical depiction of ‘the political’ as an existential opposition of allegiances that necessitated a state of emergency and a decisionist sovereign political struggle required an equally radical justification, or Schmitt’s call for ‘a shared his-torical reality’ not based in historical fact yet able to mobilize the masses. In this way, Schmitt clearly condemns the indifferent, indecisive aesthetic that runs against his decisionist, action-oriented political theory. Yet despite his firm stance against aestheticism, Schmitt himself used the evocative and irrational power of aesthet-icism as a tool to present his own ‘political myth’ that compelled believers to join in decisive unity against a common enemy. In short, Schmitt’s contradictions on aestheticism and his creation of a ‘political myth’ suggest that Schmitt’s underlying conflict with aestheticism was not as much of an issue of irrationality as it was a chronic preoccupation with coercing concrete action at the expense of rational deliberation.

Keywords: aesthetics of the political, Carl Schmitt, political myth, Weimar democracy

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Authors: Sigrid Haukanes

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Implementation of democratic citizenship as a crossdisciplinary concept in educational practice has been problematic because of a vague and divided understanding of what the concept entails. This is underlined by a divide between understanding democracy as external to the educational sphere or understanding education as an internal part of a democratic society. This theoretical contribution aims to explore the concept of democratic citizenship in relation to Bildung perspectives. The methodology of this paper is grounded in a hermeneutical approach to interpret three philosophical perspectives from Immanuel Kant, John Dewey and Gert Biesta. These perspectives are chosen to explore democratic citizenship as: (1) an individual oriented concept, (2) a socially oriented concept and (3) a critical-social oriented concept. This theoretical paper argues that different orientations toward Bildung change the content of democratic citizenship as a cross-disciplinary concept in education. It argues that a Dewian or a Biestian notion could enrich our understanding of democratic citizenship, drawing on a critical-social perspective of Bildung.

Keywords: bildung, citizenship, democracy, education

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Authors: Yaser Riki

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There are plenty of considerations about the Third World and developing countries, but one of the main issues regarding these areas is how we can study them. This article makes attention to a fundamental way of approaching this subject through the convergence of history, philosophy, and sociology in order to understand the complexity of the Third World countries. These three disciplines are naturally connected and integrated, but they have gradually separated. While sociology has originated from philosophy, this work is an attempt to generate a sociology that incorporates philosophy as well as history at its heart. This is descriptive-analytical research that searches the history of sociology to find works and theories that provide ideas for this purpose, including the sociology of knowledge and science, The German Ideology (Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels), The Protestant Ethic (Max Weber), Ideology and Utopia (Karl Mannheim) and Dialectic of Enlightenment (Horkheimer and Adorno) provide ideas needed for this purpose. The paper offers a methodological and theoretical vision (historical-philosophical sociology) to identify a few factors, such as the system of thought, that are usually invisible and cause problems in societies, especially third-world counties. This is similar to what some of the founders of sociology did in the first world.

Keywords: the third world, methodology, sociology, philosophy, history, social change, development, social movements

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Authors: P. Viduthalai, A. K. Divakar, V. Natarajan

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Media is one of the powerful tools that manipulate the world in numerous aspects especially in the form of a communication process. For instance, the concept of the public sphere, which was earlier represented by landlords and elites has now transformed into a virtual public sphere, which is also represented by marginalized people. Unfortunately, this acquisition is still paradoxical. Though the media proliferation and its effects are humongous, still it has not been the same throughout the world. Inequality in access to media has created a technological divide among people. Finally, globalization and approach by the government towards using media for development communication has significantly changed the way in which the media reaches every nook and corner. Monarchy, oligarchy, republic and democracy together form the basis of most governments of the world. Of which, democracy is the one with the highest involvement and participation of the people. Ideally, the participation of the people is what, that keeps the democracy running. A healthy democracy is possible only when people are able to access information that makes citizens responsible and serves to check the functioning of their elected representatives. On one side the media consumption of people plays a crucial role in the formation of the public sphere, and on the other side, big media conglomerates are a serious threat to community participation, which is a goal that the media should strive for in a country like India. How different people consume these different media, differs greatly from length and breadth of the country. Another aspect of this media consumption is that it isn’t passive. People usage and consumption of media are related with the gratification that they derive from the particular media. This aspect varies from person to person and from society to society according to both internal and external factors. This article sets out from the most underlying belief that Malayali Tribes have adopted television and becomes a part of daily life and a day never passes without it especially after the introduction of Free Television Scheme by the past state government. Though they are living in hilly and socially isolated places, they too have started accessing media for understanding about the people of the plains and their culture, dictated by their interest. Many of these interests appear to have a social and psychological origin. The present research attempts to study how gratification of these needs lead Malayali Tribes to form such a virtual public sphere where they could communicate with people of the plains. Data was collected through survey method, from 300 respondents on “Exposure towards Television and their perception”. Conventional anthropological methods like unstructured interviews were also used to supplement the data collection efforts in the three taluks namely Yercaud, Pethanayankkanpalayam and Panamaraththuppatty in Salem district of TamilNadu. The results highlight the role of Television in gratifying needs of the Malayali Tribes.

Keywords: democracy, gratification, Malayali Tribes and television, virtual public sphere

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Authors: Arash Heydarian Pashakhanlou

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The security dilemma is one of the key concepts in International Relations (IR), and the numerous engagements with it have created a great deal of confusion regarding its essence. That is why this article seeks to dissect the security dilemma and rebuild it from its foundational core. In doing so, the present study highlights that the security dilemma requires interaction among actors that seek to protect themselves from other's capacity for harm under the condition of uncertainty to operate. In this constellation, actors are confronted with the dilemma of motives, power, and action, which they seek to resolve by acquiring information regarding their opponents. The relationship between the parties is shaped by the harm-uncertainty index (HUI) consisting of geographical distance, MAD, and joint democracy that determines the intensity of the security dilemma. These elements define the unified theory of the security dilemma (UTSD) developed here. UTSD challenges the prevailing view that the security dilemma is a unidimensional paradoxical concept, regulated by the offense-defense balance and differentiation that only occurs in anarchic settings with tragic outcomes and is equivalent to the spiral model.

Keywords: security dilemma, revisionism, status quo, anarchy, uncertainty, tragedy, spiral, deterrence

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Authors: Monia Hejaiej

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The fable has lent itself to memorable imitations and reinventions. The writing of fables, in prose and verse, was widely cultivated not only in pre-Islamic Arabia but also in the middle ages, reaching its culmination with the Egyptian poet and man of letters Ahmad Shawqī (1989-1932), who revived the ancient tradition, a relatively minor and unexploited genre in the modern era, and re-wrote rimed fables with an Arab Islamic flavor, articulating a set of modern ethico-political concepts and sensibilities such as a belief in good judgment in governance, individual liberty, democracy, a sense of the brotherhood of man and justice. This essay aims to restore the 20th Century poet to his rightful place in the international pantheon of literary achievement, and offers an examination of the Arabian fabulist tradition as it appears in Arabic literature, and a treatment of this genre re-visiting a few representative samples of Ahmad Shawqī collection of fables and their implications for contemporary politics in the Middle East.

Keywords: fable, politcs, governace, democracy, ethics of care

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Authors: Andreas Aceranti, Simonetta Vernocchi, Marco Colorato, Pozzaglio Carolina

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This work analyses the term sect or religious cult and the general traits of those groups and the people involved so as to better understand this unexpectedly popular reality. Some translations taken from research papers as well as academic articles are likewise taken into consideration. We have carried out an in-depth analysis of the topics presented. Firstly we defined magic related to religion and all the similarities and differences between magical thinking and religious thinking, religion, and superstition. Secondly, the term “sect” was defined, and the phenomenon was dealt with, along with the listing of all kinds of existing groups. Then we studied the recruitment process in general and recruitment according to the brainwashing theory. We then analysed the criminological aspects that entail their harmfulness with a particular focus on the structure of those religious communities and the theories regarding the people involved: leader, members, and the group, as it has its own pattern of behaviour and its conformism. Finally, we studied the ideology and the techniques of manipulation used, such as brainwashing, which got already introduced in previous chapters trying to explain this reality not only in theory but studying and trying to understand some of the most famous religious cults.

Keywords: psychological manipulation, brainwashing, love bombing, magic and religion

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Authors: Omotoyosi Bilikies Ilori, Adekunle Saheed Ajisebiyawo

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After the Second World War, there was an emergence of a new stage of capitalist globalization with its Neo-liberal ideology. There were global economic and political restructurings that affected third-world countries like Nigeria. Neo-liberalism is the driving force of globalization, which is the latest manifestation of imperialism that engenders endemic poverty in Nigeria. Poverty is severe and widespread in Nigeria. Poverty entails a situation where a person lives on less than one dollar per day and has no access to basic necessities of life. Poverty is inhuman and a breach of human rights. The Nigerian government initiated some strategies in the past to help in poverty reduction. Neo-liberalism manifested in the Third World, such as Nigeria, through the privatization of public enterprises, trade liberalization, and the rollback of the state investments in providing important social services. These main ideas of Neo-liberalism produced poverty in Nigeria and also encouraged the abandonment of the social contract between the government and the people. There is thus a gap in the provision of social services and subsidies for the masses, all of which Neo-liberal ideological positions contradict. This paper is a qualitative study which draws data from secondary sources. The theoretical framework is anchored on the market theory of capitalist globalization and public choice theory. The objectives of this study are to (i) examine the impacts of Neo-liberalism on poverty in Nigeria as a typical example of a Third World country and (ii) find out the effects of Neo-liberalism on the provision of social services and subsidies and employment. The findings from this study revealed that (i) the adoption of the Neo-liberal ideology by the Nigerian government has led to increased poverty and poor provision of social services and employment in Nigeria; and (ii) there is an increase in foreign debts which compounds poverty situation in Nigeria. This study makes the following recommendations: (i) Government should adopt strategies that are pro-poor to eradicate poverty; (ii) The Trade Unions and the masses should develop strategies to challenge Neo-liberalism and reject Neo-liberal ideology.

Keywords: neo-liberalism, poverty, employment, poverty reduction, structural adjustment programme

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Authors: Patthida Bunchavalit, Saharot Kittimahacharoen

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The objective of this article is to compare rice blessing ceremony between Thailand and Vietnam. Both countries are located in Southeast Asia where agriculture is the main occupation. As a result of the study, it is found that the rice blessing ceremony of Thai and Vietnamese societies have differences and similarities. A person leading the ceremony is a person who has the highest position in the country. For Thailand, it is the king or royal family member while for Vietnam, it is the president. In Thailand, the ceremony began in Ayutthaya period which derived from Buddhism and Brahmanism ideology. It is annually organized in the beginning of raining season. In Vietnam, it is annually organized in the beginning of spring. The first time it occurred was in Tien Le Monarchy period of Thien Phuc era deriving from Chinese ideology. The differences are ideas, believes, objectives and details of the ceremony. It is, in Thailand, to boost farmer’s morale and to predict the fertility of crops in each year. Additionally, there is a prediction using royal cows. Meanwhile, in Vietnam the purpose is to worship god of weather for seasonal rain and productive harvesting. Therefore, it is presumed that the rice blessing ceremony of Thailand and Vietnam somewhat have similarities in spite of having different origin but are on the same basis of belief.

Keywords: agriculture, ceremony, culture, Thailand, Vietnam

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Authors: Aykut Sigin

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In feminist theory, home is usually regarded as an unsafe place for women to be in, as it continually produces inequalities between men and women, favoring the former, and maintains the patriarchal status quo. The second-wave feminists argued that women need to raise their concerns regarding domestic problems and this eventually led to the emergence of the motto 'the personal is political', pointing out to the fact that the domestic problems one woman experienced were essentially the problems of women in general as the patriarchal ideology manifested itself at home. Although this motto was from the late 1960s, it still holds significance today. In the golden era of the Internet, women could use social media to voice their concerns more easily than ever. Following this line of thought, the aim of this study is to analyze the domestic problems of the women in Turkey during the lockdown caused by COVID-19 through social media as they find themselves at home with their fathers, husbands and/or brothers for longer periods of time than ever before. For this purpose, an investigation of the posts shared under '#EvdeKal' ('StayAtHome') was carried out. The results of the study made it clear that women find the lockdown process to be problematic, that they express their domestic concerns rather freely through social media, and that the inequalities caused by the patriarchal ideology persist in the 21st century.

Keywords: COVID-19, lockdown, home, feminism

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Authors: Liat Kulik

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The main goal of the present study was to examine gender differences in the variables that explain the experience of role conflict and well-being among Jewish working fathers and mothers in the Israel. The experience of work-family conflict arises from simultaneous pressures from the work and family domains that are mutually incompatible. In light of the expansion of women's role set following the addition of paid employment outside of the home, most of the studies dealing with the impact of multiple roles on well-being have been conducted among women. However, changes in gender roles in recent years have also affected men's role set, as reflected in the terms ‘new men’ and ‘new fathers’. Based on structural equation modeling, the study examined gender differences in variables that explain the experience of two types of role conflict – family interferes with work (FIW) and work interferes with family (WIF), as well as with the sense of well-being (positive and negative affect) among 611 employed Jewish mothers and fathers in Israel. The findings revealed that for women, both FIW and WIF conflict correlated negatively with well-being, whereas for men, a negative correlation with well-being was found only in the case of FIW conflict. For both men and women, egalitarian gender role ideology correlated with the dimension of positive effect, but the correlation was stronger for men. The findings highlight the contribution of egalitarian gender role ideology to alleviating the experience of role conflict and improving the emotional well-being of both men and women. Contrary to expectations, social support contributed more to mitigating negative effect among men than women. On the whole, the findings highlight the changes that men have experienced in the work-family system. In sum, the research findings shed new light on the masculine image in terms of the experience of FIW conflict. In contrast to the prevailing assumption that FIW role conflict is predominant among women, the findings of this study indicate that today, this type of role conflict is experienced equally by men and women whereas WIF conflict is predominant among men. Furthermore, contrary to expectations, levels of perceived social support were found to be similar for men and women, and men benefited from it even more than women did.

Keywords: FIW conflict, WIF conflict, social support, egalitarian gender role ideology, overload

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Authors: Rai Mansoor Imtiaz

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Guardians in hybrid regimes fragment opposition parties and ban their political leaders, and disenfranchise their voters' political participation. When guardians in hybrid regimes are so powerful that they remain decisive on electoral politics of states, and have powers to ban political parties and their leadership, then "why do political parties backed by those powerful guardians lose elections" and "how do anti-establishment parties make electoral inroads at the local and national levels." These two questions are interrelated with the key research question of my research "why do people vote for political parties rejected by powerful guardians in establishmentarian democracies." Furthermore, this research question is important to be explored for two reasons. First, existing literature only reflects the electoral victories of opposition parties or defeats of military-sponsored parties (see Thailand and Turkey) but remains silent on political change that led the anti-military parties to win the elections. Second, why is it a case that people belonging to the countries where militaries remain popular among the public (see Turkey and Pakistan) have started putting their trust in anti-establishment politicians who criticise the military against their intervention in politics? For instance, in Pakistan, where commenting against the military is meant to comment against the state –– an anti-military narrative is getting popular support. The conceptual framework of hybrid states in this research relies on the concept of a 'reserved domain/tutelary body' (guardians of hybrid states). However, this research makes a case that hybrid states are not consolidated separate political entities but rather vacillated states that fluctuate between democratic and authoritarian practices. This paper, therefore, uses the term establishmentarian democracy as a subtype of the hybrid regime, which is more consolidated than a hybrid democracy.

Keywords: Guardians, Hybrid Regimes, Voters, Elections, Democracy, South Asia

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Authors: Andhika Danesjvara, Nur Widyastanti

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The constitution regulates the forms, types, and powers of sState organs in a government. The powers of the organs are then regulated in more detail in the legislation. One of these organs is a government organ, headed by a president or by another name that serves as the main organizer of government. The laws and regulations will govern how the organs of government shall exercise their authority and functions. In a modern state, the function of enacting laws or called executive power does not exercise the functions of government alone, but there are other organs that help the government run the country. These organs are often called government agencies, government accelerating bodies, independent regulatory bodies, commissions, councils or other similar names. The legislation also limits the power of officials within the organs to keep from abusing its authority. The main question in this paper is whether organs are the implementation of a democratic country, or as a form of compromise with the power of stakeholders. It becomes important to see how the administrative organs perform their functions. The administrative organs that are bound by government procedures work in the public service; therefore the next question is how far the function of public service is appropriate and not contradictory to the constitution.

Keywords: administrative organs, constitution, democracy, government

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Authors: Israel Oguche

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Journalism practice has faced several challenges across the globe, particularly in developing countries such as Nigeria. While Nigeria has thrived under democratic experiment for twenty years since the return to democracy in 1999, there is still a great lacuna in freedom of expression, such that the presidents, though elected democratically, have had the tendencies to use military might in clamping down on journalism practices across the country. Under Muhammadu Buhari, it seems Nigeria has returned to the military era when powers were used against who says what, on a media, so today, in Nigeria, there are obvious cases of outright human rights violations and detention of journalists whose offenses were not spelled out. From Abiri Jones to Abba Jalingo and Omoyele Sowore, Nigeria journalists have been placed under the cocoon of the tyrannical administration of Muhammadu Buhari, the president, with subsequent clamping down on the instruments of freedoms such as access to justice and fair hearing. This paper gave vivid analytical and empirical perspectives of journalism practice under the dark days of Muhammadu Buhari as Nigeria’s president. The objectives include; examining the core cases of attacks on journalists since 2015 to date, determining the burden of practicing journalism in a tyrannical government, reeling out the effects of restrictive practices of journalism on freedom of expression among Nigerians and proffering solutions for improvement in the years ahead. Using the cognitive dissonance theory, the survey method was used for the study, with qualitative research analysis as a tool for data presentation. In the findings, the number of journalists in jail for publishing objectively under the Buhari administration remains high while the government has clamped down on freedom of expression among the people. The study concluded that there is a need for repelling of laws made by the Nigeria government in order to save the Nigerian journalism industry from total collapse.

Keywords: communication, developing democracy, press freedom, journalism practices

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Authors: Michael F. Mascolo

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Western democratic traditions are being strained. Western nations are losing the common agonistic ground needed to engage in traditional forms of democracy – adversarial debate, voting, and the peaceful transfer of power. Political polarization among party elites has become commonplace. Because it seeks to resolve conflict through the integration of opposites, a dialectical approach to resolving partisan conflict offers the promise of helping political partisans bridge ideological divides. This paper contains an analysis of dialectical engagement as a collaborative alternative to adversarial politics. Dialectical engagement involves two broad phases: collaborative political problem-solving and dialectical problem-solving. The paper contains a description of an 18-month longitudinal study assessing the effectiveness of dialectical engagement as a method for bridging divides on contentious socio-political issues. The study shows how dialectical engagement produced dramatic consensus among a small group of individuals from different political orientations as they worked together to resolve the issue of capital punishment.

Keywords: collaborative democracy, dialectical thinking, capital punishment, partisan conflict

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Authors: Joy Olayemi Gbala, Fatai Olatokunbo, Philip Cloud

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Catastrophic dictatorship has been discovered to be the major leadership challenge that orchestrates stagnated and contrasted economy with dysfunctional democracy in Africa through willful misappropriation of resources and egregious subversion of the rule of law. Almost invariably, most African leaders inexplicably often become power drunk and addicted which usually leads to abuse of state power, abdication of constitutional duties, unjustly withdrawal of business license of operation, human right violation, election malpractices, financial corruption, disruptions of policies of democratic government transition, annulment of free and fair election, and disruptions of legal electoral procedures and unachievable dividends of democracy and many more. Owing to this, most African nations have gone and still go through political unrest and insurgencies leading to loss of lives and property, violent protests, detention of detractors and political activists and massive human displacement. This research work is concerned with, and investigates the causes, menace, consequences and impacts of subverting the rule of law in Africa on the economy and the development of the continent with a suggested practical solution to the plights.

Keywords: corruption, law, leadership, violation

Procedia PDF Downloads 113