Search results for: political violence

Authors: Karin Schoenpflug, Christine M. Klapeer

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In a large study for the Vienna City Council’s Antidiscrimination unit (WASt) an interdisciplinary team (in the fields of economics, sociology and political science) working with urban economics, critical citizenship studies, the sociology of work & inequality and urban political/human geography conducted an online survey asking LGBTIs (lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgender and intersex people) in Vienna detailed questions on their quality-of-life, happiness and well-being. 3.161 persons responded and provided us with a rich data set concerning: 1) Labor market structures, discrimination, working conditions and employment practices (economic citizenship); 2) access to health care, welfare, education and safety in public spaces (social citizenship); 3) political participation as well as access to legal institutions (political citizenship). All those fields are important dimensions in regards to “full” citizenship and the well-being of the LGBTI population, but are also constitutive for the inclusion of sexual and gender minorities into the city population(s) of Vienna. Our data also allows us to map the sexual geography of Vienna as LGBTI communities are more likely to live in certain districts; some places are considered safe(r) and “friendlier”. In this way our work helps to fill a research gap connecting (urban) spaces and sexuality, and it produces new data and insights on the quality-of-life of this subpopulation. Our findings allow for urban (policy) planning and limiting violence and discrimination and improving the collective wellbeing and social cohesion.

Keywords: urban sexual geographies, LGBTI, socio-economic status, Vienna, sitizenship status

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Authors: A. Saimen, E. Armstrong, C. Manitshana

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) has been recognised as a global human rights violation. It is universally under diagnosed and the institution of timeous multi-faceted interventions has been noted to benefit IPV victims. Currently, the concept of using a screening tool to detect IPV has not been widely explored in a primary healthcare setting in South Africa, and it was for this reason that this study has been undertaken. A systematic random sampling of 1 in 8 women over a period of 3 months was conducted prospectively at the OPD of a Level 1 Hospital. Participants were asked about their experience of IPV during the past 12 months. The WAST-short, a two-question tool, was used to screen patients for IPV. To verify the result of the screening, women were also asked the remaining questions from the WAST. Data was collected from 400 participants, with a response rate of 99.3%. The prevalence of IPV in the sample was 32%. The WAST-short was shown to have the following operating characteristics: sensitivity 45.2%, specificity 98%,positive predictive value 98%, negative predictive value 79%. The WAST-short lacks sufficient sensitivity and therefore is not an ideal screening tool for this setting. Improvement in the sensitivity of the WAST-short in this setting may be achieved by lowering the threshold for a positive result for IPV screening, and modification of the screening questions to better reflect IPV as understood by the local population.

Keywords: domestic violence, intimate partner violence, screening, screening tools

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Authors: Bharti Yadav

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Global migration and the rise of far-right parties have expanded the significance of political discussions enclosing multiculturalism. This research paper will focus on the rise of far-right political parties in Europe over the last nearly two decades and how right-wing politics affect multiculturalism in a detrimental way; major European leaders have publicly stated that multiculturalism in their countries has failed. This paper also discusses the main reasons for right-wing politics is normalizing in Europe. Far-right political parties are the fastest-growing parties in Europe, and multiculturalism is an unescapable significant political issue. The rise of far-right anti-immigrant parties diminishes mainstream party support for multiculturalism. Mainstream parties are more receptive to both increasing in ethnic minorities’ electoral power and the rise of far-right parties.

Keywords: political parties, far-right, migration, multiculturalism

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Authors: Iva Trako, Maris Micaela Sviatschi, Guadalupe Kavanaugh

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Domestic violence is a major concern in developing countries, with important social, economic and health consequences. However, institutions do not usually address the problems facing women or ethnic and religious minorities. For example, the police do very little to stop domestic violence in rural areas of developing countries. This paper exploits the introduction of women’s justice centers (WJCs) in Peru to provide causal estimates on the effects of improving access to justice for women and children. These centers offer a new integrated public service model for women by including medical, psychological and legal support in cases of violence against women. Our empirical approach uses a difference in difference estimation exploiting variation over time and space in the opening of WJC together with province-by-year fixed effects. Exploiting administrative data from health providers and district attorney offices, we find that after the opening of these centers, there are important improvements on women's welfare: a large reduction in femicides and female hospitalizations for assault. Moreover, using geo-coded household surveys we find evidence that the existence of these services reduces domestic violence, improves women's health, increases women's threat points and, therefore, lead to household decisions that are more aligned with their interests. Using administrative data on the universe of schools, we find large gains on human capital for their children: affected children are more likely to enroll, attend school and have better grades in national exams, instead of working for the family. In sum, the evidence in this paper shows that providing access to justice for women can be a powerful tool to reduce domestic violence and increase education of children, suggesting a positive inter-generational benefit.

Keywords: access to justice, domestic violence, education, household bargaining

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Authors: Najmuddin Najmuddin

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The purpose of this study is to determine whether media usage and change of citizenship norms influence political participation. The focus of this study is to examine citizenship norms in the context of the development of information, and communication technology and how it will impact political participation in the context of Indonesia's transition to democracy. The study use survey method. The main theoretical framework is media and political participation. The results of this study reveal that gender, age and educational background of the respondents did not influence significantly media usage and citizenship norms. The Results also show that educational background is not a factor that distinguishes media usage but it becomes differentiating factor in citizenship norms. The results further show that the media usage has a significant correlation with citizenship norms and citizenship norms has a significant relationship with political participation. In addition, media usage and citizenship norms impact significantly to political participation. The sub-dimensions of citizenship norms (compliance, duty, and engaged citizen) provides a significant contribution to the sub-dimensions of political participation (traditional political participation, modern political participation, civic political participation). Based on the findings it can be concluded that the political euphoria in the era of transition to democracy has changed pattern media usage and citizenship norms of among the young generation.

Keywords: media, citizenship, norms, political, participation, democracy

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Authors: Mingaile Jurkute, Vilnius University

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The memory of the Lithuanian partisan war (1944-1953) underwent extremely dramatic transformations. During this war, the image of the resistance and a partisan was one of the key elements of Lithuanian identity. Its importance is evidenced by the extremely large legacy of songs about partisans, no other topic has collected so much folklore in Lithuania. In the Soviet years, this resistance was practically forced to be forgotten. Terror and Soviet laws have forced people to stop talking about the events, even in the family circle. In addition, the Soviets created their own propaganda story, reinterpreting the Lithuanian partisan war, presenting partisans as bandits who brutally tortured and murdered locals. But even in the Soviet years, the memory could neither be completely suppressed, nor completely transformed into wishful shape. The analysis of fiction and cinema shows that the traumatic memory of real events rushed to the surface, thus transforming the very propagandistic narrative. After the restoration of the Republic of Lithuania in 1990, the Lithuanian partisan war was gradually returned to the central place of Lithuanian history. After 2014 the nationalist heroic narrative about Lithuanian partisans became the central narrative of modern Lithuanian history. Nevertheless, interviews I conducted in Lithuanian villages reveal that the memory of local communities and families preserves quite different experiences that do not fit into neither the Soviet narrative nor the heroic one. Such experiences include, for example, partisan violence against local families. This paper is about the efforts of two political ideologies (the Soviet and the Lithuanian patriotic) to use the history of the Lithuanian partisans for their own needs, and the attempts of small communities (mostly families) to resist these efforts. The research reveals that family memory, even when opposed to aggressive state memory policies, can preserve counter-narratives by exploiting unexpected objects beyond the control of the state, such as nature and wildlife. Basically, the paper analyses the limits of the instrumentalization of memory, even by extremely aggressive political regimes.

Keywords: collective memory, post-memory, violence, military conflict, family memory

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Authors: Kyujin Shim

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This study explores how individual motivations in political psychology will lead to political expression and online discourse, and how those online political discourses result in individuals’ exposure to extreme/ personally-entertaining/ disinhibiting content. This study argues that a new framework beyond the conventional paradigm (e.g., selective exposure based on partisanship/ ideology) is needed for better grasp of non-ideological/ anarchic, and/or of nonpartisan yet anonymity-/ extremity-/ disinhibition-related online behaviors regarding political conversations. Further, this study proposes a new definition of ‘selective exposure,’ with special attention to online efficacy and psychological motivations/gratifications sought in the online sphere.

Keywords: selective exposure, fear of isolation, political psychology, online discourse

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Authors: Simegn Alemayehu Ayele

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Abstract: On November 4, 2020, the Ethiopian government launched a military operation against the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in Ethiopia's Tigray Province, sparking the beginning of the Tigray War. This study focuses on the most recent Tigray War as it explores the effects of the civil war on Ethiopia's import and export activity. This study examines the consequences of violence on Ethiopia's trade relations, including its trading partners, export volume, and import requirements, using a combination of qualitative and quantitative data. The research outcome showed that Ethiopia's trade activities have suffered significantly as a result of the Tigray conflict, with both imports and exports declining. Particularly, the violence has hampered logistics and transportation networks, which has reduced the number of products exported and imported. Furthermore, the conflict has weakened Ethiopia's trading relationships and reduced demand for Ethiopian commodities. The survey also reveals that some of Ethiopia's major trade routes have been closed as a result of the conflict, severely restricting trade activities. These findings underline the necessity for political stability and conflict resolution procedures to support the nation's import and export activity by indicating that civil war has substantial repercussions for Ethiopia's economic development and trade activities.

Keywords: import demands, logistic networks, trade partiners, trade relatinships

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Authors: Chan Eang Teng, Tang Mui Joo

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With the viral factor on social media, the sense of persuasion is generated by repetition and popularity. When users’ interest is captured, political awareness increases to spark political enthusiasm, but, the level of user’s political participation and political attitude of those active users is still questionable. An online survey on 250 youth and in-depth interview on two politicians are conducted to answer the main question in this paper. The result shows that Facebook significantly increases political awareness among youths. Social media may not be the major trigger to political activism among youths as most respondents opined that they would still vote without Facebook. Other factors could be political campaigning, political climate, age, peer pressure or others. Finding also shows that majority of respondents did not participate in online political debates or political groups. Many also wondered if the social media was the main power switch that triggers the political influx among young voters. The research finding is significant to understand how the new media, Facebook, has reshaped the political landscape in Malaysia, creating the Social Media Election that changed the rules of the political game. However, research finding does not support the ideal notion that the social media is the major trigger to youth’s political activism. This research outcome has exposed the flaws of the Social Media Election. It has revealed the less optimistic side of youth political activism. Unfortunately, results fall short of the idealistic belief that the social media have given rise to political activism among youths in the 13^th General Election in Malaysia. The research outcome also highlights an important lesson for the democratic discourse of Malaysia which is making informed and educated decisions takes more commitment, proactive and objective attitude.

Keywords: social media, political participation, political activism, democracy, political communication

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Authors: Mehar Pruthi, Manjula V.

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For the longest time, Indian households have been hosts to a variety of domestic evils such as intimate partner violence, physical abuse, sexual assaults, and more commonly gender-based violence. The prevalence of such heinous acts against women is often swept under the carpet of patriarchy and leaves women scarred. Many times, these wounds are caused by more insidious and subtle acts of violence. For this study, the choice of term for these acts is Emotional Abuse. The ill effects of emotional abuse on the victim’s sense of self and psychological health have been widely established. The current study takes a qualitative approach to explore women’s experiences at the brunt of emotional abuse. To this end, six participants (N=6) were identified using purposive and snowball sampling which was followed by a pre-screening form to assess for the presence of emotional abuse. A semi-structured interview guide was employed to investigate the victim’s perception of emotional abuse, the manifestation of emotional abuse in a patriarchal society, and the reasons women remain in abusive relationships. Each interview lasted about 50-60 mins and was accompanied by extensive note-making. A preliminary analysis of the interviews was done using the Interpretative Phenomenological Approach. Initial findings reveal the emergence of themes such as feelings of loneliness, intergenerational transmission of violence, denial, justifying the partner’s behavior, staying because of children, hoping things would change, and faith in God. The study is instrumental in conceptualizing the patterns of emotional abuse keeping in mind the patriarchal context of the Indian society. It has implications for professionals in the mental health field who work with this population so they can better understand their plight. Future research could focus on rebuilding relationships for those partners who decide to sustain such relationships and focus on various coping mechanisms with special emphasis on religious beliefs.

Keywords: emotional abuse, gender-based violence, intimate partner violence, marriage, patriarchy

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Authors: Jingsong Ma

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In political translation, ideology plays an important role in conveying implications accurately. Ideological collisions can occur in political translation when there existdifferences of political environments embedded in the translingual political texts in both source and target languages. To reach an accurate translationrequires the translatorto understand the ideologies implied in (and often transcending) the texts. This paper explores the conditions, procedure, and purpose of processingideological collision and resolution of such issues in political translation. These points will be elucidated by case studies of translating English and Chinese political texts. First, there are specific political terminologies in certain political environments. These terminological peculiarities in one language are often determined by ideological elements rather than by syntactical and semantical understanding. The translation of these ideological-loaded terminologiesis a process and operation consisting of understanding the ideological context, including cultural, historical, and political situations. This will be explained with characteristic Chinese political terminologies and their renderings in English. Second, when the ideology in the source language fails to match with the ideology in the target language, the decisions to highlight or disregard these conflicts are shaped by power relations, political engagement, social context, etc. It thus is necessary to go beyond linguisticanalysis of the context by deciphering ideology in political documents to provide a faithful or equivalent rendering of certain messages. Finally, one of the practical issues is about equivalence in political translation by redefining the notion of faithfulness and retainment of ideological messages in the source language in translations of political texts. To avoid distortion, the translator should be liberated from grip the literal meaning, instead diving into functional meanings of the text.

Keywords: translation, ideology, politics, society

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Authors: Charlene Petersen, Herman Grobler, Karel Botha

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Restorative intervention with adolescents from a family violence context is a much needed resource given the limited access to mental health services in South Africa. In this research article the qualitative component which formed part of a mixed methods design of an overall research study, is discussed. A qualitative case study design was used. This article explores a psycho-education strategy, using a visual creative medium as a method for reconstructing identity in the context of family violence. The aim of this psycho-education strategy was to move away from interventions based on the biomedical model, but focused more on meaning-making about violent traumatic events adolescents have experienced, and to develop more positive, adaptive views about themselves in the present, and experience hope about the future. The research question that was asked was how the meaning, that adolescents from a specific community in South Africa give to family violence, contribute to defining their identity? Twelve participants were purposively selected for the study and included both male and female adolescents with ages ranging from 15 to 18 years from three secondary schools. The strategy was applied over five sessions with the intention to bring about awareness of different selves, identifying and naming the selves, and becoming aware of the configuration of identity that could lead to a redefined identity. The data were thematically and visually analyzed. Through the process of tailoring which forms the basis for reconstruction process, participants could identify the different selves, become aware of how they configure in the field. Through the process of tailoring the different self-parts, the sense of self became more self-cohesive and allowed the individual to become aware of the role of certain. Through identifying and naming the future self and resilient self the participants were able to accomplish some order and meaning in their lives. It provided them with a sense of predictability and an optimistic and hopefulness towards the future. The research findings indicated that this strategy can be used as a method for reconstructing identity in the context of family violence.

Keywords: identity, family violence, self-configuration, reconstructing identity, psycho-education strategy

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Authors: Alexandra Serra, Nadia Torrão, Rui G. Serôdio, José A. Lima

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The present study aimed to evaluate the incidence and the prevalence of domestic violence legitimatory beliefs, emotional regulation difficulties and, early maladaptive schemas regarding intimidate partner violence in a sample of 50 Portuguese inmates. As expected, results show high levels of legitimatory beliefs, significant difficulties of emotional regulation and a set of high levels of early maladaptive schemas that clearly compromise the inmates affective-cognitive functioning. The most prevalent set of maladaptive schemas are associated with depression, anxiety, hostility, reduced ability to empathize and, dependence on the approval of others, which, combined, may trigger aggressive responses towards the intimate’s partner. Being victimized in their childhood and having committing murder are not differentiating factors on the measures we analyzed, but alcohol consumption may be associated with an intensification of domestic violence legitimatory beliefs. In the discussion of our findings, we compare the pattern of the psychosocial measures we used with the equivalent results obtained with convicted individuals that attend a community compulsory program, specifically designed for domestic violence perpetrators. We also highlight the importance of implementing specialized interventions in prison settings focusing on an evidence-based-practice.

Keywords: affective-cognitive functioning, intimate partner offenders, psychological research with inmates

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Authors: Kristina F. Wolff

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Background: In the Federal Republic of Germany, violence against women is deeply embedded in society. Germany is, as of March 2020, the most populous member state of the European Union with 83.2 million inhabitants and, although more than half of its inhabitants are women, gender equality was not certified in the Basic Law until 1957. Women have only been allowed to enter paid employment without their husband's consent since 1977 and have marital rape prosecuted only since 1997. While the lack of equality between men and women is named in the preamble of the Istanbul Convention as the cause of gender-specific, structural, traditional violence against women, Germany continues to sink on the latest Gender Equality Index. According to Police Crime Statistics (PCS), women are significantly more often victims of lethal violence, emanating from men than vice versa. The PCS, which, since 2015, also collects gender-specific data on violent crimes, is kept by the Federal Criminal Police Office, but without taking into account the relevant criteria for targeted prevention, such as the history of violence of the perpetrator/killer, weapon, motivation, etc.. Institutions such as EIGE or the World Health Organization have been asking Germany for years in vain for comparable data on violence against women in order to gain an overview or to develop cross-border synergies. The PCS are the only official data collection on violence against women. All players involved are depend on this data set, which is published only in November of the following year and is thus already completely outdated at the time of publication. In order to combat German femicides causally, purposefully and efficiently, evidence-based data was urgently needed. Methodology: Beginning in January 2019, a database was set up that now tracks more than 600 German femicides, broken down by more than 100 crime-related individual criteria, which in turn go far beyond the official PCS. These data are evaluated on the one hand by daily media research, and on the other hand by case-specific inquiries at the respective public prosecutor's offices and courts nationwide. This quantitative long-term study covers domestic violence as well as a variety of different types of gender-specific, lethal violence, including, for example, femicides committed by German citizens abroad. Additionallyalcohol/ narcotic and/or drug abuse, infanticides and the gender aspect in the judiciary are also considered. Results: Since November 2020, evidence-based data from a scientific survey have been available for the first time in Germany, supplementing the rudimentary picture of reality provided by PCS with a number of relevant parameters. The most important goal of the study is to identify "red flags" that enable general preventive awareness, that serve increasingly precise hazard assessment in acute hazard situations, and from which concrete instructions for action can be identified. Already at a very early stage of the study it could be proven that in more than half of all femicides with a sexual perpetrator/victim constellation there was an age difference of five years or more. Summary: Without reliable data and an understanding of the nature and extent, cause and effect, it is impossible to sustainably curb violence against girls and women, which increasingly often culminates in femicide. In Germany, valid data from a scientific survey has been available for the first time since November 2020, supplementing the rudimentary reality picture of the official and, to date, sole crime statistics with several relevant parameters. The basic research provides insights into geo-concentration, monthly peaks and the modus operandi of male violent excesses. A significant increase of child homicides in the course of femicides and/or child homicides as an instrument of violence against the mother could be proven as well as a danger of affected persons due to an age difference of five years and more. In view of the steadily increasing wave of violence against women, these study results are an eminent contribution to the preventive containment of German femicides.

Keywords: femicide, violence against women, gender specific data, rule Of law, Istanbul convention, gender equality, gender based violence

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Authors: Sara Malik, Andreea. S. Calude, Joseph Ulatowski

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This paper explores how speakers from New Zealand and Pakistan with breast cancer use violence metaphors to communicate the intensity of their experiences during various stages of illness. With the theoretical foundation in Conceptual Metaphor Theory and the use of Metaphor Identification Procedure for metaphor analysis, this study investigates how speakers with breast cancer use violence metaphors in different cultural contexts. it collected a corpus of forty-six personal narratives from New Zealand and thirty-six from Pakistan, posted between 2011 and 2023 on YouTube by breast cancer organisations, such as ‘NZ Breast Cancer Foundation’ and ‘Pink Ribbon Pakistan’. The data was transcribed using the Whisper AI tool and then curated to include only patients’ discourse, further organised into eight narrative topics: testing phase, treatment phase, remission phase, family support, campaigns and awareness efforts, government support and funding, general information and religious discourse. In this talk, it discuss two aspects of the use of violence metaphors, a) differences in the use of violence metaphors across various narrative topics, and b) lexical variations in the choice of such metaphors. The findings suggest that violence metaphors were used differently across various stages of illness experience. For instance, during the ‘testing phase,’ violence metaphors were employed to convey a sense of punishment as reflected in statements like, ‘Feeling like it was a death sentence, an immediate death sentence’ (NZ Example) and ‘Jese hi aap ko na breast cancer ka pata chalta hai logon ko yeh hona shuru ho jata hai ke oh bas ab to moat ka parwana mil gaya hai’ (Because as soon as you find out you have breast cancer people start to feel that you have received a death warrant) (PK Example). On the other hand, violence metaphor during the ‘treatment phase’ highlighted negative experiences related to chemotherapy as seen in statements like ‘The first lot of chemo I had was disastrous’ (NZ Example) and ‘...chemotherapy ke to, it's the worst of all, it's like a healing poison’ (chemotherapy, it's the worst of all, it's like a healing poison) (PK Example). Second, lexical variations revealed how ‘sunburn’ (a common phenomenon in the NZ) was used as a metaphor to describe the effects of radiotherapy, whereas in the discourse from Pakistan, a more general term, 'burn,' was used instead. In this talk, we will explore the possible reasons behind the different word choices made by speakers from both countries to describe the same process. This study contributes to understanding the use of violence metaphors across various narrative topics of the illness experience and explains how and why speakers from two different countries use lexical variations to describe the same process.

Keywords: metaphors, breast cancer discourse, cognitive linguistics, lexical variations, New zealand english, pakistani urdu

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Authors: Paiboon Chuwatthanakij

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Each of the countries around the world has different ways of management and many of them depend on people to administrate their country. Thailand, for example, empowers the sovereignty of Thai people under constitution; however, our Thai voting system is not able to flow fast enough under the current Political management system. The sovereignty of Thai people is addressing this problem through representatives during current elections, in order to set a new policy for the countries ideology to change in the House and the Cabinet. This is particularly important in a democracy to be developed under our current political institution. The Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 is the establishment we have today that is causing confrontations within the establishment. There are many political parties that will soon be abolished. Many political parties have already been subsidized. This research study is to analyze the legal problems with the political party establishment under the Organic Act on Political Parties 2007. This will focus on the freedom of each political establishment compared to an effective political operation. Textbooks and academic papers will be referenced from studies home and abroad. The study revealed that Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 has strict provisions on the political structure over the number of members and the number of branches involved within political parties system. Such operations shall be completed within one year; but under the existing laws the small parties are not able to participate with the bigger parties. The cities are capable of fulfilling small political party requirements but fail to become coalesced because the current laws won't allow them to be united as one. It is important to allow all independent political parties to join our current political structure. Board members can’t help the smaller parties to become a large organization under the existing Thai laws. Creating a new establishment that functions efficiently throughout all branches would be one solution to these legal problems between all political parties. With this new operation, individual political parties can participate with the bigger parties during elections. Until current political institutions change their system to accommodate public opinion, these current Thai laws will continue to be a problem with all political parties in Thailand.

Keywords: coalesced, political party, sovereignty, elections

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Authors: Mohammad Hossein Badamchi

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As Leo Strauss demonstrates in his works, Political Philosophy in the western tradition is an epistemic-naturalistic tradition insofar Hanna Arendt mentioning the deep conflict between philosophy and politics, opposed to be named “political philosopher” prefer the title “political thinker” for herself. In fact, the Western political philosophy’s tendency to derive politics from natural law and epistemic argumentations makes a paradox between the actual “the political” and the theoretical “natural politics” in the western tradition. In this paper, we want to show that Hanna Arendt, in her exploration to find a new realm of the non-naturalistic way of thinking about the political is walking on a completely different tradition of political philosophy which was first established by Al-Farabi, the founder of Islamic political philosophy around thousand years after Greek Philosophy. Despite Aristotelian Polis which is a Natural community based on true natural rationality to reach the natural purposes of mankind, Al-Farabi’s Madine (his reconstructed concept of Aristotelian Polis) is completely constructed against natural cities, which are formulated by necessity logic of natural arguments and natural deception of humanity. In fact, Farabi considers the natural understanding of politics as Ignorant ideologies used by governments to suppress people. Madine in Farabi’s work is not a natural institution but is a collaborative constitution founded by citizens. So despite Aristotelian thinking, here we don’t have just A Polis that is the one true polis, but we have various multiple Madines among one, is virtuous not by definition but by real action of citizens and civil relations. Al-Farabi’s political philosophy is not a Naturalistic-epistemic Political Philosophy but is a Phronetic Political Philosophy which Hanna Arendt wants to establish outside of western contemplative anti-active political philosophy tradition.

Keywords: al-farabi, hanna arendt, natural politics, the political, political philosophy

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Authors: A. F. Chikerema

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Political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalization” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power (Van Wyk:2007: p1). Political parties just like any other organizations always need leadership renewal and revamping, besides ideological and policy renewal. Zimbabwean politics present a shunned leadership renewal as reflected by the two champion political parties namely ZANU PF and MDC-T. Despite hot political power contestation between MDC and ZANUPF, the parties` internal structures are hinged on the two Godfather or Father figure that is Mugabe and Tsvangirai. They are the “labels “behind the two political parties. The suppressing of dissent voice on succession and renewal of leadership in the two parties has brew resistance from within and this has resulted in factional fights within the two political parties. The disgruntlement in the political parties has led to the stemming of the ‘bhoramusango concept’ from the electorate and party cadres whereby they are throwing or donating away their votes to other political parties. The ‘bhoramusango’ concept haunted ZANUPF in 2008 leading to its defeat by the opposition MDC-T .The paper takes the form of an analytic approach on leadership crisis in Zimbabwe. The narrative is framed on key concepts of leadership: namely leadership renewal and leadership succession, as agents operating within inherited structures negotiated political settlements, and form structures of leadership. Rulers gave priority to the consolidation of state power by installing party loyalists in the armed forces, civil service and local government. As part of this process, rulers have ensured consolidated power and authority.

Keywords: leadership renewal, leadership succession, ‘Bhora Musango’, political culture, political legitimacy

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Authors: Kirill Neverov

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In the paper is considered issues of civic participation in context of changing political landscape of Argentina. Last two years, this South American country faced a drastic change of political course. Pro-peronist, left-oriented administration of Christina Fernandez de Kirchner were replaced by right of center Mauricio Macri's one. The study is focused on inclusive policy in conditions of political transformations. We use network analysis to figure out which actors are involved in participation and to describe connections between them. As a resuflt, we plan to receive map of transactions which form inclusive policy in Argentina.

Keywords: civic participation, Argentina, political transformation, network analysis

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Authors: Zeynep Turhan

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Digital tools can improve knowledge and awareness of strategies and skills for healthy and respectful intimate relationships. The website of the Healthy and Respectful Relationship Program has been developed and included five key videos about how to build healthy intimate relationships. This study examined the perspectives about informative videos by focusing on how individuals learn new information or challenge their preconceptions or attitudes regarding male privilege and women's oppression. Five individuals who received no-contact orders and attended group intervention were the sample of this study. The observation notes were the major methodology examining how participants responded to video tools. The data analysis method was the interpretative phenomenological analysis. The results showed that many participants found the tools useful in learning the types of violence and communication strategies. Nevertheless, obstacles to implementing some techniques were found in their relationships. These digital tools might enhance healthy and respectful relationships despite some limitations.

Keywords: healthy relationship, digital tools, intimate partner violence, perpetrators, video interventions

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Authors: Gebreselassie Sebhatleab

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According to the Global Peace Index report (GPI, 2023), global peacefulness has deteriorated by more than 0.42%. Old and new conflicts, COVID-19, and political and cultural polarization are the main drivers of conflicts in the world. The 2022 was the deadliest year for armed conflict in the history of the GPI. In Ethiopia, over half a million people died in the Tigray war, which was the largest conflict death event since the 1994 Rwandan genocide. In total, 84 countries recorded an improvement, while 79 countries recorded a deterioration in peacefulness across the globe. The Russia-Ukraine war and its consequences were the main drivers of the deterioration in peacefulness globally. Both Russia and Ukraine are now ranked amongst the ten least peaceful countries, and Ukraine had the largest deterioration of any country in the 2023 GPI. In the same year, the global impact of violence on the economy was 17 percent, which was equivalent to 10.9% of global GDP. Besides, the brutal conflict in Tigray started in November. 2020 claimed more than half a million lives lost and displaced nearly 3 million people, along with widespread human rights violations and sexual violence has left deep damage on the population. The displaced people are still unable to return home because the western, southern and Eastern parts of Tigray are occupied by Eritrean and Amhara forces, despite the Pretoria Agreement. Currently, armed conflicts in Amhara in the Oromya regions are intensified, and human rights violations are being reported in both regions. Meanwhile, protests have been held by war-injured TDF members, IDPs and teachers in the Tigray region. Hence, the general objective of this project is to explore the challenges of peace-building processes in the border woredas of the Eastern Zone of the Tigray Region. Methodologically, the project will employ exploratory qualitative research designs to gather and analyze qualitative data. A purposive sampling technique will be applied to gather pertinent information from the key stakeholders. Open-ended interview questions will be prepared to gather relevant information about the challenges and perceptions of peacebuilding in the study area. Data will be analyzed using qualitative methods such as content analysis, narrative analysis and phenomenological analysis to deeply investigate the challenges of peace-building in the study woredas. Findings of this research project will be employed for program intervention to promote sustainable peace in the study area.

Keywords: peace building, conflcit and violence, political instability, insecurity

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Authors: Liqiang Chen

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This study investigates the effects of political connections on the association between firms’ business strategy and their tax aggressiveness in an emerging economy such as China. By studying all public Chinese firms in the period from 2011 to 2017, we find that firms adopting innovative business strategy are more tax aggressive overall, but innovative firms with political connections are less tax aggressive compared to those without political connections. Moreover, we document several channels through which political connections affect the association between innovative business strategy and tax aggressiveness. In particular, we show that the mitigation effect of political connections on tax aggressiveness is stronger for innovative firms located in areas with a lower marketization index and for innovative firms with a lower leverage level or with less earnings management. Our results are robust to an instrumental variable approach to account for possible endogenous bias. Our study contributes to the understanding of firms’ tax behaviors in an emerging economy setting and suggests that there are costs associated with political connections, such as foregone tax saving opportunities, which are understudied in the prior literature.

Keywords: tax aggressiveness, business strategy, political connections, emerging economy

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Authors: Olha Oleshchuk

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Such companies as Apple, Coca-Cola, Microsoft, Samsung are well-known, but most people do not know about their economic and political influence on society at national and international levels. This ignorance is beneficial for transnational corporations because it reduces the risk of possible resistance of the society and creates favourable conditions for the formation of a new governmental political form. The aim of the research to analyse the opportunity of creating of a new governmental political form. The aim of the research is realized by implementation of such objectives: 1) to consider the possibility of the formation of new political forms of government; 2) to determine the influence of TNCs on the state, which is necessary for a mature, aware citizen; 3) to learn the roles of TNCs, which provide the awareness in the spheres of the world politics, economics, and everyday life. The relevance of the research is confirmed by the fact that new political forms of government are poorly studied.

Keywords: objective factors of losing leading position by state, transnational corporations, TNCs' economic influence, TNCs' political influence

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Authors: Eiman Alqattan

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Kuwaiti criminal justice system’s responses to allegations of sexual violence against women during the pre-trial process, suggesting that the system in Kuwait is affected by an ethos that is male dominated and patriarchal, and which results in prejudicial, unfair, and unequal treatment of female victims of serious sexual offenses. Data derived from qualitative semi-structured face-to-face interviews with four main groups of criminal justice system personnel in Kuwait (prosecutors, police investigators, police officers, and investigators) reveal the characteristics of a complaint of sexual violence that contribute to cases being either sent to court or dismissed. This proposed paper will suggest that Arab cultural views of women appear to influence and even shape the views, perceptions, and conduct of the interviewed Kuwaiti criminal justice system personnel regarding complaints of sexual violence made by citizens. Data from the interviews show how the image of the ‘modest woman’ that exists within Arabic cultural views and norms greatly contributes to shaping the characteristics of what the majority of the interviewed officials considered to be a ‘credible’ allegation of sexual violence. In addition, it is clear that the interviewees’ definitions of ‘modesty’ varied. Yet the problem is not only about the stereotypical perceptions of complainants or the consequences of those perceptions on the decision to send the case to court. These perceptions also affected the behaviours of criminal justice system personnel towards citizen complainants. When complainants’ allegations were questioned, investigators went as far as abusing the women verbally or physically, often in order to force them to withdraw the so-called ‘false’ complaint in order to protect the ‘real’ victim: the ‘innocent defendant’. The proposed presentation will discuss these police approaches to women and the techniques used in assessing the credibility of their accusations, including how they differ depending on whether the complainant was under or over 21 years old.

Keywords: criminal justice system, law and Arab culture, modest woman, sexual violence

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Authors: Ndje Ndje Mireille

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For some years in Cameroon, there has been an increase in violence in schools. This violence has gone from verbal to physical, sometimes going as far as murder. At the centre of this violence, we find the student who is a teenager in the midst of both physical and psychological changes. The unpredictable transformations of his body, the unexpected emotions arrouse when he encouters someonelse, intrusion, shortcomings, boredom, loneliness and self-deception are the threats to which the teenager faces daily. From the psychopathological point of view, the greatest threat in adolesence is probably the depresive threat. During adolescence and for several resons, the subject is confronted with the self image. He displays certantity which sometimes hides great uncertaintity about what leads him to manifest some particular behaviours or undertake certain actions. Faced with aggressiveness twards those he confronts, he feels more or less guilt. This can lead a certain number of adolescents to feel heplessness faced to their vis-à-vis, faced to life. This helplessness is sometimes reinforced by the social, cultural and economic context in which they are. The teeneger then feels threatens by this depression which, when it reaches its extreme, it is manifested by the feeling that he can no longer do anything. Generally, the depressive threats manifest itself in defensive forms vis-à-vis with the depression itself. Reason why, it is indeed a threat and not a threshold already crossed. This threat often manifests itself in inappropriate forms of attack on one’s own body as seen in a number of repetitive risky behaviours. We also see teenegers confront peers and even adults through physical attacks and often go as far as murder. All these behaviours appears as an absurd way of attacking and at the same time confronting the feeling of remaining alive. This depressive threats can also be expressed in forms of attacks on an individual’s thinking abilities or more explicitely in the form of accademic downfall. The depressive threats does not sum up all the problems of adolescence, but, undoubtly represents currently, one of the deepest form of unease adolescents face.

Keywords: violence, school, depression threats, adolescent, behavior

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Authors: Naghmeh Sadat Nabavi

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Women´s role in political participation, despite its limitations, is undoubtedly the most essential and effective part of Iran. In all political events throughout Iran's history, women have been pioneers, although they have been limited from getting political positions, even in the parliament. In recent years, movements and protests have been formed by Iranian women to respect natural human rights, especially for women. These movements are accompanied and sometimes guided by female celebrities, the most important of which are actresses. In 2017, this cooperation reached its highest level compared to the past, and the political participation of actresses in support of Hassan Rouhani in the presidential elections brought people who were hesitant to vote to the polls. This type of participation of actresses is seen in the recent protest of #Woman_Life_Freedom in 2022 and 2023 that still continues.

Keywords: political participation, presidential election, actresses, celebrities, social media, women, Iran

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Authors: Anna Jagielska

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Five years ago, the word ‘gender’ was discussed in Poland exclusively in academic contexts. One year later, it was chosen as the word of the year and omnipresent in the Polish media. The rapid career of this word is due to the involvement of the Polish church hierarchy who strategically brought this term into relation with abortion, pornography and paedophilia. ‘Gender’ is more than a political slogan. It is a symbol of social anxiety and moral panic in Poland which need to be historically considered. The aim of this paper is to present selected rhetorical strategies used by the Polish Catholic clergy who strive to have an impact on the current gender discourse in Poland. In particular, the gender debate, culminated in the pastoral letter of the Bishops' Conference of Poland, will be discussed. The church’s protest against the Council of Europe’s Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence will be analyzed and the recent heated debates in Poland on contraception, abortion, in vitro fertilization, and sex education will be mentioned. To provide explanations on the specificity of Polish gender debates the role of the Catholic Church in the fall of communism in Poland as well as the charismatisation of Polish society by Pope John Paul II will be explained. The social constructions of communism and feminism which are manifested in both written and symbolic contracts on gender equality between the Church and the State will be demonstrated. At the end of the paper, theories about the changing role of religion in society will be applied.

Keywords: gender, Poland, religion, catholicism, feminism

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Authors: Marzieh Nojomi, Azadeh Mottaghi, Arghavan Haj-Sheykholeslami, Narjes Khalili, Arash Tehrani Banihashemi

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Background and objectives: Domestic violence is a global problem with severe consequences throughout the life of the victims. Iran’s Ministry of Health has launched an intimate partner violence (IPV) prevention program, integrated in the primary health care services since 2016. The present study is a part of this national program’s evaluation. In this section, we aimed to examine spousal abuse victims’ knowledge and attitude towards domestic violence before and after receivingthese services. Methods: To assess the knowledge and attitudes of victims, a questionnaire designed by Ahmadzadand colleagues in 2013 was used. This questionnaire includes 15 questions regarding knowledge in the fields of definition, epidemiology, and effects on children, outcomes, and prevention of domestic violence. To assess the attitudes, this questionnaire has 10 questions regarding the attitudes toward the causes, effects, and legal or protective support services of domestic violence. To assess the satisfaction and the effect of the program on prevention or reduction of spousal violence episodes, two more questions were also added. Since domestic violence prevalence differs in different parts of the country, we chose nine areas with the highest, the lowest, and moderate prevalence of IPVfor the study. The link to final electronic version of the questionnaire was sent to the randomly selected public rural or urban health centers in the nine chosen areas. Since the study had to be completed in one month, we used newly identified victims as pre-intervention group and people who had at least received one related service from the program (like psychiatric consultation, education about safety measures, supporting organizations and etc.) during the previous year, as our post- intervention group. Results: A hundred and ninety-two newly identified IPV victims and 267 victims who had at least received one related program service during the previous year entered the study. All of the victims were female. Basic characteristics of the two groups, including age, education, occupation, addiction, spouses’ age, spouses’ addiction, duration of the current marriage, and number of children, were not statistically different. In knowledge questions, post- intervention group had statistically better scores in the fields of domestic violence outcomes and its effects on children; however, in the remaining areas, the scores of both groups were similar. The only significant difference in the attitude across the two groups was in the field of legal or protective support services. From the 267 women who had ever received a service from the program, 91.8% were satisfied with the services, and 74% reported a decrease in the number of violent episodes. Conclusion: National IPV prevention program integrated in the primary health care services in Iran is effective in improving the knowledge of victims about domestic violence outcomes and its effects on children. Improving the attitude and knowledge of domestic violence victims about its causes and preventive measures needs more effective interventions. This program can reduce the number of IPV episodes between the spouses, and satisfaction among the service users is high.

Keywords: intimate partner violence, assessment, health services, efficacy

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Authors: Anne T. Herr, Clemens Lorei

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Employees of organizations with security tasks, such as emergency services, public order services, or police forces, work every day to ensure people's safety. Violence against police is, therefore, a relevant topic both socially and politically. An increase in violence is often discussed without there being any verifiable and generally valid data. So far, scientific research has mainly focused on offender characteristics and crime statistics. These surveys are mostly subjective, retrospective, and neglect the dynamics and interactions in concrete violent situations. Therefore, more recent research methods attempt to capture the issue of violence against emergency forces more comprehensively. However, the operationalization of the constructs and the methodological approach pose particular challenges. This contribution provides an overview of new perspectives on the understanding of violent assaults and identifies current research gaps. In addition, a new research project of the Hessian University of Police and Administration in Germany is presented. In the 'AMBOSafe' study, different theoretical backgrounds for understanding violence against police and emergency services personnel will be combined in order to capture as many different perspectives of violent assaults as possible in a multimodal research approach. In a retrospective as well as in a longitudinal survey, the conditions of escalation dynamics in the assaults are recorded and supplemented by the current and valid prevalence of physical and verbal assaults in a period of four months. In addition, qualitative interviews with those affected will be used to record more detailed descriptions of and the feelings during the assaults, as well as possible causes and connections between the different groups of people. In addition to the reports of the police forces, the motives of the attackers will be collected and supplemented by analyzing the criminal case files. This knowledge can contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of violent assaults against police forces in order to be able to derive scientifically based preventive measures.

Keywords: assaults, crime statistics, escalation dynamics, police

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Authors: Hefin Gwilym

Abstract:

This paper will explore the political biographies of social workers in a neoliberal era. The findings are based on a research project for a successfully completed professional doctorate in social work. The methodology deployed for the research is a combination of constructivist grounded theory and biographical inquiry. The paper will present findings from 14 biographical interviews and will focus on one case study of a participant whose life story is richly informed by political social work. The 14 participants reflect different genders, ethnic identities, cultural and linguistic identities, age and length of social work careers. The participants also reflect different forms of political engagement, such as, as political activists and members of political parties, including parliamentarians. The findings demonstrate how deeply ingrained the social work identity is amongst the participants and how their political identity has remained strongly social democratic in nature despite the many changes in the social work profession since the rise of neoliberalism as a thought collective and policy package. The individual case study will explore the early roots of political identity in the childhood and nurturing years and the interface with subsequent social work and political careers. It will also explore the evolution of the participant’s political identity in the social work career. The case study will also present findings on how the participant has contributed to the political field with policy involvement and initiatives. The presentation will conclude with a discussion on how this particular group of social workers can best contribute to the future direction of the social work profession.

Keywords: political social work, political biographies, neoliberal, grounded theory

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