Search results for: Russia

Authors: A. V. Dolzhikova

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The article deals with the problems of labour migration in the Russian Federation in the context of Russia's national security, provides the typology of migrants residing in the territory of the Russian Federation and analyzes the risk factors. The author considers the structure of migration flows and the terms of legal, economic and socio-cultural adaptation of migrants in the Russian Federation. In this connection, the status of the Russian migration legislation, the concept of the comprehensive exam in Russian as a foreign language, history of Russia and the basics of the Russian Federation legislation for foreign citizens which was introduced in Russia on January 1, 2015, are analyzed. The article discloses its role as the adaptation strategy and the factor of Russia's migration security.

Keywords: comprehensive exam, migration policy, migration legislation, Russia's national security

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Authors: Young Sik Kim, Tae Kwon Ha

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This article considers the problems of economic growth and Russian energy strategy. Also in this paper, the issues related to the economic growth prospects of Russian were discussed. Russian energy strategy without standing Russia`s stature in global energy markets, at the current production and extraction rates, will not be able to sustain its own production as well as fulfil its energy strategy. Indeed, Russia’s energy sector suffers from a chronic lack of investments which are necessary to modernize its energy supply system. In recent years, especially since the international financial crisis, Russia-EU energy cooperation has made substantive progress. Recently the break-through progress has been made, resulting mainly from long-term contributing factors between the countries and recent international economic and political situation changes. Analytical material presented in the article is intended for a more detailed or substantive analysis related to foreign economic relations of the countries and Russia as well.

Keywords: Russia, energy strategy, economic growth, cooperation

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Authors: Irina A. Martynenko, Viktoriia V. Pikalova

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At the moment, there are more than a thousand law schools in Russia. The program of preparation in each of them without exception includes English language course. It is believed that lawyers in Russia are best trained at the MGIMO University, the All-Russian State University of Justice, Kutafin Moscow State Law University, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Lomonosov Moscow State University, St. Petersburg State University, Diplomatic Academy of Russian Foreign Ministry and some others. Currently, the overwhelming majority of universities operate using the two-level system of education: bachelor's plus master's degree. Foreign languages are taught at both levels. The main example of consideration used throughout this paper is Kutafin Moscow State Law University being one of the best law schools in the country. The article examines traditions of teaching legal English in Russia and highlights problem arising in this process. The authors suggest ways of solving them in the scope of modern views and practice of teaching English for specific purposes.

Keywords: Kutafin Moscow State Law University, legal English, Russia, teaching

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Authors: Zhao Xinlei

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The outbreak of the Ukraine crisis has had an important impact on the global political and economic order, especially the global food crisis and energy crisis, thus aggravating social and political conflicts. At the same time, with the intensification of the Ukraine crisis, the United States and European countries have imposed severe economic sanctions on Russia to prevent and contain Russia's special military operations against Ukraine. The essence of the Ukraine crisis is a geopolitical conflict and competition between Russia and the United States. For a long time, the United States has always regarded Russia as a serious strategic crisis and challenge. Therefore, for the United States, the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis is an extremely important opportunity to condemn and stop Russia's actions from an international perspective. In this process, China plays a very special role. This special positioning is not only reflected in the long-term friendly relationship between China and Russia and mutual support and assistance on the international stage but also in the complex economic relationship and interdependence between China and the United States. Therefore, China has adopted a "hedging strategy" in dealing with the Ukrainian crisis, and the use of the hedging strategy not only plays a special role in safeguarding China's own security and interests but also because China can act as an intermediary to coordinate Russia and the United States to promote the resolution of the Ukrainian crisis in a peaceful manner.

Keywords: Ukraine crisis Russia-Ukraine conflict balanced strategy Sino-US competition

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Authors: Da Eun Sung

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In today’s world, cyber security has become an important international agenda. As the information age has arrived, the need for cyber defense against cyber attacks is mounting, and the significance of cyber cooperation in the international community is drawing attention. Through the course, international society has agreed that the institutionalization of international norms dealing with cyber space and cyber security is crucial ever. Nevertheless, the West, led by the United States of America, and 'the East', composed of Russia and China, have shown conflicting views on forming international norms and principles which would regulate and ward off the possible threats in cyber space. Thus, the international community hasn’t yet to reach an agreement on cyber security. In other words, the difference between both sides on the approach and understanding of principles, objects, and the definition has rendered such. Firstly, this dissertation will cover the Russia’s perception, strategy, and definition on cyber security through analyzing primary source. Then, it will delve into the two contrasting cyber security strategy between Russia and the US by comparing them. And in the conclusion, it will seek the possible solution for the cooperation in the field of cyber security. It is quite worthwhile to look into Russia’s views, which is the main counterpart to the US in this field, especially when the efforts to institutionalize cyber security by the US-led international community have met with their boundaries, and when the legitimacy of them have been challenged.

Keywords: cyber security, cyber security strategic, international relation in cyberspace, Russia

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Authors: Friba Haidari

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The aim of the study is to identify Russia's role in managing the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict betweenArmenia and Azerbaijan during the years 1990 to 2020. The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis can not be considered a mere territorial conflict but also a crossroads of interests of foreign actors. Geopolitical rivalries and the access to energy by regional and trans-regional actors have complicated the crisis and created a security challenge in the region, which is likely to escalate into a full-blown war between the parties involved. The geopolitical situation of Nagorno-Karabakh and its current situation have affected all peripheral states in some way. Russia, as one of the main actors in this scene, has been actively involved since the beginning of the crisis. The Russians have always sought to strengthen their influence and presence in the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis. Russia's efforts to weaken the role of the Minsk Group, The presence of Western actors, and the deployment of Russian forces in the disputed area can be assessed in this context. However, this study seeks to answer the question of what role did Russia play in managing the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan between 1990 and 2020? The study hypothesizes that Russia has prevented the escalation of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict through mediation and some coercion. This study is divided into four parts, including conflict management as a theoretical framework; Examining the competition and the role of actors in the Caucasus region, especially the role of the Minsk Group, and what approach or tools and methods Russia has used in its foreign policy in managing the conflict, and finally what are the relations between the countries involved and what will be Russia's role in the future? Was discussed. This study examines the analysis and transfer of ideas and information using authoritative international sources with an explanatory method and shares its results with everyone.

Keywords: Russia, conflict, nagorno-karabakh, management

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Authors: Rahmat Hajimineh, Ebrahim Rezaei Rad

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The war between Russia and Ukraine is considered a very important event in international relations, especially after the end of the Cold War, a war that has had wide dimensions since its beginning. Dimensions that, in addition to political issues, have especially affected the world economy and especially the two countries. The most important issue in the field of the economy that was affected by the war between Russia and Ukraine was the issue of energy. Russia is one of the largest producers and suppliers of natural gas for European countries, and 40% of European gas is supplied by Russia. For this reason, it is natural that European countries have problems in this regard. On the other hand, Ukraine is considered the gateway to Europe for Russia regarding the export of natural gas. The war in Ukraine has had severe effects on gas and energy in Europe. From this point of view, European countries are looking to diversify their energy path by switching to renewable energies, and they are also looking at other energy-producing countries like Qatar to meet their energy needs. In this article, we are trying to investigate the impact of the war between Russia and Ukraine on Qatar's policies in the field of fossil and renewable energy. The descriptive-analytical method and the theoretical framework of energy security have been used to review this article. Based on this, the article examines the situation of fossil and renewable energies in Qatar and, on the other hand, the effects of the war in Ukraine on both energies in Qatar. The findings of this article also indicate that Qatar has made changes in its energy policies after the war in Ukraine, which seems to be possible due to its high potential, especially in the field of renewable and fossil energy. There is an export of surplus production of this country to other countries, especially European countries.

Keywords: Ukraine War, fossil fuels, renewable energy, energy security, Qatar

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Authors: Daniel Silander

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This article explores the EU Initiated European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) towards Ukraine. It also explores Russian geopolitics in the region. We argue that Ukraine is sandwiched between two regional powers in the EU and Russia. By analyzing EU democracy promotion towards Ukraine and neighbors, we assess a weak EU normative capacity. Instead of building a “ring of friends”, as argued by the EU Commission, in an enlarged democratic community, the EU has achieved poor democratic records in Ukraine which opened for a revival of Russia in the region and causes the international crisis over Crime of 2014.

Keywords: regional neighborhood policy, European Union, Russia, Ukraine, domestic elites

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Authors: Aidana Arynbek

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This paper attempts to offer an alternative to the explanation of the politics of great powers in Caspian politics. Since many researchers have analysed the politics of great powers in the region with the focus on materialism, this paper attempts to bring a sociological inquiry into analysing inter-state behaviour. The constructivist concept of Alexander Wendt will be applied to analyse Russia’s relation with The United States, China and Iran; the main argument is emphasis on the power of ideational forces over material ones. Moreover, the innovative contribution of Wendt regarding the understanding of anarchy to the study of International Relations (IR) will be applied; in his words, ‘anarchy is what states make of it’. A neo-realist perspective implies that with the structure of international politics, Russia treats all great powers as rivals through engagement in power politics; however, Wendt’s approach is able to explain the reason behind the state’s behaviour towards power politics, and this is about not only international structure, but also identity. The understanding of identity answers the question of how Russia came about to follow different actions in relation to Iran and China in contrast to The United States. This paper will be divided into five chapters. The first chapter will explain the constructivism of Alexander Wendt; the second chapter will give a brief background to The Caspian Sea Region (CSR); the third chapter will explain the formation of Russia’s identity towards The United States, and this will be applied to analyse Russia’s relation to The U.S in The CSR. Similarly with China, the fourth chapter will explain Russia’s identity and its relations in The CSR, and finally, the fifth chapter will show Russia’s identity towards Iran and its relation to Iran in The CSR. It will be concluded that the analysis of the politics between great powers in seeking to access one of the richest regions, The Caspian Basin, will show that international politics is not fixed, but constructed by human action and cognition. Reality in the politics of great powers in The Caspian Sea Region is socially constructed. This paper is not interested in how things are, but how they became what they are. That is to say, how Russia’s foreign policies towards great powers became what they are.

Keywords: Alexander Wendt, Caspian sea, identity, Russia, socially constructed

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Authors: Soran Tarkhani

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A glance at social media shows that Russia's invasion of Ukraine receives considerable support among Arabs. This significant support for the Russian invasion of Ukraine is puzzling since most Arab leaders openly condemned the Russian invasion through the UN ES‑11/4 Resolution, and Arabs are among the first who experienced the devastating consequences of war firsthand. This article tries to answer this question by using multiple regression to analyze the online content of Arab responses to Russia's invasion of Ukraine on seven major news networks: CNN Arabic, BBC Arabic, Sky News Arabic, France24 Arabic, DW, Aljazeera, and Al-Arabiya. The article argues that the underlying reason for this Arab support is a reaction to the common anti-Western sentiments among Arabs. The empirical result from regression analysis supports the central arguments and uncovers the motivations behind the endorsement of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the opposing Ukraine by many Arabs.

Keywords: Ukraine, Russia, Arabs, Ukrainians, Russians, Putin, invasion, Europe, war

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Authors: Zhengyang Ma

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Mongolia is a significant country bordered by China and Russia. The Mongolian people are the descendants of Genghis Khan. Mongolia has a glorious history and possesses strategic mineral resources. Throughout history, the Qing empire of China has always considered this region as part of China’s hegemony. Due to a series of historical events, Mongolia successfully achieved its independence from China in 1945. In order to clearly understand the status quo in Mongolia today better, it is necessary to explore the reasons that caused Mongolia to achieve its independence from a historical context. Therefore, this essay will analyze and describe the crucial events and reasons that led to the independence of Mongolia through different historical periods.

Keywords: Mongolia, history, power bargain, Sino-Russia relations

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Authors: J. A. Ageeva, Z. S. Zavyalova

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The article considers social media as a tool for business promotion. We analyze and compare the SMM experience in the western countries and Russia. A short review of Russian social networks are given including their peculiar features, and the main problems and perspectives of Russian SMM are described.

Keywords: social media, social networks, marketing, SMM

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Authors: Zarema Urustamova, Chunsheng Shi, Ghulam Mujtaba Kayani 

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This research paper helps to understand the comparative analysis of recruitment problems which majorly faced by HRD of Public/Semi-Govt. and private sectors of Russia. The natures of different recruitment problems faced by HRD are different in both sector of Russia. Recruitment is one of very critical and important decision taken by HR department and some recruitment problems are highly faced by HR department of public/semi Govt. sector but are not major problems for private sector. Moreover, some problems are majorly influence in private sector but are not major problems in public/semi-govt. sector of Russia in recruitment. It is also identified that some recruitment problems are majorly affect in recruitment in both sectors. This paper helps to understand the recruitment problems faced by HR department while recruiting the new employee in both sectors. This paper also identified that “environment” and “prejudice” in public sector have higher affect and considered as a major problems in employee recruitment and “reference”, “selection standards” are considered as a least affecting problems of recruitment in public sector. Further, in private sector, “prejudice” and “culture” are major issues and “selection standards” and “reference” is considered as least affecting recruitment problems in private sector of Russia. So, HR department will be able to hire right person on right time, and it is possible when different HR departments focus to overcome these recruitment problems more efficiently and effectively.

Keywords: Govt. /Semi-Govt. vs. private sector, HR department, recruitment problems, Russia

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Authors: Young Sik Kim, Tae Kwon Ha

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Russia was one of the world’s leading mineral- producing countries. In 2012, Russia was ranked among the world’s leading producers or was a leading regional producer of such mineral commodities as aluminum, arsenic, asbestos, bauxite, boron, cadmium, cement, coal, cobalt, copper, diamond, fluorspar, gold, iron ore, lime, magnesium compounds and metals, mica (flake, scrap, and sheet), natural gas, nickel, nitrogen, oil shale, palladium, peat, petroleum, phosphate, pig iron, platinum, potash, rhenium, silicon, steel, sulfur, titanium sponge, tungsten, and vanadium. Russia has large reserves of a variety of mineral resources and undoubtedly will continue to be one of the world’s leading mineral producers. Although the country’s economy is expected to grow in 2012, some problems are likely to remain. In 2011, the Russian economy returned to economic growth after the significant decline in 2010. According to some analysts, however, the recovery of 2011 did not appear sufficiently vigorous to carry the country’s strong economic growth into the next decade. Even in the sectors of the economy where the country is among the world leaders (ferrous metals, gas, petroleum), Russian industry has obsolete plants and equipment, a slow rate of innovation, and low labor productivity.

Keywords: Russia, energy resources, economic growth, strategy, oil complex

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Authors: Davood Karimipour

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Since long ago, Russia has been one of the most influential actors in regional equations in South West Asia. The geographic affinity of its vital interests with Western Asia has caused Moscow to have a high sensitivity to the balance of power in the Middle East, as its role in the Syrian crisis clearly demonstrated the importance. In recent years, Moscow has tried to use the energy diplomacy tool in maintaining the balance of power between the major powers in the region. The paper, based on the qualitative case study method, investigates how Russia’s energy diplomacy plays a role in the balance of regional forces in the Middle East, studying the country’s conduct towards Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel. The hypothesis presented that Russia, using energy tools, is trying to push the regional powers toward cooperation in order to increase the influence in the region, increase power in global markets, and controlling the US to restore power balance in the region. Its cooperation in the Iranian gas industry, the country’s relations with Saudis in the framework of OPEC, cooperation with the Turkish Kurds and the presence in the Israeli gas industry are an example of these Russian energy diplomacy initiatives in West Asia, which is the common point of the Moscow approach to South West Asia.

Keywords: Russia, balance of power, energy diplomacy, Middle East

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Authors: Bronwyn S. Mthimunye, Athena S. Pedro, Nicolette V. Roman

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Inclusive education is a global concern, in the context of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. These countries are all striving for inclusive education, as there are many children excluded from formal schooling. The need for inclusive education is imperative, given the increase in special needs diagnoses. Many children confronted with special needs are still not able to exercise their basic right to education. The aim of conducting this scoping review was to explore the policies and procedures addressing the implementation of inclusive education in Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. The studies included were published between 2006-2016 and located in Academic Search Complete, ERIC, Medline, PsycARTICLES, JSTOR, and SAGE Journals. Seven articles were included in which all of the articles reported on inclusive education and the status of implementation. The findings identified many challenges faced by Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa that affect the implementation of policies and programmes. Challenges such as poor planning, resource-constrained communities, lack of professionals in schools, and the need for adequate teacher training were identified. Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa are faced with many social and economic challenges, which serves as a barrier to the implementation of inclusive education.

Keywords: special needs, inclusion, education, scoping review

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Authors: Anatoly V. Stepanov, Maria Y. Ilyushkina, Alexander S. Burnasov

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Expansion of tourism, especially after WWII, has led to significant improvements in the regional infrastructure. The present study has revealed a lot of progress in the advancement of industrial heritage narrative in the Central Urals. The evidence comes from the general public’s increased fascination with some of Europe’s oldest mining and industrial sites, and the agreement of many stakeholders that the Urals industrial heritage should be preserved. The development of tourist sites in Nizhny Tagil and Nevyansk, gold-digging in Beryosovsky, gemstone search in Murzinka, and the progress with the Urals Gemstone Ring project are the examples showing the immense opportunities of industrial heritage tourism development in the region that are still to be realized. Regardless of the economic future of the Central Urals, whether it will remain an industrial region or experience a deeper deindustrialization, the sprouts of the industrial heritage tourism should be advanced and amplified for the benefit of local communities and the tourist community at large as it is hard to imagine a more suitable site for the discovery of industrial and mining heritage than the Central Urals Region of Russia.

Keywords: industrial heritage, mining heritage, Central Urals, Russia

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Authors: Jeremy Schultz

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The purpose of this study was to understand the perceptions of vineyard managers in the Krasnodar Region of Southern Russia located between the city of Kransnodar and the Black Sea. In recent years, wine tourism throughout the region has seen tremendous growth due in part to the concurrent growth in the number of tourists vacationing at the Black Sea. This trend has contributed to the development of large-scale wine operations developing in numerous rural locations along the tourists’ travel path. Niche areas of tourism, such as wine tourism, have proven to provide economic viability for rural communities all around the world. Understanding their shared group characteristics while honoring their unique qualities as individuals aids in responsible wine tourism development that provides a sense of well-being for the communities and stakeholders involved. Semi-structured interviews and lived experience methodologies were used in locations that were associated with wine food tourism operations. By understanding management perspectives, it lends insight into sustainable destination management and wine tourism product development, furthering our progress toward ethical, responsible, and financially feasible operations. This research also represents a collaborative effort between Russia and the United States that supports an agenda of sustainable destination development and management. As a global community, we need to continue to investigate stakeholder perceptions and strategic management techniques that best support the pillars upon which responsible tourism was founded.

Keywords: wine tourism, tourism development, Russia, rural tourism

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Authors: Maria Cherepanova, Svetlana Maximova

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Background And Aims: Suicide is among ten most common causes of death of the working-age population in the world. According to the WHO forecasts, by 2025 suicide will be the third leading cause of death, after cardiovascular diseases and cancer. In 2019, the global suicide rate in the world was 10,5 per 100,000 people. In Russia, the average figure was 11.6. However, in some depressed regions of Russia, such as Buryatia and Altai, it reaches 35.3. The aim of this study was to develop models based on the regional factors of social well-being deprivation that provoke the suicidal risk of various age groups of Russian population. We also investigated suicidal risk prevention in modern Russia, analyzed its efficacy, and developed recommendations for suicidal risk prevention improvement. Methods: In this study, we analyzed the data from sociological surveys from six regions of Russia. Totally we interviewed 4200 people, the age of the respondents was from 16 to 70 years. The results were subjected to factorial and regression analyzes. Results: The results of our study indicate that young people are especially socially vulnerable, which result in ineffective patterns of self-preservation behavior and increase the risk of suicide. That is due to lack of anti-suicidal barriers formation; low importance of vital values; the difficulty or impossibility to achieve basic needs; low satisfaction with family and professional life; and decrease in personal unconditional significance. The suicidal risk of the middle-aged population is due to a decrease in social well-being in the main aspects of life, which determines low satisfaction, decrease in ontological security, and the prevalence of auto-aggressive deviations. The suicidal risk of the elderly population is due to increased factors of social exclusion which result in narrowing the social space and limiting the richness of life. Conclusions: The existing system for lowering suicide risk in modern Russia is predominantly oriented to a medical treatment, which provides only intervention to people who already committed suicide, that significantly limits its preventive effectiveness and social control of this deviation. The national strategy for suicide risk reduction in modern Russian society should combine medical and social activities, designed to minimize possible situations resulting to suicide. The strategy for elimination of suicidal risk should include a systematic and significant improvement of the social well-being of the population and aim at overcoming the basic aspects of social disadvantages such as poverty, unemployment as well as implementing innovative mental health improvement, developing life-saving behavior that will help to counter suicides in Russia.

Keywords: social factors, suicide, prevention, Russia

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Authors: Aysen Muderrisoglu

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As a result of the policies constituted and pursued by Russia which aimed to gain territory and power at Ottoman expense, Crimean War broke out in 1853. Nevertheless, the Eastern policies of Russia were in contradiction with the interests of Great Britain which was the great power of the era. Yet, it did hesitate to be confronted with Russian on its route to India, so the Ottoman territorial integrity was defended. In that period, Tzar Nicholas II, to begin with, tried to eliminate a probable opposition coming from the British side, and then tried its chance to build up cooperation with Britain on the territories of the sick man. As a more positive relation was being observed between these two states before the Crimean War, Great Britain initially had adopted a neutral policy. However, in the end, Britain entered the war against Russia due to the efforts of the opposing side in the British Parliament and the rising pressure of the public opinion. The article aims to examine the role of British public opinion in the process of Great Britain’s Involvement in this war. Also, the article will try to find an answer to the following question: to what extent did the public opinion become effective on the foreign policy-making of Great Britain before the war?

Keywords: British press, Crimean war, Great Britain, public opinion

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Authors: Nidhal Mgadmi, Abdelhafidh Othmani

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This article examines the causal relationship between stock indices and cryptocurrencies during the current war between Russia and Ukraine. The econometric investigation runs from February 24, 2022, to April 12, 2023, focusing on seven stock market indices (S&P500, DAX, CAC40, Nikkei, TSX, MOEX, and PFTS) and seven cryptocurrencies (Bitcoin, Ethereum, Litcoin, Dash, Ripple, DigiByte and XEM). In this article, we try to understand how investors react to fluctuations in financial assets to seek safe havens in cryptocurrencies. We used dynamic causality to detect a possible causal relationship in the short term and seven models to estimate the long-term relationship between cryptocurrencies and financial assets. The causal relationship between financial market indexes and cryptocurrency coins in the short run indicates that three famous cryptocurrencies (BITCOIN, ETHEREUM, RIPPLE) and the two digital assets with minor popularity (XEM, Digibyte) are impacted by the German, Russian, and Ukrainian stock markets. In the long run, we found a positive and significate effect of the American, Canadian, French, and Ukrainian stock market indexes on Bitcoin. Thus, the stability of the traditional financial markets during the current war period can be explained on the one hand by investors’ fears of an unstable business climate, and on the other hand, by speculators’ sentiment towards new electronic products, which are perceived as hedging instruments and a safe haven in the face of the conflict between Ukraine and Russia.

Keywords: causality, stock indices, cryptocurrency, war, Russia, Ukraine

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Authors: Maryam Azish

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Russia, as an emerging global player in recent years, has projected a special place in the Middle East. Despite all the challenges it has faced over the years, it has always considered its presence in various fields with a strategy that has defined its maneuvering power as a level of competition and even confrontation with the United States. Therefore, its current approach is considered important as an influential actor in the Middle East. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the Russians withdrew completely from the Middle East, the American scene remained almost unrivaled by the Americans. With the start of the US-led war in Iraq and Afghanistan and the subsequent developments that led to the US military and political defeat, a new chapter in regional security was created in which ISIL and Taliban terrorism went along with the Arab Spring to destabilize the Middle East. Because of this, the Americans took every opportunity to strengthen their military presence. Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan have always been the three areas where terrorism was shaped, and the countries of the region have each reacted to this evil phenomenon accordingly. The West dealt with this phenomenon on a case-by-case basis in the general circumstances that created the fluid situation in the Arab countries and the region. Russian President Vladimir Putin accused the US of falling asleep in the face of ISIS and terrorism in Syria. In fact, this was an opportunity for the Russians to revive their presence in Syria. This article suggests that utilizing the recognition policy along with the constructivism theory will offer a better knowledge of Russia’s endeavors to endorse its international position. Accordingly, Russia’s distinctiveness and its ambitions for a situation of great power have played a vital role in shaping national interests and, subsequently, in foreign policy, in Putin's era in particular. The focal claim of the paper is that scrutinize Russia’s foreign policy with realistic methods cannot be attained. Consequently, with an aim to fill the prevailing vacuum, this study exploits the politics of acknowledgment in the context of constructivism to examine Russia’s foreign policy in the Middle East. The results of this paper show that the key aim of Russian foreign policy discourse, accompanied by increasing power and wealth, is to recognize and reinstate the position of great power in the universal system. The Syrian crisis has created an opportunity for Russia to unite its position in the developing global and regional order after ages of dynamic and prevalent existence in the Middle East as well as contradicting US unilateralism. In the meantime, the writer thinks that the question of identifying Russia’s position in the global system by the West has played a foremost role in serving its national interests.

Keywords: constructivism, foreign Policy, middle East, Russia, regionalism

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Authors: Polina Pekker

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This work analyzes the role of lecturers in e-learning in Russia. It is based on qualitative research of lecturers who conduct courses on Russian national platforms of open education. The platform is based on edx software (provider of massive open online courses). The interviews with e-learning lecturers were conducted: from December 2015 till January 2016 and from April 2016 till May 2016. The results of interviews (face-to-face, telephone, skype) show, firstly, the difference between the role of lecturers in e-learning and in traditional education and, secondly, that the competition between lecturers is high in Russia. The results of interviews in Russia show that e-learning lecturer should have several special professional competences: the ability to keep attention of audiences without real contact, the ability to work on camera and competences related with e-learning course support (test, forum, communication on forum and etc.) It is concluded that lecturers need special course on acting and speech skills and on conducting and organizing of e-learning course in Russia. It is planned to conduct French study. When results from French research will be totally ready, they will be compared to Russian. As well French platform, France Universite Numerique, was launched earlier, in January 2014, so Russian lecturers should get best practice from the French colleagues.

Keywords: e-courses lecturer, e-learning, professional competences of lecturers, national Russian and French platforms of open education

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Authors: Anna Tsibart, Timur Koshovskii

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The properties of soils affected by the wildfires of 2002, 2010, and 2012 in Meshchera plain (Moscow region, Russia) were considered in a current research. The formation of ash horizons instead of organic peat horizons was detected both in histosols and histic podzols. The increase of pH and magnetic susceptibility was observed in soil profiles. Significant burning out of organic matter was observed, but already two years after the fire the new stage of organic matter accumulation started.

Keywords: wildfires, peat soils, organic matter, Meshchera plain

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Authors: Cui Long (Allen)

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The role of the Arctic in world politics and international relations has increased significantly over the past decades. With its large natural resources, the Arctic region has important geopolitical, strategic, and economic significance. All this determines the interest in it not only of the Arctic states but also of states located far from the Arctic. One of these states is the People's Republic of China. Relations between China and Russia in recent decades have been built on the basis of strategic partnership. Joint projects in the Arctic have become the most important priority area of this partnership. These are projects in the transport and energy fields. A large number of works by Russian scientists are devoted to the Sino-Russian Arctic cooperation. Most authors consider cooperation as a guarantee of stability for China and Russia in a globalized world. However, there are authors who believe that there are separate contradictions in the relations between the Arctic and non-Arctic countries. In their opinion, China sometimes acts as a competitor, and its activities become expansionist. In general, according to the Russian authors, Sino-Russian cooperation is mutually beneficial and is under development. China and Russia have a long way to go in the issue of sustainable development of the Arctic.

Keywords: People’s Republic of China, Russian Federation, Arctic, historiography

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Authors: Nipuli Gajanayake

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The Russian military role beyond its national frontier has become a debatable hot topic in the international political arena. It’s advanced, and strategic responses in combating regional and international security problems have always been a factor to debate and criticize. Under such critical circumstances, Russia is attentive to play its military role according to the provisions of the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation. Most importantly, the legal basis of the doctrine has also consisted with the generally recognized principles and norms of international law. Therefore, Russian international military assistances are pledged to accomplish international peace and security. The expansion of Russian military participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping operations, and military- political, and technical cooperation have largely evident the great effort of Russia in maintaining and restoring international peace and security. Moreover, the conflict management diplomacy and the development of dialogue with nation states to confront military risks and threats can also identify as a part of preserving international peace and security. In addition, Russia strives to strengthen the system of collective security with regional and international organizations through the legal framework of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Maintaining cooperative ties with the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) have highlighted the Russian deliberation on maintaining regional peace and security. Nevertheless, the extension of cordial relations with nation states and providing of military assistances during tensions and conflicts on their territories can also underscore as Russians commitments on maintaining international peace and security. Observing and recognizing the disparity between the West portrayed terms like ‘illegal Russian interventions’ and the comprehensive reality behind the ‘Russian military assistances’ are important to understand. However, a lopsided vision or a perspective towards the Russian international military role would not present a clear understanding about its valued and also dedicated hard work on maintaining international peace and security.

Keywords: collective security, diplomacy, international military role of Russia, international peace and security

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Authors: Anya Glikman, Anastasia Gorodzeisky

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Since the late 1990th labor immigration and its consequences on the society have become one of the most frequently discussed and debated issues in Russia. Social scientists point that the negative attitudes towards immigrants among Russian majority population is widespread, and their level, at least, twice as high as their level in most other European countries. Moreover, recent study by Gorodzeisky, Glikman and Maskyleison (2014) demonstrates that the two sets of individual level predictors of anti-foreigner sentiment – socio-economic status and conservative views and ideologies – that have been repeatedly proved in research in Western countries are not effective in predicting of anti-foreigner sentiment in Post-Socialist Russia. Apparently, the social mechanisms underlying anti-foreigner sentiment in Western countries, which are characterized by stable regimes and relatively long immigration histories, do not play a significant role in the explanation of anti-foreigner sentiment in Post-Socialist Russia. The present study aims to examine alternative possible sources of anti-foreigner sentiment in Russia while controlling for socio-economic position of individuals and conservative views. More specifically, following the research literature on the topic worldwide, we aim to examine whether and to what extent human values (such as tradition, universalism, safety and power), ethnic residential segregation, fear of crime and exposure to mass media affect anti-foreigner sentiments in Russia. To do so, we estimate a series of multivariate regression equations using the data obtained from 2012 European Social Survey. The national representative sample consists of 2337 Russian born respondents. Descriptive results reveal that about 60% percent of Russians view the impact of immigrants on the country in negative terms. Further preliminary analysis show that anti-foreigner sentiments are associated with exposer to mass media as well as with fear of crime. Specifically, respondents who devoted more time watching news on TV channels and respondents who express higher levels of fear of crime tend to report higher levels of anti-immigrants sentiments. The findings would be discussed in light of sociological perspective and the context of Russian society.

Keywords: anti-immigrant sentiments, fear of crime, human values, mass media, Russia

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Authors: Raheel Asif, Michael Frommel

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This paper focuses on analyzing the exchange rate exposure of exporting & domestic firms in (the so far rarely addressed) largest Eastern European transition economies, i.e., Russia and the three EU accession countries, Poland, Hungary, and Czech Republic (CEEC-3). It also controls for possible effects of different exchange rate regimes, Great Financial crisis (2007-08), Russian Financial crisis (2014-15), the formation of EU & turn of year effect. Substantially improving the results from the existing literature on these transition economies, we find for more than 51% of our sample firms in CEEC-3 countries and 29% in Russia shows a significant exchange rate exposure. However, the magnitude and direction of firms’ exposure depends on the particular bilateral exchange rate and differs between CEEC-3 and Russia. We find that share price increases with an appreciation of the domestic currency against the EURO and US Dollar (USD) in CEEC-3; however, the effect is more pronounced for EURO as expected. Whereas, for Russian firms share price increases with a depreciation of the domestic currency against the USD only. Those differences may result from a differing dominance of exposure channels in the respective economies, such as the country-specific export structure, competitiveness channels, and dependence on foreign debt. Finally, the switch from a pegged to a flexible exchange rate regime appears to have a less pronounced effect for the exchange rate exposure of firms in all countries except for USD in Poland and Russia.

Keywords: exchange rate exposure, transition economies, central and eastern Europe, international finance

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Authors: George Bocean

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In the mainstream academic spheres of thought, there is a tendency to associate the writings of Russian Marxists as being constantly against the practice of religion itself. Such arguments mainly stem from how the attitude of the Russian Marxists, specifically the Bolsheviks, towards the concept of religion supposedly originates from its own Marxist ideology. Although Marxism is critical of religion as an institution, the approach that Marxism would have on the question of religion is not as clear. Such aspect is specifically observed in the use of language of major leading Russian Marxist figures, such as Lenin and Trotsky, throughout the early 20th century, where the use of religious metaphors was widely used in their philosophical writings and speeches, as well as in propaganda posters of general left-wing movements in Russia as a whole. The methodology of the research will consist of a sociolinguistic and sociology of language approach within a sociohistorical framework of late Tsarist and early Soviet Russia, 1905-1926. The purpose of such approaches are not simply to point out the religious metaphors used in the writings and speeches of Marxists in Russia, but rather in order to analyse how the use of such metaphors represent an important socio-political connection with the context of Russia at the time. In other words, the use of religious metaphors was not only more akin to Russian culture at the time, but this also resonated and was more familiar with the conditions of the working class and peasantry. An example in this study can be observed in the writings of Lenin, where the theme of chudo (miracle) is often mentioned in his writings, and such a word is commonly associated with an idealist philosophy rather than a materialist one, which represents a common theme in Russian culture in regards to the principle of hope for a better life. A further and even more obvious example is Trotsky’s writings about how the revolution of 1905 “would be revived”, which not only resonates with the theme of resurrection, but also prophesises the “second coming” of a future revolution. Such metaphors are important in the writings of such authors, as they simultaneously contain Marxist ideas, as well as religious themes. In doing this research, this paper will demonstrate two aspects. Firstly, the paper will analyse the use of the metaphors by Russian Marxists as a whole in regards to a socio-political and ideological perspectives akin to those of Marxism. Secondly, it will also demonstrate the role that such metaphors have in regards to their impact on the left-wing movements within Russia itself, as well as their relation to the working class and peasantry of Russia within the historical context.

Keywords: language and politics, Marxism, Russian history, social history, sociology of language

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Authors: Elina Vroblevska, Toms Ratfelders

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This paper examines the impact of international status-seeking aspirations on great power behavior within the international system. In particular, we seek to test the assumption advanced by the proponents of the Social Identity Theory (SIT) that the inability to achieve social mobilization through joining perceived higher-status social groups (of states) leads great powers to adopt the approach of social competition in which they aim to equal or outdo the dominant group in the area on which its claim to superior status rests. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia has struggled to be accepted as a great power by the group of Western states that had created the dominant international system order, while the Soviet states were isolated. While the 1990s and the beginning of the 21st century can be characterized by striving to integrate into the existing order, the second decade has seen a rather sharp turn towards creating a new power center for Russia through the realization of ideas of multipolarity rivalry and uniqueness of the state itself. Increasingly, we have seen the Kremlin striving to collaborate and mobilize groups of states that fall outside of the categories of democracy, multiculturalism, and international order, the way that is perceived by the dominant group, which can be described as the West. Instead, Russia builds its own narrative where it creates an alternative understanding of these values, differentiating from the higher-status social group. The Global South, from a Russian perspective, is the group of states that can still be swayed to create an alternative power center in the international system - one where Russia can assert its status as a great power. This is based on a number of reasons, the most important being that the global north is already highly institutionalized in terms of economy (the EU) and defense (NATO), leaving no room for Russia but to integrate within the existing framework. Second, the difference in values and their interpretation - Russia has been adamant, for the last twenty years, on basing its moral code on traditional values like religion, the heterosexual family model, and moral superiority, which contradict the overall secularism of the Global North. And last, the striking difference in understanding of state governance models - with Russia becoming more autocratic over the course of the last 20 years, it has deliberately created distance between itself and democratic states, entering a “gray area” of alternative understanding of democracy which is more relatable to the global South countries. Using computational text analysis of the excerpts of Vladimir Putin’s speeches delivered from 2000-2022 regarding the areas that fall outside the immediate area of interest of Russia (the Global South), we identify 80 topics that relate to the particular component of the great power status - interest to use force globally. These topics are compared across four temporal frames that capture the periods of more and less permissible Western social boundaries. We find that there exists a negative association between such permissiveness and Putin’s emphasis on the “use of force” topics. This lends further support to the Social Identity Theory and contributes to broadening its applicability to explaining the questions related to great power assertiveness in areas outside of their primary focus regions.

Keywords: Russia, Global South, great power, identity

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