Search results for: national politics

Authors: Kelsi Matwick, Keri Matwick

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This presentation focuses on national campaigns as a government tactic of social behavior and order. Focusing on one of Singapore’s first national campaigns, Keep Singapore Clean (1968), particularly its iterations of public hygiene in recent years: Keep the Toilets Clean (2012-2019) and UnLittering with Mary Chongo (2019), the study examines how humor and the use of multimodality reflect contemporary practices in political practice. A critical social semiotic analysis involving the textual (linguistic and visual design) and material (print cartoons and videos) is undertaken to show how these messages are communicated. Incongruity and parody are humorous mechanisms used to project the government as likeable, effectively capture the public attention, and instill individual responsibility for the greater community. In focusing on public hygiene national campaigns, the study further illustrates how humor offers a polite way to address crude behavior while providing models of exemplary behavior.

Keywords: communication strategies, critical social semiotics, humor, national campaigns

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Authors: Adadu Yahaya, Abdullahi Erunke Canice

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The study sets out to examine the interface that tends to exist in the relationship between gender policy and Nigeria’s socio-economic development. Despite Nigeria’s ratification of virtually all international instruments on the protection and promotion of gender rights and equality, it appears that the practice is honored in the breach than in observance; hence, these policies have not been adequately domesticated and implemented. The implication of this is that the women folks have generally been isolated from mainstream politics and their political rights and privileges truncated in the scheme of things. The paper observes that gender inequality and marginalization in Nigeria has practically occasioned the unwholesome subjugation of Nigerian women to the background, hence poses more critical questions and challenges to the national question. The consequence of this, to this paper, is that Nigeria’s development process will be adversely affected if this trend is not checked. The paper sums up with appropriate policy options which are believed to have the potentials of giving women the right pride of place in the socio-economic and political dynamics in the 21st century Nigeria and beyond.

Keywords: development, equality, gender, policy

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Authors: Oscar Javier Montiel Mendez

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The link between knowledge-creativity-innovation-entrepreneurship is well established, and broadly emphasized the importance of national innovation systems (NIS) as an approach stresses that the flow of information and technology among people, organizations and institutions are key to its process. Understanding the linkages among the actors involved in innovation is relevant to NIS. Creativity is supposed to fuel NIS, mainly focusing on a personal, group or organizational level, leaving aside the fourth one, as a national system. It is suggested that NIS takes Creativity for granted, an ex-ante stage already solved through some mechanisms, like programs for nurturing it at elementary and secondary schools, universities, or public/organizational specific programs. Or worse, that the individual already has this competence, and that the elements of the NIS will communicate between in a way that will lead to the creation of S curves, with an impact on national systems/programs on entrepreneurship, clusters, and the economy. But creativity constantly appears at any time during NIS, being the key input. Under an initial, exploratory, focused and refined literature review, based on Csikszentmihalyi’s systemic model, Amabile's componential theory, Kaufman and Beghetto’s 4C model, and the OECD’s (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) NIS model (expanded), an NCS theoretical model is elaborated. Its suggested that its implementation could become a significant factor helping strengthen local, regional and national economies. The results also suggest that the establishment of a national creativity system (NCS), something that appears not been previously addressed, as a strategic/vital companion for a NIS, installing it not only as a national education strategy, but as its foundation, managing it and measuring its impact on NIS, entrepreneurship and the rest of the ecosystem, could make more effective public policies. Likewise, it should have a beneficial impact on the efforts of all the stakeholders involved and should help prevent some of the possible failures that NIS present.

Keywords: national creativity system, national innovation system, entrepreneurship ecosystem, systemic creativity

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Authors: Aparajita Santra

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In the context of the government's vision of turning Delhi into a green, privatized and slum free city, giving it a world-class image at par with the global cities of the world, this paper investigates into the various processes and politics of things that went behind defining spaces in the city and attributing an aesthetic image to it. The paper will explore two cases that were forged primarily through the forces of one particular type of power relation. One would be to look at the modernist movement adopted by the Nehruvian government post-independence and the next case will look at special periods like Emergency and Commonwealth games. The study of these cases will help understand the ambivalence embedded in the different rationales of the Government and different powerful agencies adopted in order to build world-classness. Through the study, it will be easier to discern how city spaces were reconfigured in the name of 'good governance'. In this process, it also became important to analyze the double nature of law, both as a protector of people’s rights and as a threat to people. What was interesting to note through the study was that in the process of nation building and creating an image for the city, the government’s policies and programs were mostly aimed at the richer sections of the society and the poorer sections and people from lower income groups kept getting marginalized, subdued, and pushed further away (These marginalized people were pushed away even geographically!). The reconfiguration of city space and attributing an aesthetic character to it, led to an alteration not only in the way in which citizens perceived and engaged with these spaces, but also brought about changes in the way they envisioned their place in the city. Ironically, it was found that every attempt to build any kind of facility for the city’s elite in turn led to an inevitable removal of the marginalized sections of the society as a necessary step to achieve a clean, green and world-class city. The paper questions the claim made by the government for creating a just, equitable city and granting rights to all. An argument is put forth that in the politics of redistribution of space, the city that has been designed is meant for the aspirational middle-class and elite only, who are ideally primed to live in world-class cities. Thus, the aim is to study city spaces, urban form, the associated politics and power plays involved within and understand whether segmented cities are being built in the name of creating sensible, inclusive cities.

Keywords: aesthetics, ambivalence, governmentality, power, World-class

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Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

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This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018 and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. The paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center (AKM) as a place of memory and space of politics from the establishment of the Turkish Republic (1923) until today. After the establishment of the Turkish Republic, one of the most important implementations in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of the Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to the 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the Republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists, and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed, it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while the Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period AKM was a representation of the cultural production of modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from the Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice, and Development Party, and the construction of the Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of the proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The paper narrates the existence and demolishment of the Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, Atatürk Cultural Center, Taksim square, collective memory

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Authors: Joy Aworo-Okoroh

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Politics is about trust and trust is challenged by the speaker’s ability to manipulate language before the electorate. Critical discourse analysis investigates the role of language in constructing social relationships between a political speaker and his audience. This paper explores the linguistic choices made by President Muhammad Buhari that enshrines his ideologies as well as the socio-political relations of power between him and Nigerians in his speeches. Two speeches of President Buhari –inaugural and Independence Day speeches are analyzed using Norman Fairclough’s perspective on Halliday’s Systemic functional grammar. The analysis is at two levels. The first level of analysis is the identification of transitivity and modality choices in the speeches and how they reveal the covert ideologies. The second analysis is premised on Normal Fairclough’s model, the clauses are analyzed to identify elements of power, hesistation, persuasion, threat and religious statement. It was discovered that Buhari is a dominant character who manipulates the material processes a lot.

Keywords: politics, critical discourse analysis, Norman Fairclough, systemic functional grammar

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Authors: James Beringer

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Switzerland’s ability to forge a strong national identity across linguistic barriers has long been of interest to nationalism scholars. This begs the question of how this has been achieved, given that traditional explanations of luck or exceptionalism appear highly reductionist. This paper evaluates the theory that successful Swiss management of linguistic diversity stems from the strong integration of multilingualism into Swiss national identity. Using archival analysis of Swiss government records, historical accounts of prominent Swiss citizens, as well as secondary literature concerning the fundamental aspects of Swiss national identity, this paper charts the historical evolution of Swiss national identity. It explains how multilingualism was deliberately and successfully integrated into Swiss national identity as a response to political fragmentation along linguistic lines during the First World War. Its primary conclusions are the following. Firstly, the earliest foundations of Swiss national identity were purposefully removed from any association with a single national language. This produced symbols, myths, and values -such as a strong commitment to communalism, the imagery of the Swiss natural landscape, and the use of Latin expressions, which can be adopted across Swiss linguistic groups. Secondly, the First World War triggered a turning point in the evolution of Swiss national identity. The fundamental building blocks proved insufficient in preventing political fractures amongst linguistic lines, as each Swiss linguistic group gravitated towards its linguistic neighbours within Europe. To avoid a repeat of such fragmentation, a deliberate effort was made to fully integrate multilingualism as a fundamental aspect of Swiss national identity. Existing natural symbols, such as the St Gotthard Mountains, were recontextualized in order to become associated with multilingualism. The education system was similarly reformed to reflect the unique multilingual nature of the Swiss nation. The successful result of this process can be readily observed in polls and surveys, with large segments of the Swiss population highlighting multilingualism as a uniquely Swiss characteristic, indicating the symbiotic connection between multilingualism and the Swiss nation.

Keywords: language's role in identity formation, multilingualism in nationalism, national identity formation, Swiss national identity history

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Authors: Autumn Tooms Cypres

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Throughout the 2016 presidential campaign, Republican nominee Donald Trump, capitalizing on his reputation for blunt and brash comments, created a political brand based on unedited statements and sweeping promises. While he vowed to 'Make America Great Again,' for many, the candidate’s discourse invoked legacies of marginalization and exclusion. As a result, this discussion focuses on Trump’s anti-immigration discourse (one of the primary foci of his campaign platform) and its influence across educational settings. The purpose of this effort is to demonstrate the power of political discourses relative to educational settings and to discuss the resulting everyday leadership challenges and opportunities. Discourse analysis frameworks are used to unpack the socio-political implications of the presidential campaign. In particular, they examine a serious of emails that a university administrator received post-election. The discussion concludes that leaders in education have a critical role to maintaining democratic institutions and ensuring inclusivity and belonging for all educational stakeholders.

Keywords: educational managment, politics, immigration, discourse

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Authors: Mauly Budiyanti, Aisyah M. Anggiana

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Terrorism is a threat to national security since the war on terror era after the tragedy of 9/11. The shifting of national threat from military to non-military centric leads us to recognize that military action is not the only way to face and solve terrorism. Alongside the use of military action to counter terrorism, Indonesia has another way to counter it by using the role of social media. The role of social media on spreading positivity to counter terrorism has the power to show that people now are fearless toward terrorist attack because their goal is to make sure that people are threatened enough by the way they act. This is showing the emergence of the non-state actor has a big impact on national security, as well as pluralism, said about the involving of non-state actor on international events. In this paper, we will examine the role of social media in countering terrorism based on study case in Indonesia.

Keywords: Indonesia, national security, social media, terrorism.

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Authors: Shazia Anwer

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The current TV Talk Shows, especially on domestic politics in Pakistan are following the Aristotelian techniques, including deductive reasoning, three modes of persuasion, and guidelines for communication. The application of “Approximate Truth is also seen when Talk Show presenters create doubts against political personalities or national issues. Mainstream media of Pakistan, being a key carrier of narrative construction for the sake of the primary function of national consensus on regional and extended public diplomacy, is failing the purpose. This paper has highlighted the Aristotelian communication methodology, its purposes and its limitations for a serious discussion, and its connection to the mistrust among the Pakistani population regarding fake or embedded, funded Information. Data has been collected from 3 Pakistani TV Talk Shows and their analysis has been made by applying the Aristotelian communication method to highlight the core issues. Paper has also elaborated that current media education is impaired in providing transparent techniques to train the future journalist for a meaningful, thought-provoking discussion. For this reason, this paper has given an overview of HEC’s (Higher Education Commission) graduate-level Mass Com Syllabus for Pakistani Universities. The idea of ethos, logos, and pathos are the main components of TV Talk Shows and as a result, the educated audience is lacking trust in the mainstream media, which eventually generating feelings of distrust and betrayal in the society because productions look like the genre of Drama instead of facts and analysis thus the line between Current Affairs shows and Infotainment has become blurred. In the last section, practical implication to improve meaningfulness and transparency in the TV Talk shows has been suggested by replacing the Aristotelian communication method with the cognitive semiotic communication approach.

Keywords: Aristotelian techniques of communication, current affairs talk shows, drama, Pakistan

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Authors: Cindy Agyemang

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This study seeks to find out if racial sentiment toward immigrants still matters in the United States with COVID-19 present. It is argued that previous studies on immigration and racial attitudes or race conducted do not consider how health-related pandemics influence public opinion on immigration and the racial attitudes of people during severe health-related pandemics. In doing so, this paper hypothesizes that respondents' racial sentiment towards immigrants during this pandemic will influence their views on opposing immigration, those that believe the president handled cases on COVID-19 better are more likely to oppose immigration, and party affiliation affects respondents' views on immigration and COVID-19. For testing these hypotheses, the 2012, 2016, and 2020 American National Election Studies data was used. In accordance with the expectations of this study, it was observed that there was a statistically significant relationship between all my estimated models. This paper concludes that racial sentiment toward immigrants still matters even more in the United States, especially with the existence of health-related pandemics.

Keywords: COVID-19, immigration, racial attitudes, partisanship

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Authors: Erdianta S, Chastiti M. Wulolo, IDK Kerta Widana

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Perang Semesta strategy is a national security system used by Republic of Indonesia. It comes from local wisdom, cultural, and hereditary of Indonesia itself. This system involves all people and all nation resources, and it is early prepared by government and conducted totality, integratedly, directly, and continously to enforce a sovereignty of country, teritorial integrity and the safety of the whole nation from threats. This study uses a qualitative content analysis method by studying, recording, and analyzing government policy. The Perang Semesta strategy divided into main, backup, and supporting components. Every component has its function and responsibility in security perspective. So when an attack comes, all people of Indonesia will voluntary to defend the country. Perang Semesta strategy is a national security system which becomes the most reliable strategy toward geography and demography of Indonesia.

Keywords: Indonesia, Perang Semesta strategy, national security, local wisdom

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Authors: Vesile Evrim, Aliyu Awwal

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By the evolvement in technology, the way of expressing opinions switched the direction to the digital world. The domain of politics as one of the hottest topics of opinion mining research merged together with the behavior analysis for affiliation determination in text which constitutes the subject of this paper. This study aims to classify the text in news/blogs either as Republican or Democrat with the minimum number of features. As an initial set, 68 features which 64 are constituted by Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) features are tested against 14 benchmark classification algorithms. In the later experiments, the dimensions of the feature vector reduced based on the 7 feature selection algorithms. The results show that Decision Tree, Rule Induction and M5 Rule classifiers when used with SVM and IGR feature selection algorithms performed the best up to 82.5% accuracy on a given dataset. Further tests on a single feature and the linguistic based feature sets showed the similar results. The feature “function” as an aggregate feature of the linguistic category, is obtained as the most differentiating feature among the 68 features with 81% accuracy by itself in classifying articles either as Republican or Democrat.

Keywords: feature selection, LIWC, machine learning, politics

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Authors: Abena Abokoma Asemanyi

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The study examined how the National Disasters are framed in the print media: a study of Daily Graphic newspaper in Ghana. The communication theories employed to conduct this study was Agenda Setting Theory by McCombs and Shaw and the Framing theory by Goffman and Entman. The media’s coverage of National Disasters are of much concern to the general public. This research seeks to know how the Daily Graphic framed National Disasters that occurred in January 2015 and June 2015 respectively. The January 2015 National Disasters was termed as Fire Outbreaks while the June 2015 National Disasters was Twin Disasters. A total of 43 disaster news stories were analysed for this study. Out of the total number, 9 headline stories were analysed in the month of January 2015 and 34 headline stories were looked at in the month of June 2015. The study came up with five (5) themes. Through Content Analysis, the study also revealed that the theme of Action featured more than the other themes which are Fear, Violence, Sympathy and Confusion. Finally, the study showed the number of days disaster news headlines lasted in the Daily Graphic during the period stated above. It was revealed that the Fire Outbreaks in January 2015 appeared in the Daily Graphic for 8 days while the Twin Disasters appeared in 16 days in June 2015.

Keywords: national disaster framing, ghana, daily graphic, daily guide

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Authors: Adegboyega Adedolapo Ola

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Globally, a country’s maritime security has a significant impact on its national development because it serves as a major source of a commercial contact and food supply. However, the country has been faced with a number of problems, such as piracy, kidnapping, illegal bunkering and oil theft. As such, the study examined the contribution and the relationship between maritime security and Nigeria’s development, as well as the prospects and challenges of maritime security in Nigeria. The study utilized a questionnaire and focused group discussion/interview as instruments for data collection. The method of analysis employed in the study is descriptive. A total of Three Hundred and Ninety (390) respondents were randomly selected. The result of the study showed that maritime security contributes to national development in Nigeria by guaranteeing food security in Nigeria, creating employment opportunities as well as increasing the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the economy. It was also found that maritime security is yet to provide sufficient support for national development in Nigeria. It is further established that it has prospects for development through the creation of employment opportunities, increase in foreign earnings, and fostering improved living standards for citizens. The study concluded that the high level of corruption, piracy and kidnapping, lack of political will by the government and the porosity of the Nigerian borders are serious obstacles, among others. In attempting to solve the problem of piracy and kidnapping in Nigerian maritime, to contribute to National development, it is primordial to address the cancer of corruption, poverty, and youth unemployment. In view of this, the study recommends: among other things, that the maritime industry should be well secured by removing its constraints/bottlenecks so as to enhance its contributions to national development.

Keywords: maritime security, national development, terrorism, piracy

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Authors: Nebojša Janićijević

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At the end of 1970s, Dutch researcher Geert Hofstede, had conducted an enormous empirical research on the differences between national cultures. In his huge research, he had identified four dimensions of national culture according to which national cultures differ and determined the index for every dimension of national culture for each country that took part in his research. The index showed a country’s position on the continuum between the two extreme poles of the cultural dimensions. Since more than 40 years have passed since Hofstede's research, there is a doubt that, due to the changes in national cultures during that period, they are no longer a good basis for research. The aim of this research is to check the validity of Hofstee's indices of national culture The empirical study conducted in the branches of a multinational company in Serbia, France, the Netherlands and Denmark aimed to determine whether Hofstede’s measures of national culture dimensions are still valid. The sample consisted of 155 employees of one multinational company, where 40 employees came from three countries and 35 employees were from Serbia. The questionnaire that analyzed the positions of national cultures according to the Hofstede’s four dimensions was formulated on the basis of the initial Hofstede’s questionnaire, but it was much shorter and significantly simplified comparing to the original questionnaire. Such instrument had already been used in earlier researches. A statistical analysis of the obtained questionnaire results was done by a simple calculation of the frequency of the provided answers. Due to the limitations in methodology, sample size, instrument, and applied statistical methods, the aim of the study was not to explicitly test the accuracy Hofstede’s indexes but to enlighten the general position of the four observed countries in national culture dimensions and their mutual relations. The study results have indicated that the position of the four observed national cultures (Serbia, France, the Netherlands and Denmark) is precisely the same in three out of four dimensions as Hofstede had described in his research. Furthermore, the differences between national cultures and the relative relations between their positions in three dimensions of national culture correspond to Hofstede’s results. The only deviation from Hofstede’s results is concentrated around the masculinity–femininity dimension. In addition, the study revealed that the degree of power distance is a determinant when choosing leadership style. It has been found that national cultures with high power distance, like Serbia and France, favor one of the two authoritative leadership styles. On the other hand, countries with low power distance, such as the Netherlands and Denmark, prefer one of the forms of democratic leadership styles. This confirms Hofstede’s premises about the impact of power distance on leadership style. The key contribution of the study is that Hofstede’s national culture indexes are still a reliable tool for measuring the positions of countries in national culture dimensions, and they can be applied in the cross-cultural research in management. That was at least the case with four observed countries: Serbia, France, the Netherlands, and Denmark.

Keywords: national culture, leadership styles, power distance, collectivism, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance

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Authors: Olasunkanmi G. Jeje, John G. Laah, Eunice S. A. Jeje

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In recent times Nigeria has been bedeviled with political, religious and ethnic crises such as indigene/settler phenomena, Boko Haram etc. resulting in the emergence of internally displaced persons(IDPs), this has been a hunch on national development. Most states of the federation have had their share of one crisis or the other such as Jos, Yobe, Borno etc thereby affecting the economy of the country. These persons are uprooted from their residential locations of which they are active contributors to the national GDP. In addition, the attempt to rehabilitate them has gulped billions of naira for feeding, shelter and medicals etc., which is not adequate for such. However, the financing could have been used for projects such as capacity building and infrastructural development. Similarly, traumatic experience by this group of people is overwhelming as most of them are mainly the aged, women and children. Importantly, the active roles of youths that constitute the productive sector of the economy have also been truncated. Therefore, it is the prerogative of this research to examine the effect of IDP's on National Development and also to recommend solutions.

Keywords: development, implication, internally displaced persons, Nigeria

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Authors: Itiola Kehinde Adeniran

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This paper investigated the influence of harnessing entrepreneurial opportunities on the national security in Nigeria with a specific focus on the security situation of the post-amnesty programmes of the Federal Government in Ondo State. The self-administered structured questionnaire was employed to collect data from one hundred and twenty participants through purposive sampling method. Inferential statistics was used to analyze the data, specifically; ordinary least squares linear regression method was employed with the aid of statistical package for social science (SPSS) version 20 in order to determine the influence of independent variable (entrepreneurial opportunities) on dependent variable (national security). The result showed that business opportunities have a significant influence on the rate of criminal activities. The study also revealed that entrepreneurial opportunity creation and discovery as well as providing a model on how these entrepreneurial opportunities could be effectively and efficiently utilized jointly predict better national security, which counted for 69% variance of crime rate reduction. The paper, therefore, recommended that citizens should be encouraged to develop an interest in the skill-based activities in order to change their mindset towards self-employment which can motivate them in identify entrepreneurial opportunities.

Keywords: entrepreneurship, entrepreneurial opportunities, national security, unemployment

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Authors: Juan Sanmartín Bastida

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When a country experiences a period of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, involving an earlier process of political liberalization and a later process of democratization, a cycle of protest usually outbreaks, as there is a reciprocal influence between that kind of political change and the frequency and scale of social protest events. That is what happened in Spain during the first years of its transition to democracy from the Francoist authoritarian regime, roughly between November 1975 and December 1978. Thus, the object of this study is to show and explain how that cycle of protest started, developed, and finished in relation to such a political change, and offer specific information about the main features of all protest cycles: the social movements that arose during that period, the number of protest events by month, the forms of collective action that were utilized, the groups of challengers that engaged in contentious politics, the reaction of the authorities to the action and claims of those groups, etc. The study of this cycle of protest, using the primary sources and analytical tools that characterize the model of research of protest cycles, will make a contribution to the field of contentious politics and its phenomenon of cycles of contention, and more broadly to the political and social history of contemporary Spain. The cycle of protest and the process of political liberalization of the authoritarian regime began around the same time, but the first concluded long before the process of democratization was completed in 1982. The ascending phase of the cycle and therefore the process of liberalization started with the death of Francisco Franco and the proclamation of Juan Carlos I as King of Spain in November 1975; the peak of the cycle was around the first months of 1977; the descending phase started after the first general election of June 1977; and the level of protest stabilized in the last months of 1978, a year that finished with a referendum in which the Spanish people approved the current democratic constitution. It was then when we can consider that the cycle of protest came to an end. The primary sources are the news of protest events and social movements in the three main Spanish newspapers at the time, other written or audiovisual documents, and in-depth interviews; and the analytical tools are the political opportunities that encourage social protest, the available repertoire of contention, the organizations and networks that brought together people with the same claims and allowed them to engage in contentious politics, and the interpretative frames that justify, dignify and motivates their collective action. These are the main four factors that explain the beginning, development and ending of the cycle of protest, and therefore the accompanying social movements and events of collective action. Among those four factors, the political opportunities -their opening, exploitation, and closure-proved to be most decisive.

Keywords: contentious politics, cycles of protest, political opportunities, social movements, Spanish transition to democracy

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Authors: Miguel A. Jimenez Barros, Elyn L. Solano Charris, Luis E. Ramirez, Lauren Castro Bolano, Carlos Torres Barreto, Juliana Morales Cubillo

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This project sought to mitigate the high levels of water consumption in industrial processes in accordance with the water-rationing plan promoted at national and international level due to the water consumption projections published by the United Nations. Water consumption has three main uses, municipal (common use), agricultural and industrial where the latter consumes a minimum percentage (around 20% of the total consumption). Awareness on world water scarcity, a Colombian company responsible for generation of massive consumption products, decided to implement politics and techniques for water treatment, recycling, and reuse. The project consisted in a business technology program that permits a better use of wastewater caused by production operations. This approach reduces the potable water consumption, generates better conditions of water in the sewage dumps, generates a positive environmental impact for the region, and is a reference model in national and international levels. In order to achieve the objective, a process flow diagram was used in order to define the industrial processes that required potable water. This strategy allowed the industry to determine a water reuse plan at the operational level without affecting the requirements associated with the manufacturing process and even more, to support the activities developed in administrative buildings. Afterwards, the company made an evaluation and selection of the chemical and biological processes required for water reuse, in compliance with the Colombian Law. The implementation of the business technology program optimized the water use and recirculation rate up to 70%, accomplishing an important reduction of the regional environmental impact.

Keywords: bio-reactor, potable water, reverse osmosis, water treatment

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Authors: Chen ChihYu, Tang Wen Tzu, Chen Kuang Hui

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Aim —To compare the dismount skill between Taiwanese and elite international gymnastics in parallel bars following the 2017-2020 code of points. Methods—The gymnasts who advanced to the parallel bars event finals of these four competitions including World Championships, Universiade, the National Games of Taiwan, and the National Intercollegiate Athletic Games of Taiwan both 2017 and 2019 were selected in this study. The dismount skill of parallel bars was analyzed, and the average difficulty score was compared by one-way ANOVA. Descriptive statistics were applied to present the type of dismount skill and the difficulty of each gymnast in these four competitions. The data from World Championships and Universiade were combined as the international group (INT), and data of Taiwanese National Games and National Intercollegiate Athletic Games were also combined as the national group (NAT). The differences between INT and NAT were analyzed by the Chi-square test. The statistical significance of this study was set at α= 0.05. Results— i) There was a significant difference in the mean parallel bars dismount skill in these four competitions analyzed by one-way ANOVA. Both dismount scores of World Championships and Universiade were significantly higher than in Taiwanese National Games and National Intercollegiate Athletic Games (0.58±0.08 & 0.56±0.08 > 0.42±0.06 & 40±0.06, p < 0.05). ii) Most of the gymnasts in World Championships and Universiade selected the 0.6-point skill as the parallel bars dismount element, and for the Taiwanese National Games and the National Intercollegiate Athletic Games, most of the gymnasts performed the 0.4-point dismount skill. iii) The result of the Chi-square test has shown that there was a significant difference in the selection of parallel bars dismount skill. The INT group used the E or E+ difficulty element as the dismount skill, and the NAT group selected the D or D- difficulty element. Conclusion— The level of parallel bars dismount in Taiwanese gymnastics is inferior to elite international gymnastics. It is suggested that Taiwanese gymnastics must try to practice the F difficulty dismount (double salto forward tucked with half twist) in the future.

Keywords: Artistic Gymnastics World Championships, dismount, difficulty score, element

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Authors: Simon O. Obadahun, Samuel Otohinoyi

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The Nigerian state is heterogeneous both in character and content. Efforts to manage this diversity has so far not yielded the desired result. This paper examines the Federal Character Principle as one of the instruments intended to manage our obvious diversity such that no part of the country is marginalized or feels marginalized or sidelined. The paper observed that the Federal Character Principle have not achieved its set objectives, which is national unity and loyalty. It draws from secondary sources and discovered that there are factors that make an equitable distribution of public appointments difficult which is beyond the powers of the federal character commission. The major argument of this paper is that if the Federal Character Commission as an organization expected to enforce this principle is not restructured and given more power to sanction individuals and organizations that are found of circumventing the relevant guidelines in this regards, the hope of national unity and loyalty will continue to be a mirage.

Keywords: appointments, federalism, federal character, national integration

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Authors: Dani Karmakar

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In India, the journey of street theatre was started with Indian peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) as a tool for anti-establishment that was categorized as by the people and for the people. It has expressed common people’s feelings, problems, day to day life. It has brought a social change that is downtrodden. By its nature, it is based on communist ideology. Street theatre is a theatre of protest. In India, many folk theatres translate directly ‘Street Theatre’, those are Veedhi Natakam in Andhra Pradesh and Therukoothu in Tamil Nadu. But they do not covey to common definition of street theatre. There are different folk theatres of different regions in India. All folk theatres have individual characteristic, criteria, taste and flavor that can render distinctive each others. In festivals or special occasions, whole communities come together to enjoy collectively and express their feelings. The Veedhi Natakam means 'street theatre'. Theru koothu is a traditional street theatre in the northern districts of Tamilnadu. Folk theatre has potential to deliver strong messages. It has a socially significant role. At Veedhi Natakam, Vidhushaka takes part for social criticism. Gambhira is also a socio-political folk drama presentation in West Bengal.

Keywords: folk theatre, Gambhira, politics, street theatre

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Authors: Lidija Simunovic

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A Close-out netting cause is a clause within master agreements which reduces credit risks. This clause contains the parties ' advance agreement that the occurrence of a certain event (such as the commencement of bankruptcy proceedings) will result in the termination of the contract and that their mutual claims will be calculated as a net lump-sum to be paid by one party to the other. The legal treatment of the enforceability of close-out netting clauses opens up many legal matters in comparative legal systems because it is not uniformly treated in comparative laws. Certain legal systems take a liberal approach and allow the enforcement of close-out netting clauses. Others are much stricter, and they limit or completely prohibit the enforcement of close-out netting clauses through the mandatory provisions of their national bankruptcy laws. The author analyzes the concept of close-out netting clauses in selected comparative legal systems and examines the differences in their legal treatment by using the historical, analytical, and comparative method. It results that special treatment of the close-out netting in national laws with a liberal approach is often forced by financial industry lobbies and introduced in national laws without the justified reasons. Contrary to that in legal systems with limited or prohibited approach on close-out netting the uncertain enforceability of the close-out netting clause causes potential credit risks. The detected discrepancy on the national legal treatment and national financial markets regarding close-out netting lead to the conclusion to author’s best knowledge that is not possible to use any national model of close-out netting as a role model which perfectly fits all.

Keywords: close-out netting clauses, derivatives, insolvency, offsetting

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Authors: Lisa Mockli, Chelsea Sambells

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By combining the methodologies of history and translation studies, this study will explore the interplay between humanitarian action, politics, and translation within the advertising for a lesser-known Swiss child evacuation project of some 60.000 Belgium and French children to Switzerland for three month periods from 1940 to 1945. Inspired by Descriptive-Explanatory Translation Studies, this project compares Swiss speeches published between May and September 1942 (the termination of the evacuations). Radio broadcasts, leaflets and newspapers will triangulate the data. First, linguistic and content-related differences will be identified and described. Second, based on findings from the Swiss Federal Archives, the evidence from the comparative textual analysis will then be evaluated in order to explore how the speeches were modified, for what purpose, and which key issues were raised during their modification. By exploring these questions, this paper provides new insights into (I) Switzerland’s understanding of Swiss neutrality and humanitarianism during the Second World War, (II) the role of children in war and (III) the role of translation in shaping political discourse and humanitarian action. Moreover, this interdisciplinary approach also demonstrates how scholarly collaboration may help to make some elements of humanitarian action more self-reflexive and effective.

Keywords: children, history, humanitarianism, politics, translation

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Authors: Beth Vale

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Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

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Authors: Gang Wang

Abstract:

Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Nura Suleiman

Abstract:

The democratic dispensation in Nigeria witnessed allot of changes since its beginning up to the 2015 election. The issues of zoning formula, rigging, money politics, god fatherism, and political thuggery among the youths became the centre stage from 1999-2014. But 2015 came with new tune that brings about a little shift from the traditional politics mentioned above, the political socialisation and knowledge penetrated into the sense of electorate where people suddenly change and look for the better option. The paper will examine the democratic change in relation to the 2015 General election which brings General MohammaduBuhari on the mantle of leadership of Nigeria. Many reasons were attributed to the sudden change of government in Nigeria, but the major ones are lack of good governance, corruption, insecurity, political parties’ merger to formed APCand change in INEC leadership. Others are weakness of the leadership and undemocratic nature of PDP government at different level in the country. The glamor for change became necessary because People become more informs about the manifestation of good hope and better Nigeria from the major opposition party (APC). During 2015 election the electorate voted the incumbent government out and replaced it with their choice.

Keywords: democracy, election, insecurity, good governance

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Authors: Nick Papanikolaou

Abstract:

In modern world politics, International relations are very complex not only in their construction but also in their interpretation the ex-Yugoslavian(western Balkans) countries, due to the establishment of independent states, have also risen pending geopolitical and territorial issues such as the Kosovo dispute widely known as an active frozen conflict. Science of anthropology and its subfield of anthropology of conflict can suggest a sustainable plan of communities coexistence and abolishment of fondamentalism. The 1244 Security Council Resolution provides a framework of implementation of a transitional international joint international armed presence for ensuring control and stability in the territory. The changing international relations landscape and the rise of the integration of the Western Balkans in the European Union have brought the question of Kosovo and all the till now internationally controlled system of governance to a dead end. A new solution that will ensure a sustainable future needs to be applied in order to solve this case in a way that rights of both albanians and Serbians will be equally respected and both populations will coexist peacefully. What this presentation aims for is to present a plan for the peaceful coexistence and sovreignty of habitants of Kosovo in a whole new way of governance.

Keywords: sovereignty, Kosovo, Western Balkans, anthropology of conflict

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Authors: Rosyidah Muhamad

Abstract:

This article seeks to access the democratic implication of new media in Malaysia through three important key points of deliberative democracy; information access, rational critical deliberation and mechanism of vertical accountability. The article suggests that the Internet is expanding political opportunity in which contributed to a more diverse discourse. It is depending on how users used it; for democratic or non-democratic outcome. The Internet has been a key instrument in exposing human rights abuse, corruption, organizing protests and mobilizing voters during election campaigns. It therefore pushes for transparency and accountability and thus increasing the rise of deliberative democracy in Malaysia. While there are some elements of an emerging deliberative politics, it is also clear that the Malaysian online political discourse is acting as moderate forms of discourse as the sphere increasingly exist in a chaotic and diversified online discourse. Yet, the online sphere still allows citizens to discuss public affairs. When the public opinion is strong enough, it can influence public policies to ensure that they reflect the public interest. It is suggesting an increased space of negotiation and contestation among the previously muzzled offline situation. This is a big step in the progress democracy in Malaysia.

Keywords: Keywords: New Media, democratization, deliberative democracy, Malaysian politics

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