Search results for: political ideology

Authors: Oscar Sang, Shadrack David Rotich

Abstract:

Parliamentary immunity is grounded on the notion that parliaments need certain rights or immunities to ensure they can operate independently make fair and impartial decisions without capitulating to political pressure or intimidation. The 2013 election in Kenya marked an important milestone in the development of the law of parliamentary privilege. Such importance relates to the dramatic increase in the number of legislatures in the country from one unicameral parliament, to a bicameral national parliament and forty-seven other regional legislative assemblies. The increase in legislatures has resulted in a dramatic increase in political contestations which have led to legal wrangles. The judiciary in Kenya, once considered submissive, has been invited to arbitrate on various matters pitting individual rights and parliamentary privilege and have invalidated a number of legislative action. While judicial intervention is indeed necessary to ensure that legislatures in Kenya live true to the constitutional aspirations of the Kenyan people, certain judicial decisions have had an effect on eroding parliamentary immunity. This paper highlights a number of instances in which it could be argued that parliamentary privilege came under attack by the courts in Kenya. The paper aims to make a case that while Kenya’s progressive constitution necessitates the scope and extent of legislature’s immunities and privilege to be determined by the courts, it is important that courts exercise restraint in its review of legislative action. The paper makes the argument that unrestrained judicial action in Kenya on questions within the realm parliamentary privilege may undermine the functioning of Kenya’s legislatures. The paper explores approaches taken by a number of jurisdictions in establishing a proper balance between maintaining a viable parliamentary privilege regime in a rights-based constitutional system.

Keywords: Kenya, constitution, judicial restraint, parliamentary privilege

Procedia PDF Downloads 158

Authors: C. Leiber

Abstract:

International human rights treaties ensure basic rights to all people, regardless of nationality. These treaties have developed in a predominantly Western environment, and their implementation into non-western contexts often raises questions of the transfer-ability of value systems and governance structures. International human rights treaties also postulate the right to the full enjoyment and expression of one’s own culture, known as cultural rights. Many cultural practices and traditions in South Sudan serve as an obstacle to the adaptation of human rights and internationally agreed-upon standards, specifically those pertaining to women’s rights and gender equality. This paper analyzes the specific social, political, and economic conflicts between women’s rights and cultural rights within the context of South Sudan’s evolution into a sovereign nation. It comprehensively evaluates the legal status of South Sudanese women and –based on the empirical evidence- assesses gender equality in four key areas: Marriage, Education, Violence against Women, and Inheritance. This work includes an exploration into how South Sudanese culture influences, and indeed is intertwined with, social, political, and economic spheres, and how it limits gender equality and impedes the full implementation of international human rights treaties. Furthermore, any negative effects which systemic gender inequality and cultural practices that are oppressive to women have on South Sudan as a developing nation are explored. Finally, those areas of conflict between South Sudanese cultural rights and international women’s rights are outlined which can be mitigated or resolved in favor of elevating gender equality without imperializing or destroying South Sudanese culture.

Keywords: cultural rights, gender equality, international human rights, South Sudan

Procedia PDF Downloads 343

Authors: Ameen Alshugaa, Abul Mansur Masih

Abstract:

This paper sheds light on the economic impacts of political uncertainty caused by the civil uprisings that swept the Arab World and have been collectively known as the Arab Spring. Measuring documented effects of political uncertainty on regional stock market indices, we examine the impact of the Arab Spring on the volatility of stock markets in eight countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region: Egypt, Lebanon, Jordon, United Arab Emirate, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman and Kuwait. This analysis also permits testing the existence of financial contagion among equity markets in the MENA region during the Arab Spring. To capture the time-varying and multi-horizon nature of the evidence of volatility and contagion in the eight MENA stock markets, we apply two robust methodologies on consecutive data from November 2008 to March 2014: MGARCH-DCC, Continuous Wavelet Transforms (CWT). Our results indicate two key findings. First, the discrepancies between volatile stock markets of countries directly impacted by the Arab Spring and countries that were not directly impacted indicate that international investors may still enjoy portfolio diversification and investment in MENA markets. Second, the lack of financial contagion during the Arab Spring suggests that there is little evidence of cointegration among MENA markets. Providing a general analysis of the economic situation and the investment climate in the MENA region during and after the Arab Spring, this study bear significant importance for policy makers, local and international investors, and market regulators.

Keywords: Portfolio Diversification , MENA Region , Stock Market Indices, MGARCH-DCC, Wavelet Analysis, CWT

Procedia PDF Downloads 280

Authors: Vacharee Svamivastu

Abstract:

This research investigates the application of geometrical relationship to the ancient religious assembly hall (Vihara) housing a reclining Buddha statue of Thailand's Kamphaeng Phet Historical Park. The study utilizes the archaeological and wooden roof structure remains of the Vihara as the prima facie evidence, supplemented with evidence from other active archaeological sites with architectural kinship as well as Buddhist ideology. At present, the wooden roofs of the Vihara fell prey to the elements and there remain only the base, columns and enclosing walls. Unlike typical Viharas whose floor plan are of rectangular shape, the floor plan of the Vihara housing the reclining Buddha is of square configuration of 25x25m. Further observation has revealed the utilization of large laterite boulders as the principal construction material of the assembly hall (Vihara) columns. The laterite columns are of square shape (1x1m) and various heights (H), ranging from 3.50m to 5.50m. The erection of the Vihara required a total of 36 laterite columns. The pattern of columns arrangement is of two rows of inner columns, two rows of outer columns and two rows of verandah columns. The space between pairs of the verandah columns was stacked with laterite blocks of varying sizes to form the Vihara walls with small openings for ventilation. Upon applying the geometrical relationship-grid system to the Vihara, the results reveal that the placement of the columns was deliberately and masterfully undertaken such that the center of the square-shaped Vihara is conspicuously spacious so as to accommodate the sacred reclining Buddha statue. The elegance of the Vihara demonstrates the ingenious application of geometrical relationship to transforming a space into a structure (i.e. Vihara) of architectural and religious significance.

Keywords: geometrical relationship, the religious assembly hall, Vihara, Kamphaeng Phet School of Master Builder

Procedia PDF Downloads 266

Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

Abstract:

This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

Procedia PDF Downloads 136

Authors: S. Opadere Olaolu

Abstract:

Religion, as a belief-system, has been with humanity for a long time. It has been recognised to impact the lives of individuals, groups, and communities that hold it dear. Whether the impact is regarded as positive or not depends on the assessor. Thus, for reasons of likely subjectiveness, possible irrationality, and even outright deliberate abuse, most emerging economies seek to follow the pattern of separating the State from religion; yet it is certain that the influence of religion on the State is incontrovertible. Corruption, on the other hand, though difficult to define in precise terms, is clearly perceptible. It could manifest in very diverse ways, including the abuse of a position of trust for the gain of an individual, or of a group with shared ulterior motive. Religion has been perceived, among others, as a means to societal stability, marital stability, infusion of moral rectitude, and conscience with regards to right and wrong. In time past, credible and dependable characters reposed largely and almost exclusively with those bearing deep religious conviction. Even in the political circle, it was thought that the involvement of those committed to religion would bring about positive changes, for the benefit of the society at large. On the contrary, in recent times, religion has failed in these lofty expectations. The level of corruption in most developing economies, and the increase of religion seem to be advancing pari passu. For instance, religion has encroached into political space, and vice versa, without any differentiable posture to the issue of corruption. Worse still, religion appears to be aiding and abetting corruption, overtly and/or covertly. Therefore, this discourse examined from the Nigerian perspective—as a developing economy—, and from a multidisciplinary stand-point of Law and Religion, the issue of religion; secularism; corruption; romance of religion and politics; inability of religion to exemplify moral rectitude; indulgence of corruption by religion; and the need to keep religion in private sphere, with proper checks. The study employed primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended; judicial decisions; and the Bible. The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study include the breach of constitutional provisions to keep religion out of State affairs; failure of religion to curb corruption; outright indulgence of corruption by religion; and religion having become a political tool. In conclusion, it is considered apposite still to keep the State out of religion, and to seek enforcement of the constitutional provisions in this respect. The stamp of legality placed on overt and covert corruption by religion should be removed by all means.

Keywords: corruption, complicity, legalizing, religion

Procedia PDF Downloads 395

Authors: Sang-Ju Yu

Abstract:

This paper examines the changing essences and effects of ‘affective atmosphere’ during the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, which have been facilitated and shaped the ‘affective governance’ in Taiwan. Due to long-term uncertainty and unpredictability, the COVID-19 pandemic not only caused unprecedented global crisis but triggered the public’s negative emotional responses. This paper unravels how the shortage of Personal Protective Equipment and the proliferating fake news heightened people’s fear and anxiety and how specific affective atmospheres can be provoked and manipulated to harness emotional appeals of citizens strategically in Taiwan. Through the in-depth interviews with diverse stakeholders involved, it unfolds the dynamics and strategies of affective governance, wherein public emotions and concerns are now given significant consideration in both policy measures and the affective expression of leadership, spatial arrangement, service delivery, and the interaction with citizens. Addressing psychosocial and emotional needs has become the core of crisis response mechanisms suited to dynamic affective atmospheres and pandemic situation. This paper also demonstrates that epidemic prevention and control is not merely the production of neutral or rational policy-making processes, as it is dominated by multiple emotions resulted from unexpected and salient events at different moments. It provides explicit insight into how different prevention scenarios operated effectively through political and affective mobilisation to strengthen emotional bonding and collective identity which energises collective action. Basically, successful affective governance calls for both negative and positive emotions, for both scientific and political decision-making, for both community and bureaucracy, and both quality and efficiency of private–public collaboration.

Keywords: affective atmospheres, affective governance, COVID-19 pandemic, private-public collaboration

Procedia PDF Downloads 84

Authors: Valentine Ndi

Abstract:

This multi-sited research will make use of primary and secondary data to understand the multiple implications of land grabbing for local food production and rural livelihoods in Cameroon. Amidst restricted access to land and forest resources, this study will demonstrate how land previously accessed by communities to grow crops and to harvest forest resources is being acquired and transformed into commercial oil palm plantations by Herakles Farms, a US-based company, with Sithe Global Sustainable Oils Cameroon as its local subsidiary. Focusing on selected land grabbing communities in Cameroon, the study uses a feminist political ecology lens to examine the gendered nature in resources access and its impacts for women’s food production in particular, and rural livelihoods in general. The paper will argue that the change in land use particularly erodes women’s rights to access land and forest resources, and in turn negatively affects local food production and rural livelihood in the region. It will show how women in the region play instrumental and dominant roles in ensuring local food production through subsistence and semi-subsistence agriculture but are unfortunately the main losers of territory that the state considers as ‘empty’ or underutilized - and is subjected to appropriation. The paper will conclude that, rural women’s active participation in the decision-making processes concerning the use of and/or allotment of land to foreign investors is indispensable to guarantee local, national and global food security, but also to ensure that alternative livelihood options are provided, particularly to those rural women facing dispossession or at risk of being dispossessed.

Keywords: land grabbing, feminst political ecology, gender, access to resources, rural livelihoods, Cameroon

Procedia PDF Downloads 249

Authors: Kyoko Tominaga

Abstract:

Non-Government Organizations (NGOs), Non-Profit Organizations (NPOs), Social Enterprises and other actors play an important role in political decisions in governments at the international levels. Especially, such organizations’ and activists’ network in civil society is quite important to effect to the global politics. To solve the complex social problems in global era, diverse actors should corporate each other. Moreover, network of protesters is also contributes to diffuse tactics, information and other resources of social movements. Based on the findings from the study of International Trade Fairs (ITFs), the author analyzes the network of activists in anti-globalism movement. This research focuses the transition of 54 activists’ whole network in the “protest event” against 2008 G8 summit in Japan. Their network is examined at the three periods: Before protest event phase, during protest event phase and after event phase. A mixed method is used in this study: the author shows the hypothesis from social network analysis and evaluates that with interview data analysis. This analysis gives the two results. Firstly, the more protesters participate to the various events during the protest event, the more they build the network. After that, active protesters keep their network as well. From interview data, we can understand that the active protesters can build their network and diffuse the information because they communicate with other participants and understand that diverse issues are related. This paper comes to same conclusion with previous researches: protest events activate the network among the political activists. However, some participants succeed to build their network, others do not. “Networked” activists are participated in the various events for short period of time and encourage the diffusion of information and tactics of social movements.

Keywords: social movement, global justice movement, tactics, diffusion

Procedia PDF Downloads 371

Authors: Divyani Redhu, Sachin Bharti

Abstract:

India, as a nation, has always been known for its concept of ‘Unity in Diversity’, and the same ideology can very well be witnessed in the kind of cinema that is produced in India. From mythological films in the beginning to historical films and from comedy to the all-entertaining commercial ‘masala’ films, the Indian film industry has time and again catered its viewers with varied flavors on screen. Needless to say that for a film industry which stood at a total value of 183.2 billion in the year 2019 as per the Statista Portal 2020, there is no dearth of viewers and at the same time, to cater to the needs of a humongous viewer base, variety in content needs to be offered. Particularly looking at the filmography of the Hindi film industry of the last decade, undoubtedly, the genre that has risen like a shining star is that of Biopics. Hindi cinema’s never-ending fascination with the biopic has grown stronger and become more evident in recent times. The success of biographical films like Jodha Akbar, The Dirty Picture, Mary Kom, Bajirao Mastani, Neerja, Aligarh, Azhar, etc. seems to have truly reinforced the industry’s faith and put Bollywood on a biopic spree. From films on the lives of sportspersons to those of the actors, gangsters, social workers, historical figures, and extraordinary citizens, the industry has left no stone unturned till now. Also, many more biopics are in the pipeline slated to be released soon. Also, when the film viewers are concerned, India is known as the youngest nation in the world where youth constituted about 34% of the country’s population in 2019, making India the country with maximum young people. Thus, the attempt of the researchers is to understand the perception of youth (15-24 years of age as per the UN) towards the biopic films. The above-mentioned study would be quantitative in nature. For the same, a survey would be conducted in the capital city of India, i.e., Delhi. The tool of the survey would be a questionnaire, and the number of respondents would be 200. The results derived from the study would focus on the film viewing preferences of youth in Delhi, the popularity of biopic films among the youth, reasons for watching biopic films and their overall perception about the same, etc.

Keywords: biopics, Delhi, Hindi cinema, India, youth

Procedia PDF Downloads 109

Authors: Idris M. Olatunde, Kareem B.

Abstract:

In manufacturing systems, especially job shops, service performance is a key factor that determines customer satisfaction. Service performance depends not only on the quality of the output but on the delivery lead times as well. Besides product quality enhancement, delivery lead time must be minimized for optimal patronage. Quoting accurate due dates is sine quo non for job shop operational survival in a global competitive environment. Quoting accurate due dates in job shops has been a herculean task that nearly defiled solutions from many methods employed due to complex jobs routing nature of the system. This class of NP-hard problems possessed no rigid algorithms that can give an optimal solution. Jobshop operational problem is more complex in developing nations due to some peculiar factors. Operational complexity in job shops emanated from political instability, poor economy, technological know-how, and the non-promising socio-political environment. The mentioned exogenous factors were hardly considered in the previous studies on scheduling problem related to due date determination in job shops. This study has filled the gap created in the past studies by developing a dynamic model that incorporated the exogenous factors for accurate determination of due dates for varying jobs complexity. Real data from six job shops selected from the different part of Nigeria, were used to test the efficacy of the model, and the outcomes were analyzed statistically. The results of the analyzes showed that the model is more promising in determining accurate due dates than the traditional models deployed by many job shops in terms of patronage and lead times minimization.

Keywords: due dates prediction, improved performance, customer satisfaction, dynamic model, exogenous factors, job shops

Procedia PDF Downloads 406

Authors: Wafa Unus

Abstract:

Science journalism has been vanishing from America’s national newspapers for decades. Reportage on scientific topics is limited to only a handful of newspapers and of those, few employ dedicated science journalists to cover stories that require this specialized expertise. News organizations' lack of readiness to convey complex scientific concepts to a mass populace becomes particularly problematic when events like the Covid-19 pandemic occur. The lack of coverage of Covid-19 prior to its onset in the United States, suggests something more troubling - that the deprioritization of reporting on hard science as an educational tool in favor of political frames of coverage, places dangerous blinders on the American public. This research looks at the disparity between voices of health and science experts in news articles and the voices of political figures, in order to better understand the approach of American newspapers in conveying expert opinion on Covid-19. A content analysis of 300 articles on Covid-19 by major newspapers in the United States between January 1st, 2020 and April 30th, 2020 illuminates this investigation. The Boston Globe, the New York Times, and the Los Angeles Times are included in the content analysis. Initial findings reveal a significant disparity in the number of articles that mention Anthony Fauci, the director of the National Institute Allergy and Infectious Disease, and the number that make reference to political figures. Covid-related articles in the New York Times that focused on health topics (as opposed to economic or social issues) contained the voices of 54 different politicians who were mentioned a total of 608 times. Only five members of the scientific community were mentioned a total of 24 times (out of 674 articles). In the Boston Globe, 36 different politicians were mentioned a total of 147 times, and only two members of the scientific community, one being Anthony Fauci, were mentioned a total of nine times (out of 423 articles). In the Los Angeles Times, 52 different politicians were mentioned a total of 600 times, and only six members of the scientific community were included and were mentioned a total of 82 times with Fauci being mentioned 48 times (out of 851 articles). Results provide a better understanding of the frames in which American journalists in Covid hotspots conveyed information of expert analysis on Covid-19 during one of the most pressing news events of the century. Ultimately, the objective of this study is to utilize the exploratory data to evaluate the nature, extent and impact of Covid-19 reporting in the context of trustworthiness and scientific expertise. Secondarily, this data will illuminate the degree to which Covid-19 reporting focused on politics over science.

Keywords: science reporting, science journalism, covid, misinformation, news

Procedia PDF Downloads 206

Authors: Ismatilla Mardanov

Abstract:

There are three types of countries, the first of which is willing to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) in enormous amounts and do whatever it takes to make this happen. Therefore, FDI pours into such countries. In the second cluster of countries, even if the country is suffering tremendously from the shortage of investments, the governments are hesitant to attract investments because they are at the hands of local oligarchs/cartels. Therefore, FDI inflows are moderate to low in such countries. The third type is countries whose companies prefer investing in the most efficient locations globally and are hesitant to invest in the homeland. Sorting countries into such clusters, the present study examines the essential institutions and economic factors that make these countries different. Past literature has discussed various determinants of FDI in all kinds of countries. However, it did not classify countries based on government motivation, institutional setup, and economic factors. A specific approach to each target country is vital for corporate foreign direct investment risk analysis and decisions. The research questions are 1. What specific institutional and economic factors paint the pictures of the three clusters; 2. What specific institutional and economic factors are determinants of FDI; 3. Which of the determinants are endogenous and exogenous variables? 4. How can institutions and economic and political variables impact corporate investment decisions Hypothesis 1: In the first type, country institutions and economic factors will be favorable for FDI. Hypothesis 2: In the second type, even if country economic factors favor FDI, institutions will not. Hypothesis 3: In the third type, even if country institutions favorFDI, economic factors will not favor domestic investments. Therefore, FDI outflows occur in large amounts. Methods: Data come from open sources of the World Bank, the Fraser Institute, the Heritage Foundation, and other reliable sources. The dependent variable is FDI inflows. The independent variables are institutions (economic and political freedom indices) and economic factors (natural, material, and labor resources, government consumption, infrastructure, minimum wage, education, unemployment, tax rates, consumer price index, inflation, and others), the endogeneity or exogeneity of which are tested in the instrumental variable estimation. Political rights and civil liberties are used as instrumental variables. Results indicate that in the first type, both country institutions and economic factors, specifically labor and logistics/infrastructure/energy intensity, are favorable for potential investors. In the second category of countries, the risk of loss of assets is very high due to governmentshijacked by local oligarchs/cartels/special interest groups. In the third category of countries, the local economic factors are unfavorable for domestic investment even if the institutions are well acceptable. Cluster analysis and instrumental variable estimation were used to reveal cause-effect patterns in each of the clusters.

Keywords: foreign direct investment, economy, institutions, instrumental variable estimation

Procedia PDF Downloads 152

Authors: Xiujuan Qiao

Abstract:

Cities worldwide are increasingly adopting sustainable stormwater solutions such as using green infrastructure to mitigate challenges related to stormwater, e.g., pluvial flooding, and stormwater pollution. Barriers caused by governance factors have been identified as the main reason for the slow pace of sustainable stormwater management implementation. In this study, we examined governance factors influencing local implementation in four case cities: Lund and Malmö, Sweden, and Xi’xian New Area and Zhenjiang, China. Based on systems thinking of interrelations between previously identified influencing governance factors in sustainable stormwater management (SSM), we developed a causal loop diagram (SSM-CLD) and used it to analyze 23 semi-structured interviews with local government officers in the four case cities. Based on the results, we created one SSM-CLD for each country and analyzed the main differences between these four SSM-CLDs. The results revealed that differences in governance structures can lead to differences in the influencing governance factors. In top-down political systems, e.g., China, the role of national policy in setting local leaders’ priorities is significant for SSM implementation. In political systems with more power devolved to local governments, e.g., Sweden, public awareness and local government politicians’ priorities are important for SSM implementation. Acquiring funding for long-term maintenance was identified as a challenge in all four cities studied. These results are relevant for policymakers, local government departments, consultancy companies, and researchers seeking a better understanding of how governance factors influence sustainable stormwater management.

Keywords: sustainable stormwater management, causal loop diagram, governance structures, local government priorities, public awareness, maintenance

Procedia PDF Downloads 245

Authors: Birendra Mahato, Shiva Narayan Chaudhary

Abstract:

Tharus are indigenous inhabitants of the Tarai, the narrow strip of flat and fertile land that lies at the foothills of the Himalayas. They have unique rituals, festivals, and music, while their clothes and ornaments are similar to some ethnic groups of India. After the control of malaria in the Terai between 1955 to 1965, (with the help of the U.S. Government, the WHO and the government of Nepal) the rate of in-migration skyrocketed, particularly of Nepal’s hill people, whose culture, along with the use of the Western education system, was gradually adopted by the Tharus. Among the many challenges, the Tharus face is their assimilation into the dominant Nepali culture. .The Tharus are thus under threat of slowly losing their ethnic identity and cultural values. In order to preserve the indigenous Tharu Culture, Tharu Cultural Museum, and Research Center. It is a community based non-governmental and non-profitable museum established in 2005 by Tharu intellectuals, traditional leaders and youths. The main goal of the museum is to preserve Tharu culture through different activities with direct and indirect involvement of community people. It aims to preserve arts, culture, handicrafts, and artifacts related to Indigenous Tharu People. Similarly, the museum displays an exhibition about the Tharu histories, lives, culture, and their indigenous knowledge and skills. The paper aims to demonstrate that community museums can be one of the key hubs for the preservation of culture with the collection and promotion of cultural objects, artifacts, and intangible cultural heritages. The preservation of culture not only has contributed to establishing their ethnic identity but also has contributed to establishing their recognition of their political space in the mainstream politics - the constitution of Nepal has recognized Tharus to provide reservation for the political space.

Keywords: community museum, tharu, , identity, culture

Procedia PDF Downloads 128

Authors: Indu Poornima

Abstract:

This paper aims at understanding the Socio-historical, political and economic dimensions of Female Genital Mutilation in Africa. After throwing light on the definition of FGM and scrutinizing the misconceptions associated with it, the paper progresses to analyze the following questions. a) How do communities performing FGM rationalize their act? b) Are the victims (women) themselves the strongest proponents of FGM ? and c) Are legislations against FGM by international organizations counter-productive?

Keywords: female genital mutilation, Africa, rationalizing the act, international legislations

Procedia PDF Downloads 206

Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

Abstract:

This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018 and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. The paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center (AKM) as a place of memory and space of politics from the establishment of the Turkish Republic (1923) until today. After the establishment of the Turkish Republic, one of the most important implementations in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of the Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to the 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the Republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists, and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed, it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while the Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period AKM was a representation of the cultural production of modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from the Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice, and Development Party, and the construction of the Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of the proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The paper narrates the existence and demolishment of the Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, Atatürk Cultural Center, Taksim square, collective memory

Procedia PDF Downloads 132

Authors: Justine Salam

Abstract:

As a federal state, Canada’s constitutional arrangements regarding the management of natural resources is unique because it gives complete ownership and control of natural resources to the provinces (subnational level). However, the province of Alberta—home to the third largest oil reserves in the world—lags behind comparable jurisdictions in levying royalties on oil corporations, especially oil sands royalties. While Albertans own the oil sands, scholars have argued that natural resource exploitation in Alberta benefits corporations and industry more than it does Albertans. This study provides a systematic understanding of the causal factors affecting royalties in Alberta to map dynamics of power and how they manifest themselves during policy-making. Mounting domestic and global public pressure led Alberta to review its oil sands royalties twice in less than a decade through public-commissioned Royalty Review Panels, first in 2007 and again in 2015. The Panels’ task was to research best practices and to provide policy recommendations to the Government through public consultations with Albertans, industry, non-governmental organizations, and First Nations peoples. Both times, the Panels recommended a relative increase to oil sands royalties. However, irrespective of the Reviews’ recommendations, neither the right-wing 2007 Progressive Conservative Party (PC) nor the left-wing 2015 New Democratic Party (NDP) government—both committed to increase oil sands royalties—increased royalty intake. Why did two consecutive political parties at opposite ends of the political spectrum fail to account for the recommendations put forward by the Panel? Through a qualitative case-study analysis, this study assesses domestic and global causal factors for Alberta’s inability to raise oil sands royalties significantly after the two Reviews through an institutions, interests, and ideas framework. Indeed, causal factors can be global (e.g. market and price fluctuation) or domestic (e.g. oil companies’ influence on the Alberta government). The institutions, interests, and ideas framework is at the intersection of public policy, comparative studies, and political economy literatures, and therefore draws multi-faceted insights into the analysis. To account for institutions, the study proposes to review international trade agreements documents such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) because they have embedded Alberta’s oil sands into American energy security policy and tied Canadian and Albertan oil policy in legal international nods. To account for interests, such as how the oil lobby or the environment lobby can penetrate governmental decision-making spheres, the study draws on the Oil Sands Oral History project, a database of interviews from government officials and oil industry leaders at a pivotal time in Alberta’s oil industry, 2011-2013. Finally, to account for ideas, such as how narratives of Canada as a global ‘energy superpower’ and the importance of ‘energy security’ have dominated and polarized public discourse, the study relies on content analysis of Alberta-based pro-industry newspapers to trace the prevalence of these narratives. By mapping systematically the nods and dynamics of power at play in Alberta, the study sheds light on the factors that influence royalty policy-making in one of the largest industries in Canada.

Keywords: Alberta Canada, natural resources governance, oil sands, political economy

Procedia PDF Downloads 123

Authors: Stephanie Ho

Abstract:

This project utilizes principles derived from the Surrealist movement to prioritize creative and critical thinking in secondary English Language Arts (ELA). The implementation of Surrealist-style pedagogies within an ELA classroom will be rooted in critical, radical pedagogy, which addresses the injustices caused by economic-oriented educational systems. The use of critical pedagogy will enable the subversive artistic and political aims of Surrealism to be transmitted to a classroom context. Through aesthetic reading strategies, appreciative questioning and dialogue, students will actively critique the power dynamics which structure (and often restrict) their lives. Within the ELA domain, cost-effective approaches often replace the actual “arts” of ELA. This research will therefore explore how Surrealist-oriented pedagogies could restore imaginative freedom and deconstruct conceptual barriers (normative standards, curricular constraints, and status quo power relations) in secondary ELA. This research will also examine how Surrealism can be used as a political and pedagogical model to treat societal problems mirrored in ELA classrooms. The stakeholders are teachers, as they experience constant pressure within their practices. Similarly, students encounter rigorous, results-based pressures. These dynamics contribute to feelings of powerlessness, thus reinforcing a formulaic model of ELA. The ELA curriculum has potential to create laboratories for critical discussion and active movement towards social change. This proposed research strategy of Surrealist-oriented pedagogies could enable students to experiment with social issues and develop senses of agency and voice that reflect awareness of contemporary society while simultaneously building their ELA skills.

Keywords: arts-informed pedagogies, language arts, literature, surrealism

Procedia PDF Downloads 125

Authors: S. Zeynep Siretioglu Girgin, Gizem Turna Cebeci

Abstract:

Turkey’s immigration policy is a controversial issue considering its legal, economic, social, and political and human rights dimensions. Formulation of an immigration policy goes hand in hand with political processes, where natives’ attitudes play a significant role. On the other hand, as was the case in Turkey, radical changes made in immigration policy or policies lacking transparency may cause severe reactions by the host society. The underlying discussion paper aims to analyze quantitatively the effects of the existing ‘open door’ immigration policy on the economic integration of Syrian refugees in Turkey, and on the perception of the native population of refugees. For the analysis, semi-structured in-depth interviews and focus group interviews have been conducted. After the introduction, a literature review is provided, followed by theoretical background on the explanation of natives’ attitudes towards immigrants. In the next section, a qualitative analysis of natives’ attitudes towards Syrian refugees is presented with the subtopics of (i) awareness, general opinions and expectations, (ii) open-door policy and management of the migration process, (iii) perception of positive and negative impacts of immigration, (iv) economic integration, and (v) cultural similarity. Results indicate that, natives concurrently have social, economic and security concerns regarding refugees, while difficulties regarding security and economic integration of refugees stand out. Socio-economic characteristics of the respondents, such as the educational level and employment status, are not sufficient to explain the overall attitudes towards refugees, while they can be used to explain the awareness of the respondents and the priority of the concerns felt.

Keywords: economic integration, immigration policy, integration policies, migrants, natives’ sentiments, perception, Syrian refugees, Turkey

Procedia PDF Downloads 348

Authors: Jessica Gonzalez

Abstract:

Veganism, along with different types of vegetarianism, consists in the abstinence of animal products. Far from being only an alimentary regulation, it stands as a political posture against the food industry generating itself a set of beliefs, prohibitions, and attitudes that compel the individual to a reevaluation of his obligations towards the environment. Veganism defends animal rights and at the same time reinforces a different conception of natural resources embodying it in alimentary restrictions. These practices emerge in the context of alimentary modernity, which is characterized by bringing new concerns to the consumer. An increased skepticism towards the government ability to protect food supply; a notable distrust toward the market guaranties on providing safe food with sustainable techniques and the desire to react to the neoliberal forms of exploitation are some of its consequences of this phenomenon. This study aims to approach the concept of governmentality as a coproduced system of legitimized practices and knowledge, formed by the interaction of the different actors that are involved. In a scenario where the State seems to retreat from centralized regulation of food production giving up importance to citizens, dietary consultants, farmers, and stockbreeders, veganism plays its role on the conformation of distinctive forms of environmentalism, nature rights and responses to ecological crisis. The ethnographic method allows observing the mechanisms of interaction of consumers and discourses with the mainstream food system, providing evidence about the means of generation of new conceptions about nature and the environment. The paper focuses on how the dietary restrictions, consumption patterns and public discourses of vegans in Barcelona impact local consumption, demonstrating its relevance as a mechanism that associates particular concerns about food with political economy.

Keywords: animal rights, environmentalism, food system, governmentality, veganism

Procedia PDF Downloads 118

Authors: Sabika Khalid, Endale Fantahun Tadesse

Abstract:

Unlike other professional sectors, a great deal of studies has addressed the overwhelming gender disparity phenomena in the early childhood education (ECE) workforce, which is acknowledged for the dominance of women over men teachers. The irony of ECE being a gendered working environment is not only observed in societies that are ruled by gender roles but also in Western countries that claim to margin the gender gap in several professions. The participation of male teachers in ECE across most countries ranged from 1% to 3% of the total preschool or kindergarten teachers. When it comes to a dynamic Chinese society tempered with a deep-rooted tradition and cultural ideology, the ECE has no less place for males, and males have a low place for ECE. According to the Ministry of Education of China (2020), there are over 5 million kindergarten teachers and staff members, while only 2.3% are accounted for male teachers. The traditional gender-based discourse asserts that giving care and guidance for young children related to nurturing ‘mothering’ labels the profession in ECE as women’s work derived from originated from their ‘naturality.’ Although a large volume of evidence sheds light on the cause for low male teachers, the perception of parents, female teachers working with male teachers, and the experience of male teachers working in ECE, less is known and understood before being a teacher. Hence, this study argues that the promotion of the involvement of male teachers in light of their masculinity identity asset in the children's learning environment is comprehended to understand the construction of male student teachers' (preservice) professional identity during early childhood teacher training that allows obtaining substantial evidence that provides a feasible and robust implication in the preparation of competent and professional male preschool teachers that understand, cherish, and bring harmony in Chinese ECE through professionalism socialization with the stakeholders. This study intended to reveal male ECE preservice teachers’ knowledge of their professional identity, i.e., how they perceive themselves as a teacher and what factors agents these perceptions towards their professional identity.

Keywords: male teachers, Early Childhood Education (ECE), self-identity, perception of stakeholders

Procedia PDF Downloads 31

Authors: A.Beril Tugrul, Selahattin Cimen

Abstract:

Dependency of humanity on the energy is ever-increasing today and the energy policies are reaching undeniable and un-ignorable dimensions steering the political events as well. Therefore, energy has the highest priority for Turkey like any other country. In this study, the energy supply security for Turkey evaluated according to the strategic criteria of energy policy. Under these circumstances, different alternatives are described and assessed with in terms of the energy expansion of Turkey. With this study, different opportunities in the energy expansion of Turkey is clarified and emphasized.

Keywords: energy policy, energy strategy, future projection, Turkey

Procedia PDF Downloads 376

Authors: Iman Shabanzadeh

Abstract:

The economic growth and the special model of development in China have caused sensitivity in the public opinion of the world regarding the nature of this growth and development. In this regard, the Chinese have tried to put an end to such alarming procedures by using all the tools at their disposal and seek to present a peaceful and cooperative image of themselves. In this way, one of the most important diplomatic tools that Beijing has used to reduce the concerns caused by the Threat Theory has been the use of soft power resources and its tools in its development policies. This article begins by analyzing the concept of soft power and examining its foundations in international relations, and continues to examine the components of soft power in its Chinese version. The main purpose of the article is to figure out about the position of West Asia in China's soft power strategy and resources China use to achieve its goals in this region. In response to the main question, the paper's hypothesis is that soft power in its Chinese version had significant differences from Joseph Nye's original idea. In fact, the Chinese have imported the American version of soft power and adjusted, strengthened and, in other words, internalized it with their abilities, capacities and political philosophy. Based on this, China's software presence in West Asia can be traced in three areas. The first source of China's soft power in this region of West Asia is cultural in nature and is realized through strategies such as "use of educational tools and methods", "media methods" and "tourism industry". The second source is related to political soft power, which is applied through the policy of "balance of influence" and the policy of "mediation" and relying on the "ideological foundations of Confucianism". The third source also refers to China's economic soft power and is realized through three tools: "energy exchanges", "foreign investments" and "Belt-Road initiative". The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical.

Keywords: soft power, cooperative power, china, west asia

Procedia PDF Downloads 47

Authors: Roshanak Nouralian

Abstract:

The primary focus of my Ph.D. dissertation revolves around the interconnection between language and culture, as well as the crucial role that language plays in facilitating communication and fostering integration within the host society for immigrants. This research specifically focuses on Iranian students studying at various universities in Vienna. Throughout this study, I have attempted to examine and analyze their challenges in various life situations in Austria. The broad dimensions of the research question led the research process to apply a constructivist grounded theory strategy. I have also used critical discourse analysis that is in line with constructivist GT's point of view to look closely at the borders, contradictions, and inequalities that came up in the participants' real-life experiences. Data from individual interviews and group discussions have expanded the research trajectory beyond disciplinary boundaries toward a transdisciplinary approach. The research findings indicate how the language policy of the host society leads to the establishment of power relationships and the arousal of a sense of cultural dominance among the research participants. This study investigates the problems experienced by participants in their daily interactions within the host society. Additionally, the results illustrate the development of a dependency relationship between participants and their host society despite linguistic policies that cause a sense of cultural hegemony. Conversely, the obtained data allowed me to examine the participants' language ideologies. The findings of this study show that social linguistics has the potential to go beyond the boundaries of its field. This is possible by using a variety of research strategies and analyzing people's real-life experiences to find out how language affects different parts of their daily lives. Therefore, in this conference, discussing the logic of employing a constructivist GT strategy along with critical discourse analysis (CDA) in this research, I intend to discuss the achieved results.

Keywords: cultural adapttaion, language policy, language ideology, cultural hegemony, transdisciplinary research, constructivist grounded theory, critical discourse analysis

Procedia PDF Downloads 54

Authors: Mariana Anaya Villafana

Abstract:

The sudden change of a significant percentage of the Latino community in the United States elections towards a Republican political orientation was reflected during the 2016 presidential election. This moment represented a radical change that is happening inside the Latino community in the United States, the support they have given to Trump's campaign only demonstrates their support for new anti-immigration regulations and conservative values, which are causing a division of ideologies inside the Latino community. One of the main goals of the following research is to understand the whole phenomenon 'Why would people join their own oppressor?' Align themselves with the politics that prevent many of their relatives to come to the United States and made the assimilation process difficult for their parents. It is important to prove that a change in the identity has happened, through the use of power relations and the attachment to the desired object. A group of Hispanics/Latinos have decided to vote for Trump in order to belong to a society that hasn’t been able to fully include them within it, an action that can result on the non-intentional harm of the values and aims of the rest of the Latino/Hispanic community. In order to understand their new political beliefs, it is necessary to use the method of discourse analysis to comprehend those comments and interviews that are published on web sites such as: 'Latinos for Trump' and 'GOP Hispanic Division'. Among the results that the research has shown, the notion of the 'American Dream' can be considered as a determinant object for the construction of a new identity that is rooted in hard work and legality. One that is proud of the Latino heritage but still wants to maintain the boundaries between legality and illegality in relation to the immigrants. This discourse results on a contradiction to most of the cases because they mention that their families came to the U.S. as immigrants; the only difference is that they work hard to obtain legal citizenship.

Keywords: populism, identity, Latino Community, migration

Procedia PDF Downloads 120

Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

Abstract:

This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018, and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. Focusing on the timeline starting from early republican period till today, the paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center as a place of memory and a space of politics in its existence. After the establishment of Turkish Republic, one of most important implementation in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period, AKM was a representation of a cultural production of a modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice and Development Party and the construction of Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The article aims to discuss the existence and demolishment of Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and a space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, atatürk cultural center, taksim square

Procedia PDF Downloads 73

Authors: Josie West

Abstract:

This paper focuses on the conflicts and utility of Marxist Feminist frames for sex work research, drawing on findings uncovered through in-depth interviews with online sex workers, alongside critical discourse analysis of media and political commentary. It brings the critical perspective of women into digital workerism and gig economy dialogue who, despite their significant presence within online work, have been overlooked. The autonomist Marxist concept of class composition is adopted to unpack the social, technical and political composition of this often-invisible segment of the service sector. Autonomism makes visible the perspective of workers engaged in processes of mobilization and demobilizaiton. This allows researchers to find everyday forms of resistance which occur within and outside trade unions. On the other hand, Marxist feminist arguments about invisibility politics can generate unhelpful allegories about sex work as domestic labour within the reproductive sphere. Nick Srnicek’s development of Marx’s notion of infrastructure rents helps theorize experiences of unpaid labour within online sex work. Moreover, debates about anti-work politics can cause conflict among sex workers fighting for the labour movement and those rejecting the capitalist work ethic. This illuminates’ tensions caused by white privilege and differing experiences of sex work. The monopolistic and competitive nature of sex work platforms within platform capitalism, and the vulnerable position of marginalised workers within stigmatized/criminalised markets, complicates anti-work politics further. This paper is situated within the feminist sex wars and the intensely divisive question of whether sex workers are victims of the patriarchy or symbols of feminist resistance. Camgirls are shown to engage in radical tactics of resistance against their technical composition on popular sex work platforms. They also engage in creative acts of resistance through performance art, in an attempt to draw attention to stigma and anti-criminalization politics. This sector offers a fascinating window onto grassroots class-action, alongside education about ‘whorephobia.’ A case study of resistance against Only Fans, and a small workers co-operative which emerged during the pandemic, showcases how workers engage in socialist and political acts without the aid of unions. Workers are victims of neoliberalism and simultaneous adopters of neoliberal strategies of survival. The complex dynamics within unions are explored, including tensions with grass-roots resistance, financial pressures and intersecting complications of class, gender and race.

Keywords: autonomist marxism, digital labor, feminism, neoliberalism, sex work, platform capitalism

Procedia PDF Downloads 78

Authors: Khanday Pervaiz Ahmad

Abstract:

It was in 19th century when the Indian educated class started to reform their socio-religious set up as an imperative to respond to the challenges put forward by the colonial empire. The colonial discourse on India from the very beginning was gendered, as the colonized society was feminized and its ‘effeminate’ character, as opposed to ‘colonial masculinity’ was held to be a justification for its loss of independence. The ‘women health figure’ is prominently in these gender discourses. The women’s health received a much place in the colonial discourse. Lack of health consciousness, illiteracy, and belief in myths, rituals and superstitions were deemed the main factors taken as an indicator of miserable condition of Indian women’s health. As the low position of women caused shame to the natives, reforming the condition of women, its health occupied a major place in their intellectual as well as activist engagements. Magazines (journals) for women began to appear in various Indian languages in the mid to late 19th century with Bengal leading the front. These sources (Magazines) like Harm, Tehzib un Niswan, Saheli, Khatoon etc. are essential for the study of the emergence of an ideology of respectable domesticity in Indian Muslim upper middle class. Similarly for the study of development of Women’s health consciousness, women’s magazines are very essential. These earliest women Urdu magazines were first started by men, and then followed by the women’s own magazines. Various health issues, like pregnancy, child-rearing, menstruation, midwives training, Pardah, and health etc. were discussed at a time when it was impossible to discuss them in public sphere. These women magazines were brave pioneers, expanding the frontiers of women’s roles, and consciousness at a time when those frontiers were severely limited. This paper will try to focus on how women responded to the question of colonial discourse about their bodies. How health consciousness developed among Indian Muslim women and in what way it contributed in the development of feminist consciousness in South Asian Muslim Women community.

Keywords: Ashraf class, khatoon, haram women, feminism

Procedia PDF Downloads 261

Authors: Anne Lehner, Mostafa Salari Rad, Jeremy Ginges

Abstract:

Many of life’s privileges (and burdens) are thrust on us at birth. Someone born white or male in the United States is also born with a set of advantages over someone born non-white or female. One aspect of privileges conferred by birth is that they are so entrenched in social institutions and social norms that until they are robustly challenged, they can be seen as a moral good. While American society increasingly confronts privileges based on gender and race, other types of privileges, like one's nationality, see less attention. The nationality one is born into can have enormous effects on one’s personal life, work opportunities, and health outcomes. Yet, we predicted that although most Americans would regard it as absurd to think that white people have a right to protect their privileges and 'way of life', they would regard it as obvious that Americans have a right to protect the American way of life and associated privileges. In a preregistered study we presented 300 Americans randomly with one out of three 'privilege scales' in order to assess their agreement with certain statements. The domains for the privilege scales were nationality, race, and gender. Next, all participants completed the switched-at-birth task assessing ones tendency to essentialize nationality. We found that Americans are more approving of privilege based on nationality than of privilege based on gender and race. In addition, we found an interaction of condition with ideology, showing that conservatives are in general more approving of the privilege of any kind than liberals are, and they especially approve of privilege based on nationality. For the switched-at-birth task, we found that both, liberals as well as conservatives are equally willing to grant the child 100% American nationality. Whether or not one chose 100% is unrelated to the expressed approval of privilege based on nationality. One might hesitate to fully grant the child 100% American nationality in the task, yet disapprove of privilege based on nationality. This shows that as much as we see beholders of privilege being oblivious to their statuses within other social categories, like gender or race, we seem to detect the same blindness for the privilege based on nationality. Liberals showing relatively fewer support for privilege based on nationality compared to conservatives still refused to acknowledge the child as having become 100% American and thereby denying the privileges it potentially bestows upon them.

Keywords: thought experiment, anti-immigrant attitudes, privilege of nationality, immigration, moral circles, psychology

Procedia PDF Downloads 119