Search results for: scalar politics

Authors: Joao Gouveia

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This is a study about Hegelian political and moral philosophy. Our aim is to understand the relevance that Hegel attributes to ethics in the concrete political configuration of society. But our analysis isn’t limited to Hegel’s most known political work (the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts). Instead, we also analyze the Phänomenologie des Geistes and establish a comparison between them. In the Moralität of the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, consciousness acquires the disposition that allows it to see any determination as its own (the certainty about itself or Gewissen). This certainty is the essential disposition that makes itself felt throughout all Sittlichkeit –the dispositions of family member and citizen (Bürger) are only configurations of it. Although consciousness is alienated in these dispositions, it doesn’t lose the certainty about itself that it reached in the Moralität. As our major finding, we point out that it is the moral learning that allows consciousness to resist the temptation of focusing so intensely on specific content that it excludes all the others (a temptation that is stimulated by the very intensity with which each content presents itself to consciousness). As the world of Bildung of the Phänomenologie des Geistes isn’t preceded by a sphere of Moralität, consciousness is thrown into a frenzy of destruction of all the powers of objectivity, and it ends up having to withdraw from the concrete contents and to focus in an abstract whole, where it doesn’t find opposite determinacies. The evidence supporting our thesis is the fact that the transition from abstraction into particularity, that we see in the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, allows the preservation of abstraction (it isn’t lost as we penetrate in particularity). On the other hand, the transition we find in the Phänomenologie des Geistes is a transition from particularity to abstraction, which takes every particularity to be eliminated in the war with others. While in the Phänomenologie des Geistes, the state may only be seen as a moment or facet of the object (it is only Staatsmacht); in the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, it is seen as a whole that contains various moments in itself (Staat). Therefore, the element of the Phänomenologie des Geistes that is closer to the State of the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts is language (or the language of perversion) –something that can’t be defined as an individuality. This way, we want to show that, between the Phänomenologie des Geistes and the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, there is truly no remarkable evolution to report in Hegel’s ethical thought. What the difference in the structure of the two works show is a specific thesis respecting the influence of ethics in the configuration of society, and this thesis has implications at various levels, including in the philosophy of history.

Keywords: Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, Hegelian ethics, Hegelian politics, Phänomenologie des Geistes

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Authors: Masami Usui

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Kazuo Ishiguro’s The Remains of the Day (1989) underlines another holocaust, an imprisonment of human life, dignity, and self in the globalizing sphere of the twentieth century. The Remains of the Day delineates the invisible and cruel space of “lost and found” in the postcolonial and post-imperial discourse of this century, that is, the Holocaust. The context of the concentration camp or wartime imprisonment such as Auschwitz is transplanted into the public sphere of modern England, Darlington Hall. The voice is retrieved and expressed by the young journalist and heir of Darlington Hall, Mr. David Cardinal. The new media of journalism is an intruder at Darlington Hall and plays a role in revealing the wrongly-input ideology. “Lost and Found” consists of the private and public retrieved voices. Stevens’ journey in 1956 is a return to the past, especially the period between 1935 and 1936. Lost time is retrieved on his journey; yet lost life cannot be revived entirely in his remains of life. The supreme days of Darlington Hall are the terrifying days caused by the Nazis. Fascism, terrorism, and militarism destroyed the wholesomeness of the globe. Into blind Stevens, both Miss Kenton and Mr. Cardinal bring out the common issue, that is, the political conflicts caused by Nazis. Miss Kenton expresses her own ideas against anti-Semitism regarding the Jewish maids in the crucial time when Sir Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts organization attacked the Anglo Jews between 1935 and 1936. Miss Kenton’s half-muted statement is reinforced and assured by Cardinal in his mention of the 1934 Olympic Rally threatened by Mosley’s Blackshirts. Cardinal’s invasion of Darlington Hall embodies the increasing tension of international politics related to World War II. Darlington Hall accommodates the crucial political issue that definitely influences the fate of the house, its residents, and the nation itself and that is retrieved in the newly progressive and established media.

Keywords: modern English literature, culture studies, communication, history

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Authors: Natsuko D'Aprile

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The construction of Nation-States is a historical process that produces a type of national identity and culture that States nowadays mobilise for global outreach. National culture, as a set of norms and values influencing individuals’ actions and decisions, produces a type of policy making of various strategies that impact how a Nation is promoted overseas. The 1990s were marked by a resurgence of the debates on national identity. This period is believed to have paved the way for nationalism and witnessed increased attention to analytical approaches to identity. Public diplomacy is a concrete example of how national culture is mobilised to project a favourable image of a Nation abroad, especially in the narratives on national identity mobilised by diplomatic actors. Public diplomacy is understood as providing tools for States to build and project strategic narratives that represent events and identities in an attempt to influence domestic and foreign audiences, be they domestic or foreign. France and Japan received little attention on the matter. This research hence aims to investigate how France and Japan have mobilised narratives on national identity since the 1990s in the context of their public diplomacy. To understand how identities are framed, qualitative and quantitative discourse analysis has been performed on a corpus of various speeches held by French and Japanese political actors in which they present their diplomacy goals, as well as official documents provided by both Ministries of Foreign Affairs. This analysis showed that the French discourse integrates a narrative on France’s universal vocation, relying on the expression of a Nation whose model is worldly applicable and has the legitimacy to influence international decisions. The Japanese discourse does not concretely emphasise Japanese or Asian values, except for some narratives integrating Confucian and Shintō values. It rather revolves around the need for Japan to ensure its citizens’ security and prosperity, hence the need for the Government to contribute to peace in the Asia-Pacific region and the world.

Keywords: comparative politics, culture, discourse analysis, narratives, public diplomacy

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Authors: Mohammad Arifur Rahman

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The research study aims to bring to light the contribution of sir Sayeed Ahmed in the realm of education and literature. Sir Sayeed Ahmed Khan (1817 –1898), commonly known as Sir Sayeed, was an Indian Muslim leader, Islamic modernist, philosopher and social reformer of the nineteenth century. He earned a reputation as a distinguished scholar while working as a jurist for British India. During the Indian Rebellion of 1857, he remained loyal to the British Empire and was noted for his actions in saving European lives. Believing that the future of Muslims was threatened by the rigidity of their orthodox outlook, Sir Sayeed began promoting Western–style scientific education by founding modern schools and journals and organizing Muslim entrepreneurs. He was one of the founders of the Aligarh Movement and Aligarh Muslim University. He began focusing on writing, from his early life, on various subjects, mainly educational issues. He launched his attempts to revive the spirit of progress within the Muslim community of India. Therefore, modern education became the pivot of his movement for the regeneration of the Indian Muslims. Sayeed Ahmed Khan found time for literary and scholarly pursuits. The range of his literary and scholarly interests was very wide, comprising all the major areas: education, law, philosophy, history, politics, archeology, journalism, Muslim modernism, literature, science and culture, mainly based on his comprehensive religious ideas should be well measured in view to making out him and his contribution to the context. The books written by himself and the books composed by him by some of the great writers like Altaf Hussein Hali, Hafee z Malick, Nasim Rashid, and Christian W. Troll were studied to understand him and his contribution. The readers of this paper would benefit from dispelling the hazy ideas about this great man of India who made an immense contribution. Further research should be undertaken to know more about the different sides of his thought and personality. The qualitative and the historical methods are adopted for the accomplishment of the work.

Keywords: thinker, reformer, educator and Philosopher, modernist

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Authors: Giorgi Katamadze

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Open public service and accountability towards citizens is an important feature of democratic state based on rule of law. Effective use of electronic resources simplifies bureaucratic procedures, makes direct communications, helps exchange information, ensures government’s openness and in general helps develop electronic/digital democracy. Development of electronic democracy should be a strategic dimension of Georgian governance. Formation of electronic democracy, its functional improvement should become an important dimension of the state’s information policy. Electronic democracy is based on electronic governance and implies modern information and communication systems, their adaptation to universal standards. E-democracy needs involvement of governments, voters, political parties and social groups in an electronic form. In the last years the process of interaction between the citizen and the state becomes simpler. This process is achieved by the use of modern technological systems which gives to a citizen a possibility to use different public services online. For example, the website my.gov.ge makes interaction between the citizen, business and the state more simple, comfortable and secure. A higher standard of accountability and interaction is being established. Electronic democracy brings new forms of interactions between the state and the citizen: e-engagement – participation of society in state politics via electronic systems; e-consultation – electronic interaction among public officials, citizens and interested groups; e-controllership – electronic rule and control of public expenses and service. Public transparency is one of the milestones of electronic democracy as well as representative democracy as only on mutual trust and accountability can democracy be established. In Georgia, institutional changes concerning establishment and development of electronic democracy are not enough. Effective planning and implementation of a comprehensive and multi component e-democracy program (central, regional, local levels) requires telecommunication systems, institutional (public service, competencies, logical system) and informational (relevant conditions for public involvement) support. Therefore, a systematic project of formation of electronic governance should be developed which will include central, regional, municipal levels and certain aspects of development of instrumental basis for electronic governance.

Keywords: e-democracy, e-governance, e-services, information technology, public administration

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Authors: Abdul Kader

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This paper attempts to investigate several contributory factors to recent volatility in the Islamic Banking sector of Bangladesh. In particular, the study explores corporate governance, credit management, credit regulations, inept board of directors, using religious sentiment as a means to deceive general people, and the degree of political interference as potential contributory factors. To find the correlation among different variables, semi-structured questionnaires were distributed among the clients, bank managers, some Banking scholars and ex-members of the board of directors of three Islamic Banks in Bangladesh. Later, ten interviews were collected from key informants to gain in-depth information about the present mismanagement of Islamic Banks in Bangladesh. After then, data were analyzed using statistical software and substantiated by secondary sources like newspapers, reports and investigative reports aired in screen media. The paper found a correlation between almost all contributory factors and recent unstable conditions in the Islamic banking sector. After performing regression analysis, this paper found a more significant relationship between some of the contributory factors with Banking volatility than others. For instance, credit management, inept board of directors, depriving customers of proving no profit in the name of business—no interest-- and political interference have a strong significant positive correlation with the present poor condition of Islamic Banking. This paper concludes that while internal management is important in recovering the losses, the government needs to ensure framing better policy for the Islamic Banking system, Central Bank needs to supervise and monitor all Islamic banks meticulously and loan receivers must go through the impartial evaluation and approved by the representatives of the Central Shariah Board. This paper also recommends that there is a need to strengthen the auditing system and improve regulatory oversight of the Islamic Banks in Bangladesh. Policy recommendations that this paper put forward could provide an outline for dealing with the existing challenging condition of Islamic Banks and these could be applied to similar problems in other countries where the Islamic Banking model exists.

Keywords: Islamic bank, volatility in banking sector, shariah law, credit management, political interference

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Authors: Lei Ping

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The Western discourse of ‘modernity’ along with its objects, ideologies, and culture are brought to Imperial China by force of arms which confronted Chinese traditions. The struggle and conflicts between ‘Zhong’ (Chinese) and ‘Wai' (foreign), ‘Jiu’(Old) and ‘Xin’(New) are continuous during the turbulent times of 19th Century China. Since the foundation of the People’s Republic in 1949, China has gone through radical social, economic and cultural reform under the Communist Party’s highly centralised and autocratic political regime. The regime and Chairman Mao’s eagerness to identify the new China and establish a revolutionary mono-culture have increased political influence on the modernisation process. The ten years of Cultural Revolution (1966-76) have commonly been neglected and separated from China’s modern history due to its political, emotional and various other associations. Its cultural productions which dictated the Chinese stages during this period, namely the yangbanxi (Model Works), are largely viewed as political propaganda material with little or no artistic value in the nation’s cultural development. This paper argues that far from being anti modernisation of culture, the yangbanxi carry continuities that originate from before the cultural revolution and influence later cultural productions up till today. The focus of the paper is on Hongse Niangzijun (The Red Detachment of Women), a ballet yangbanxi (Model Works) which was performed to President Nixon during his visit to China in 1972. It depicts the female soldier Wu Qionghua’s life story: a transformation from a peasant girl to a mature communist soldier. The first part of the paper begins with an introduction to the cultural, social and political contexts under which the ballet was created and made a yangbanxi (Model work). The second part examines the application of musical devices (e.g. instrumentation, leitmotif), ranging from typical Western techniques to Chinese musical and theatrical traditions. By analysing, connecting and comparing these musical devices of various origins, the paper illustrates that the yangbanxi (Model Works) largely contributes to the ever-present, continuing and evolving modernisation of contemporary Chinese culture.

Keywords: cultural revolution, Hongse Niangzijun (Red Detachment of Women), modern China, music, Yangbanxi (model works)

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Authors: Wai Ha Leung

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Mother tongue language (MTL) curriculum is core to school education in most countries/regions' school curriculum. Through mother tongue language learning, students are expected to enhance their understanding of the nation's culture and foster the sense of cultural and ethnic identity. However, MTL education in Hong Kong is complicated by the colonial history. This study examines Hong Kong Chinese language teachers' perceptions of MTL education, and the implication on MTL curriculum development. The questionnaire was administrated to 97 teachers, and interviews were carried out on 17 teachers. Usually, MTL is both the tool with which knowledge and skills are taught and learned and the vehicle for students to learn about the traditions of the countries' literature and culture. In Hong Kong, 95% of the population is of Chinese descent. Traditionally, education in China was a mixture of philosophy, history, politics and literacy. Chinese as an MTL subject in pre-colonial Hong Kong has always been assigned the mission of developing students' cultural identity in addition to the development of linguistic proficiency. During the colonial period, the Chinese Language curriculum shifted to be more language skills based with less emphasis on Chinese culture and moral education. After the sovereignty of Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, although a new curriculum was implemented in 2002, teaching and learning in school as well as public examinations seem to be remaining language skills oriented instead of culturally based. This deviation from the trend of both Chinese traditional education and global mother tongue language education makes some Chinese language teachers feel confused. In addition, there is comment that in general Hong Kong students' Chinese language proficiency is becoming weaker and weaker in recent years. Thus, effectiveness of the skills oriented language curriculum has come under question. How a language teacher views the aims and objectives of the language subject he or she is teaching has a direct effect on the curriculum delivery and pedagogies used. It is, therefore, important to investigate what is the language teachers' perception of MTL education, and whether the current school curriculum can meet the teachers' expectation as well as achieve the aims of MTL education. Given this context, this study explored the views of Hong Kong Chinese language teachers on MTL education. The data indicate that teachers showed a strong resentment towards the current curriculum. Results may have implications on mother tongue language curriculum development.

Keywords: Chinese language education, curriculum development, mother tongue language education, teachers' perception

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Authors: Maryam Nzari

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Today, with the advancement of Internet technology, one of the tools used by humans is a tool that allows them to do what they need easily. Online platforms in different forms and by providing different services make it possible for users to communicate with each other and users with platforms. Audience communication with mass media is not the same as in the past. Today the conditions are different; With online platforms that provide the latest news minute by minute, he has access to all the content and can choose more quickly and easily. According to professionals Galloway, Apple, Amazon, Facebook and Google companies create a wide range. They are among the products and services that are connected with the daily life of billions of people all over the planet. Over time, platforms gain high economic value and in this way gain power that will influence the social, cultural, economic and political aspects of people’s lives. As a result of the effects of the process of platformization on all areas of individual and collective life, we now live in a platform society, which communicates It is close to “platform politics”. Nowadays, with social media platforms, users can interact with many people and people can share their data on various topics with others in this space. In this research, what will be investigated is the role of these online platforms in economic growth and the introduction of local culture areas in tourist areas. Tourism in a region is linked with various factors; One of the important factors that attract tourists to a region is its culture, and on the other hand, this culture can also affect economic growth. Without a proper understanding of the culture of these tourist areas, it is not possible to plan properly for the growth of the tourism industry and the subsequent increase in economic growth. The interaction of local people and tourists will have social and cultural effects on each other and will give them the opportunity to get to know each other. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to examine issues such as the role that online platforms play in cultural interaction in tourist areas and to understand that online platforms are only seeking to show the good aspects of a region and then generate enough extra income or that platforms can They play a role beyond what we imagine and introduce the culture of a region in a proper way so that we don’t see disagreements in the tourism planning of that region. in this article It has been tried by using library and field methods Answer the questions.

Keywords: online platforms, economic growth, culture Indigenous, tourism

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Authors: John Hardy

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The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

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Authors: Morenikeji Aliu Balaji

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Gender inequality is seen as persistent discrimination of one group of people based gender, and it manifests itself differently according to race, culture, politics, country and economic situation. Multiple explanations have been offered for gender differences in literacy skill development. Three prominent explanations that precipitated the gender differences are; biological, where the assumption is that differential brain structures and hemispheric activation patterns cause the sexes to be hardwired differently for reading, with girls developing the cognitive skills associated with reading before boys. Secondly, schooling favour girls and ‘girly’ behaviour, and that boys are, as a result, lagging behind on several behavioural, social and academic measures and thirdly, cultural influences, where literacy is defined as a feminine characteristic – propagated by an overrepresentation of female teachers – and that modern culture steers boys towards activities such as sport and computers. Therefore the study investigated the influence of gender inequality on pre – primary school children literacy skills development in Ojo Local Government Area, Lagos State. Descriptive survey research design was adopted for the study. 100 pre-primary school teachers were involved in the study. A self-designed instrument was used for data collection titled ‘Influence of Gender Inequality on Literacy Skill Development in Children Questionnaire (IGILSDCQ)’. The instrument was validated and tested for reliability. The reliability index for IGILSDCQ (α = 0.79). Five research questions were answered using descriptive (frequency count, simple percentage, mean and standard deviation). The findings showed that that gender inequality to some extent influence children phonemic awareness (WA=1.76), the extent to which gender inequality influence children awareness of print is high (WA=2.8), gender inequality to some extent influence children vocabulary development (WA = 2.4), the extent to which gender inequality influence children speaking skill development is high (WA = 2.5) and lastly, the extent to which gender inequality influence children comprehension ability is high (WA = 2.5). It was recommended among others that effort by the school administrators is necessary in the provision of reading materials and literacy skill development packages that are both male-oriented and female-oriented.

Keywords: pre-primart, literacy, awareness, phonemic, gender

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Authors: Mark Wenyi Lai

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The very lethal weapon of nuclear warhead had threatened the survival of the world for half of the 20th century. When most of the countries have already denounced and stopped the development, one country is eager to produce and use them. Since 2006, Pyongyang has launched six times of nuclear tests. The most recent one in September 2017 signaled North Korea’s military capability to project the mass destruction through ICBM (Intercontinental Ballistic Missile) over Seoul, Tokyo, Guam, Hawaii, Alaska or probably the West Coast of the United States with the explosive energy ten times of the atom bombing of Hiroshima in 1945. This research paper adopted time-series content analysis focusing on the related countries responses to North Korea’s tests in 2006, 2009, 2013, and 2016. The preliminary hypotheses are first, North Korea determined to protect the regime by having triad nuclear capability. Negotiations are mere means to this end. Second, South Korea is paralyzed by its ineffective domestic politics and unable to develop its independent strategy toward the North. Third, Japan was using the external threat to campaign for its rearmament plan and brought instability in foreign relations. Fourth, China found herself in the strange position of defending the loyal buffer state meanwhile witnessing the fourth and dangerous neighboring country gaining the card into nuclear club. Fifth, the United States had admitted that North Korea’s going nuclear is unstoppable. Therefore, to keep the regional stability in the East Asia, the US relied on the new balance of power formed by everyone versus Pyongyang. But, countries in East Asia actually have problems getting along with each other. Sixth, Russia distanced herself from the North Kore row but benefitted by advancing its strategic importance in the Far East. Tracing back the history of nuclear states, this research paper concluded that North Korea will head on becoming a more confident country. The regional stability will restore once related countries deal with the new fact and treat Pyongyang regime with a new strategy. The gradual opening and economic reform are on the way for the North Korea in the near future.

Keywords: nuclear test, North Korea, six party talk, US foreign policy

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Authors: Chiara Magliacane

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This project aims to analyse the relationship between the post-conflict Northern Irish environment and youth trauma in deprived areas. Using an anthropological perspective and methodology, the study investigates the possible contribution that a socio-cultural perspective can give to the current research on the field, with a special focus on the role of transgenerational trauma. The recognition of the role that socio-economic determinants have on health is usually a challenge for social researchers. In post-conflict Northern Ireland, the overall lack of research about connections between the social context and youth trauma opens the way to the present project. Anthropological studies on social implications of mental disorders have achieved impressive results in many societies; they show how conditions of sufferance and poverty are not intrinsically given, but are the products of historical processes and events. The continuum of violence and the politics of victimhood sustains a culture of silence and fear in deprived areas; this implies the need of investigating the structural and symbolic violence that lies behind the diffusion of mental suffering. The project refers to these concepts from Medical Anthropology and looks at connections between trauma and social, political and economic structures. Accordingly, the study considers factors such as poverty, unemployment, social inequality and gender and class perspectives. At the same time, the project problematises categories such as youth and trauma. 'Trauma' is currently debated within the social sciences since the 'invention' of the Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in 1980. Current critics made to its clinical conception show how trauma has been mainly analysed as a memory of the past. On the contrary, medical anthropological research focuses on wider perspectives on society and its structures; this is a new and original approach to the study of youth trauma considering that, to author’s best knowledge, there is no research of this kind regarding Northern Ireland. Methods: Qualitative interviews, participant observation. Expected Impact: Local Northern Ireland organizations, i.e. specific charities that provide mental health support. Ongoing and present connections will ensure they will hear about this research.

Keywords: health and social inequalities, Northern Ireland, structural violence, youth

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Authors: Tomas Macsotay

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If monument removal and monument effacement may call to mind a Nietzschean proposal for vitalist disregard of conventional morality, it remains the case that it is often only by a willingness to go “beyond good and evil” in inherited monument politics that truthful, be it unexpected aspects of our co-existence with monuments can finally start to rise into fuller consciousness. A series of urgent questions press themselves in the panorama created by the affirmative idea that we can, as a community, make crucial decisions with regard to monumental preservation or discontinuation. Memorials are not the core concern for decolonial and racial dignity movements like Black Lives Matter (BLM), which have repeatedly shown they regard these actions as a welcome, albeit complementary, part of a reckoning with a past of racial violence and injustice, slavery, and colonial subaltern existence. As such, the iconoclastic issue of “rights and prohibitions of images” only tangentially touches on a cultural movement that seems rather question dominant ideas of history, pertinence, and the long life of the class, gender, and racial conflict through ossified memorial cultures. In the recent monument insurrection, we face a rare case of a new negotiation of rights of existence for this particular tract of material culture. This engenders a debate on how and why we accord rights to objects in public dominion ― indeed, how such rights impinge upon the rights of subjects who inhabit the public sphere. Incidentally, the possibility of taking away from monuments such imagined or adjoined rights has made it possible to tease open a sphere of emotionality that could not be expressed in patrimonial thinking: the reality of atmospheres as settings, often dependent on pseudo-objects and half-conscious situations, that situate individuals involuntarily in a pathic aesthetics. In this way, the unique moment we now witness ― full of the possibility of going “beyond good and evil” of monument preservation ― starts to look more like a moment of involuntary awaking: an awakening to the encrypted gaze of the monument and the enigma that the same monument or memorial site can carry day-to-day habits of life for some bystanders, while racialized and disenfranchised communities experience discomfort and erosion of subjective life in the same sites.

Keywords: monument, memorial, atmosphere, racial justice, decolonialism

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Authors: Suaka Yaro

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This article provides an alternative examination of the causes and the ramifications of the Ivorian political conflict from 2002 to 2009. The researcher employed a constructivist epistemology and qualitative study based upon fieldwork in different African cities interviewing Ivorians outside and within Ivory Coast. A purposive sampling of fourteen participants was selected. A purposive sampling was used to select fourteen respondents. The respondents were selected based on their involvement in Ivorian conflict. Their experiences on the causes and effects of the conflict were tapped for analysis. Qualitative methodology was used for the study. The data collection instruments were semi-structured interview questions, open-ended semi-structured questionnaire, and documentary analysis. The perceptions of these participants on the causes, effects and the possible solution to the endemic conflict in their homeland hold key perspectives that have hitherto been ignored in the whole debate about the Ivorian political conflict and its legacies. Finally, from the synthesized findings of the investigation, the researcher concluded that the analysed data revealed that the causes of the conflict were competition for scarce resources, bad governance, media incitement, xenophobia, incessant political power struggle and the proliferation of small firearms entering the country. The effects experienced during the conflict were the human rights violation, destruction of property including UN premises and displaced people both internally and externally. Some recommendations made include: Efforts should be made by the government to strengthen good relationship among different ethnic groups and help them adapt to new challenges that confront democratic developments in the country. The government should organise the South African style of Truth and Reconciliation Commission to revisit the horrors of the past in order to heal wounds and prevent future occurrence of the conflict. Employment opportunities and other income generating ventures for Ivorian should be created by the government by attracting local and foreign investors. The numerous rebels should be given special skills training in other for them to be able to live among the communities in Ivory Coast. Government of national unity should be encouraged in situation like this.

Keywords: displaced, federalism, pluralism, identity politics, grievance, eligibility, greed

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Authors: Fayomi Oluyemi, Ajayi Lady

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This article raises the question of political leadership in the context of womens' roles and responsibilities in Nigeria. The leadership question in Nigeria is disquieting to both academics and policy actors. In a democratic society like Nigeria, the parameters for a well-deserved leadership position is characterised by variables of equity, competence, transparency, accountability, selflessness, and commitment to the tenets of democracy, but the failure of leadership is pervasive in all spheres of socio-political sectors in Nigeria. The paper appraises the activities of Nigerian women in the socio-political arena in Nigeria. It traces their leadership roles from pre-colonial through post-colonial eras with emphasis on 1914 till date. It is argued in the paper that gender imbalance in leadership is a bane to peaceful co-existence and development in Nigeria. It is a truism that gender-blind and gender biased political agendas can distort leadership activities. The extent of their contributions of the few outstanding women’s relative tranquility is highlighted in the theoretical discourse. The methodology adopted for this study is an exploratory study employing the extended case method (ECM). The study was carried out among some selected Nigerian women politicians and academics. Because of ECM's robustness as a qualitative research design, it has helped this study in identifying the challenges of these women thematically and also in constructing valid and reliable measures of the constructs. The study made use of ethnography and triangulation, the latter of which is used by qualitative researchers to check and establish validity in their studies by analyzing a research question from multiple perspectives, specifically Investigator triangulation which involves using several different investigators in the analysis process. Typically, this manifests as the evaluation team consisting of colleagues within a field of study wherein each investigator examines the question of political leadership with the same qualitative method (interview, observation, case study, or focus groups). In addition, data was collated through documentary sources like journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and internet materials. The arguments of this paper center on gender equity of both sexes in socio-political representation and effective participation. The paper concludes with the need to effectively maintain gender balance in leadership in order to enhance lasting peace and unity in Nigeria.

Keywords: gender, politics, leadership, women

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Authors: Gezahegn Bekele Welldgiyorgise

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It is obvious that the economics, politics and social conditions of a country are determined by the quality and standard of its education. Indeed, education plays a vital role in changing the consciousness and awareness of society and transforming it on a large scale. Moreover, education contributes a lot to the advancement of science and technology, information and communication, and above all, it speeds up its progress in no time if it focuses mainly on the qualitative approach to education. Education brings about universal change and transformation and lightens mankind in all dimensions. It creates an educated, enlightened and brightened generation in society. The generation will be sharped, sharpened and well-oriented if it gets modern, sophisticated and standardized education in its field of study. The main goal of education is to produce well-qualified, well-trained and disciplined young offers in a given community. If the youth is well trained and well-mannered, he will certainly be enlightened, problem solvers and solution seekers, researchers, and innovators. In this respect, we have to provide the youth with modern education, a teaching-learning process led by active learning and a participatory approach with a new curriculum preparation for the age of children supported by modern facilities (ICT).In addition to that, the curriculum should have to give attention to mathematics and science lessons that include international experience in a comfortable school and classrooms. Therefore, the generation that will be created through such kinds of the guided education system will make the students active participants, self-confident, researchers and problem solvers, besides that result in changed life standards and a developed country. Similarly, our country, Ethiopia, has aimed to get such change in youth (generation) through modern education, designing a new educational policy and curriculum which was implemented for many years, although the goal of education has not reached the required level. To get the main idea of the article, I should have answered the question of why our country's educational goal had not reached the desired level because it is necessary to lay the foundation for research in finding out problems seen through students learning performance, the first task is selecting primary-school as a sample. Therefore, we selected “Dilla primary school (5-8)” which is a workplace for a teacher and gives me a chance to recognize students’ learning performance to recognize their learning grades (internal and external) and measure performance (achievement) of students easily’.

Keywords: curriculum, performance, innovation, learning

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Authors: Bheki R. Mngomezulu

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The present paper cogently and systematically traces the history of Umkhonto Wesizwe (MK) and identifies its important role in shaping South Africa’s post-apartheid foreign policy and international relations under black leadership. It provides the political and historical contexts within which we can interpret and better understand South Africa’s controversial ‘Quiet Diplomacy’ approach to Zimbabwe’s endemic political and economic crises, which have dragged for too long. On 16 December 1961, the African National Congress (ANC) officially launched the MK as its military wing. The main aim was to train liberation fighters outside South Africa who would return into the country to topple the apartheid regime. Subsequently, the ANC established links with various countries across Africa and the globe in order to solicit arms, financial resources and military training for its recruits into the MK. Drawing from archival research and empirical data obtained through oral interviews that were conducted with some of the former MK cadres, this paper demonstrates how the ANC forged relations with a number of countries that were like-minded in order to ensure that its dream of removing the apartheid government became a reality. The findings reveal that South Africa’s foreign policy posture and international relations after the demise of apartheid in 1994 built on these relations. As such, even former and current socialist countries that were frowned upon by the Western world became post-apartheid South Africa’s international partners. These include countries such as Cuba and China, among others. Even countries that were not recognized by the Western world as independent states received good reception in post-apartheid South Africa’s foreign policy agenda. One of these countries is Palestine. Within Africa, countries with questionable human rights records such as Nigeria and Zimbabwe were accommodated in South Africa’s foreign policy agenda after 1994. Drawing from this history, the paper concludes that it would be difficult to fully understand and appreciate South Africa’s foreign policy direction and international relations after 1994 without bringing the history and the politics of the MK into the equation. Therefore, the paper proposes that the utilitarian role of history should never be undermined in the analysis of a country’s foreign policy direction and international relations. Umkhonto Wesizwe and South Africa are used as examples to demonstrate how such a link could be drawn through archival and empirical evidence.

Keywords: African National Congress, apartheid, foreign policy, international relations

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Authors: Sraman Sree Mattananda

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This present article is an analytical research on ‘Buddhism and Innovative Sustainable Development.' The main purpose of researching is to the better understanding of many social science theories both in politics and in economics. And the understanding of both Buddhism and science is complementary in order to enable any individual to live a full and meaningful human life. How people can avoid conflict, socially, economically, politically and spiritually using Buddhist teachings for a sustainable development. The aim of studying is also to comprehend every human to be aware that peoples’ happiness and sorrow depends on the choices that they had taken to do what was perceptional right and wrong. Everything that happens does have a reason. This study will be supported by the supply of environmental knowledge, philosophy, and experience. Within the domestic and international cultures, this knowledge might provide a significant basis for the contemporary and the future world. Happiness and unsatisfactoriness of mind depend on the consequences of what we had already done. This is to give deep sense to adjust the nature of all that exists and desire not to attach to them and to liberate oneself leaving the reality as it is. An implicit of references will be drawn from the primary sources, secondary sources, internet sources, and other Scholar’s diamond writings, to prove the investigation of philosophical and theoretical analysis. After the investigation of philosophical and theoretical analysis, the article will demonstrate about, what Buddha advised the follows to stop over-exploitation and how to eradicate conflicts to gain a peaceful society. This will be a lively awareness in the approach to the understanding of the Buddhist view of reality and adopt with middle path. The last part of the article will concern with the Buddhist Challenge of sustaining the society and how Buddhist contemporary scholars interpret sustainable development issues. Mahatma Gandhi’s emphasize to use Buddhist Non-Violence will be demonstrating to gain peace, freedom, and security. Twelve things that concern us when we want to explore the issues of sustainability, demonstrated by A Little Book of Hope will be cleared. How individual hearts can implicate to the contemporary globe will be demonstrated to obtain healthy and practical environment. Finally, generating new awareness and care by minimizing the negative impact on earth resources will reduce the degradation of the planet which would pose a challenge to sustain Development.

Keywords: Buddhism, economic, sustainable development, Buddhist ethics

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Authors: Helena Maragou

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Introducing Toni Morrison’s fiction to a classroom overseas entails a significant pedagogical investment, from monitoring students’ uncertain journey through Morrison’s shifty semantics to filling in the gaps of cultural knowledge and understanding for the students to be able to relate text to context. A rewarding process, as Morrison’s works present a tremendous opportunity for transnational dialogue, an opportunity that hinges upon Toni Morrison’s bringing to the fore the untold and unspeakable lives of racial ‘Others’, but also, crucially, upon her broader critique of Western ideological hegemony. This critique is a fundamental aspect of Toni Morrison’s politics and one that appeals to young readers of Toni Morrison in Greece at a time when the questioning of institutions and ideological traditions is precipitated by regional and global change. It is more or less self-evident that to help a class of international students get aboard a Morrison novel, an instructor should begin by providing them with cultural context. These days, students’ exposure to Hollywood representations of the African American past and present, as well as the use of documentaries, photography, music videos, etc., as supplementary class material, provide a starting point, a workable historical and cultural framework for textual comprehension. The true challenge, however, lies ahead: it is one thing for students to intellectually grasp the historical hardships and traumas of Morrison’s characters and to even engage in aesthetic appreciation of Morrison’s writing; quite another to relate to her works as articulations of experiences akin to their own. The great challenge, then, is in facilitating students’ discovery of the universal Morrison, the author who speaks across cultures while voicing the untold tales of her own people; this process of discovery entails, on a pedagogical level, that students be guided through the works’ historical context, to plunge into the intricacies of Morrison’s discourse, itself an elaborate linguistic booby trap, so as to be finally brought to reconsider their own historical experiences using the lens of Morrison’s fiction. The paper will be based on experience of teaching a Toni Morrison seminar to a class of Greek students at the American College of Greece and will draw from students’ exposure and responses to Toni Morrison’s “Nobel Prize Lecture,” as well as her novels Song of Solomon and Home.

Keywords: toni morrison, international classroom, pedagogy, African American literature

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Authors: Khairil Ahmad, Jenny Gryzelius, Mohd Helmi Mohd Sobri

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With the waning support for centrist ‘third-way’ politics across the Western world, there has been an increase in political parties and individual candidates relying on populist political discourse and rhetoric in order to capitalize on the sense of frustration apparent within the electorate. What is of note is the divergence in the discourses employed. On the one hand, there is a polarization between a growing wave of populist right-wing parties and politicians, employing a mixture of economic populism with divisive nationalistic ideals such as restricted immigration, for example, the UK’s UKIP and Donald Trump in the US. On the other hand, there are resurgent, often grassroots-led, left-wing movements and politicians, such as Podemos in Spain and Jeremy Corbyn in the UK, focusing on anti-austerity measures and inclusive policies. In general, the concept of populism is often ascribed in a pejorative way. This is despite the success of populist left-wing governments across Latin America in recent times, especially in terms of reducing poverty. Nonetheless, recently, scholars such as Ernesto Laclau have tried to rethink populism as a social scientific concept which is essential in helping us make sense of contemporary political articulations. Using Laclau’s framework, this paper seeks to analyze poverty reduction policies in different iterations in the context of the tenures of three Prime Ministers of Malaysia. The first is Abdul Razak Hussein’s New Economic Policy, which focused on uplifting the economic position of Malaysia’s majority Malay population. The second is Mahathir Mohamad’s state-led neo-liberalization of the Malaysian economy, which focused on the creation of a core group of crony elites in order to spearhead economic development. The third is current Prime Minister Najib Razak’s targeted poverty eradication strategy through a focused program which directly provides benefits to recipients such as through direct cash transfers. The paper employs a discursive approach to trace elements of populism in these cases and highlight instances of how their strategies are articulated in ways that seek to appeal towards particular visions of national unity.

Keywords: discourse analysis, Malaysia, populism, poverty eradication

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Authors: George Bocean

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In the mainstream academic spheres of thought, there is a tendency to associate the writings of Russian Marxists as being constantly against the practice of religion itself. Such arguments mainly stem from how the attitude of the Russian Marxists, specifically the Bolsheviks, towards the concept of religion supposedly originates from its own Marxist ideology. Although Marxism is critical of religion as an institution, the approach that Marxism would have on the question of religion is not as clear. Such aspect is specifically observed in the use of language of major leading Russian Marxist figures, such as Lenin and Trotsky, throughout the early 20th century, where the use of religious metaphors was widely used in their philosophical writings and speeches, as well as in propaganda posters of general left-wing movements in Russia as a whole. The methodology of the research will consist of a sociolinguistic and sociology of language approach within a sociohistorical framework of late Tsarist and early Soviet Russia, 1905-1926. The purpose of such approaches are not simply to point out the religious metaphors used in the writings and speeches of Marxists in Russia, but rather in order to analyse how the use of such metaphors represent an important socio-political connection with the context of Russia at the time. In other words, the use of religious metaphors was not only more akin to Russian culture at the time, but this also resonated and was more familiar with the conditions of the working class and peasantry. An example in this study can be observed in the writings of Lenin, where the theme of chudo (miracle) is often mentioned in his writings, and such a word is commonly associated with an idealist philosophy rather than a materialist one, which represents a common theme in Russian culture in regards to the principle of hope for a better life. A further and even more obvious example is Trotsky’s writings about how the revolution of 1905 “would be revived”, which not only resonates with the theme of resurrection, but also prophesises the “second coming” of a future revolution. Such metaphors are important in the writings of such authors, as they simultaneously contain Marxist ideas, as well as religious themes. In doing this research, this paper will demonstrate two aspects. Firstly, the paper will analyse the use of the metaphors by Russian Marxists as a whole in regards to a socio-political and ideological perspectives akin to those of Marxism. Secondly, it will also demonstrate the role that such metaphors have in regards to their impact on the left-wing movements within Russia itself, as well as their relation to the working class and peasantry of Russia within the historical context.

Keywords: language and politics, Marxism, Russian history, social history, sociology of language

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Authors: Norbert W. Paul

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In 1988, parts of the scientific community still heralded findings to support that AIDS was likely to remain largely a ‘gay disease’. The value-ladden terminology of some of the articles suggested that rectum and fragile urethra are not sufficiently robust to provide a barrier against infectious fluids, especially body fluids contaminated with HIV while the female vagina, would provide natural protection against injuries and trauma facilitating HIV-infection. Anal sexual intercourse was constituted not only as dangerous but also as unnatural practice, while penile-vaginal intercourse would follow natural design and thus be relatively safe practice minimizing the risk of HIV. Statements like the latter were not uncommon in the early times of HIV/AIDS and contributed to captious certainties and an underestimation of heterosexual risks. Pseudo-scientific discourses on the origin of HIV were linked to local and global health politics in the 1980ies. The pathways of infection were related to normative concepts like deviant, subcultural behavior, cultural otherness, and guilt used to target, tag and separate specific groups at risk from the ‘normal’ population. Controlling populations at risk became the top item on the agenda rather than controlling modes of transmission and the virus. Hence, the Thai strategy to cope with HIV/AIDS by acknowledging social and sexual practices as they were – not as they were imagined – has become a role model for successful prevention in the highly scandalized realm of sexually transmitted disease. By accepting the globalized character of local HIV-risk and projecting the risk onto populations which are neither particularly vocal groups nor vested with the means to strive for health and justice Thailand managed to culturally implement knowledge-based tools of prevention. This paper argues, that pertinent cultural collisions regarding our strategies to cope with HIV/AIDS are deeply rooted in misconceptions, misreadings and scandalizations brought about in the early history of HIV in the 1980ties. The Thai strategy is used to demonstrate how local values can be balanced against globalized health risk and used to effectuated prevention by which knowledge and norms are translated into local practices. Issues of global health and injustice will be addressed in the final part of the paper dealing with the achievability of health as a human right.

Keywords: bioethics, HIV, global health, justice

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Authors: Hala Barakat

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Architecture plays a crucial role in the colonization and organization of spaces, as well as the preservation of cultures and history. As a result of 70 years of occupation, Palestinian land, culture, and history are endangered today. The government of Israel has used architecture to strangulate Palestinians out and seize their land. The occupation has managed to fragment the West Bank and cause sensible scars on the landscape by creating obstacles, barriers, watchtowers, checkpoints, walls, apartheid roads, border devices, and illegal settlements to unjustly claim land from its indigenous population. The apartheid architecture has divided the Palestinian social and urban fabric into pieces, similarly to the Bantustans. The architectural techniques and methods used by the occupation are evidence of prejudice, and while the illegal settlements remain to be condemned by the United Nations, little is being done to officially end this apartheid. Illegal settlements range in scale from individual units to established cities and house more than 60,000 Israeli settlers that immigrated from all over Europe and the United States. Often architecture by Israel is being directed towards expressing ideologies and serving as evidence of its political agenda. More than 78% of what was granted to Palestine after the development of the Green Line in 1948 is under Israeli occupation today. This project aims to map the illegal architecture as a criticism of governmental agendas in the West Bank and Historic Palestinian land. The paper will also discuss the resistance to the newly developed plan for the last Arab village in Jerusalem, Lifta. The illegal architecture has isolated Palestinians from each other and installed obstacles to control their movement. The architecture of occupation has no ethical or humane logic but rather entirely political, administrative, and it should not be left for the silenced architecture to tell the story. Architecture is not being used as a connecting device but rather a way to implement political injustice and spatial oppression. By narrating stories of the architecture of occupation, we can highlight the spatial injustice of the complex apartheid infrastructure. The Israeli government has managed to intoxicate architecture to serve as a divider between cultural groups, allowing the unlawful and unethical architecture to define its culture and values. As architects and designers, the roles we play in the development of illegal settlements must align with the spatial ethics we practice. Most importantly, our profession is not performing architecturally when we design a house with a particular roof color to ensure it would not be mistaken with a Palestinian house and be attacked accidentally.

Keywords: apartheid, illegal architecture, occupation, politics

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Authors: Oris Tom-Lawyer, Michael Thomas

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This paper seeks to analyse the hegemony of the English language in Western Africa through the lens of educational policies and the socio-economic functions of the language. It is based on the premise that there is a positive link between the English language and development contexts. The study aims to fill a gap in the research literature by examining the usefulness of hegemony as a concept to explain the role of English language in the region, thus countering the negative connotations that often accompany it. The study identified four main research questions: i. What are the socio-economic functions of English in Francophone/lusophone countries? ii. What factors promote the hegemony of English in anglophone countries? iii. To what extent is the hegemony of English in West Africa? iv. What are the implications of the non-hegemony of English in Western Africa? Based on a meta-analysis of the research literature between 2003 and 2018, the findings of the study revealed that in francophone/lusophone countries, English functions in the following socio-economic domains; they are peace keeping missions, regional organisations, commercial and industrial sectors, as an unofficial international language and as a foreign language. The factors that promote linguistic hegemony of English in anglophone countries are English as an official language, a medium of instruction, lingua franca, cultural language, language of politics, language of commerce, channel of development and English for media and entertainment. In addition, the extent of the hegemony of English in West Africa can be viewed from the factors that contribute to the non-hegemony of English in the region; they are French language, Portuguese language, the French culture, neo-colonialism, level of poverty, and economic ties of French to its former colonies. Finally, the implications of the non-hegemony of English language in West Africa are industrial backwardness, poverty rate, lack of social mobility, drop out of school rate, growing interest in English, access to limited internet information and lack of extensive career opportunities. The paper concludes that the hegemony of English has resulted in the development of anglophone countries in Western Africa, while in the francophone/lusophone regions of the continent, industrial backwardness and low literacy rates have been consequences of English language marginalisation. In conclusion, the paper makes several recommendations, including the need for the early introduction of English into French curricula as part of a potential solution.

Keywords: developmental tool, English language, linguistic hegemony, West Africa

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Authors: Xiaoli Tian

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The recent growing interest in and use of complementary and alternative medicine is a global phenomenon. In many regions, traditional Chinese medicine (TCM), an important type of complementary and alternative medicine, has been formally integrated into the healthcare system. Consequently, today’s doctors face increasing requests and questions from patients regarding TCM. However, studies of TCM focus either on patients’ approaches to TCM and Western medicine (WM) or on the politics involved in the institutionalization of TCM. To our knowledge, sociological studies on doctors’ attitudes toward TCM are rare. This paper compares the receptivity of WM-trained Chinese doctors to TCM in Hong Kong and mainland China, in order to evaluate the interplay between professional training and dominant medical paradigms, on the one hand, and institutional legitimacy and government and client pressures to accept TCM, on the other. Based on survey and in-depth interviews with Western-medicine doctors in Hong Kong and mainland China, this research finds that: there is major difference between Western-medicine doctors’ attitude toward traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) in Hong Kong and mainland China. Doctors in Hong Kong are still suspicious toward TCM, no matter if they have exposure to TCM or not. Even some doctors who have much knowledge about TCM, such as got a diploma or certificate in TCM or tried TCM themselves, are still suspicious. This is because they hold up to the ideal of 'evidence-based medicine' and emphasize the kind of evidence based on randomized controlled trial (RCT). To Western medicine doctors in Hong Kong, this is the most reliable type of evidence for any medical practice, but it is lacking in TCM. This is the major reason why they do not trust TCM and would not refer patients to TCM in clinical practices. In contrast, western medicine doctors in mainland China also know about randomized controlled trial (RCT) and believe that’s the most reliable evidence, but they tend to think experience-based evidence is also reliable. On this basis, they think TCM also has clinical effectiveness. Research findings reveal that legitimacy based on institutional arrangements is a relevant factor, but how doctors understand their professional boundaries also play an important role. Doctors in Hong Kong are more serious about a strict professional boundary between Western medicine and TCM because they benefited from it, such as a very prestigious status and high income. Doctors in mainland China tend to be flexible about professional boundaries because they never benefited from a well-defined strict professional boundary. This is related to a long history of the lack of professionalism in China but is also aggravated by the increasing state support of TCM.

Keywords: evidence-based decision-making, institutional legitimacy, professional behavior, traditional Chinese medicine

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Authors: Swati Arun

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The present paper argues that Balance of Power (BOP) needs to conjugate with certain contingencies like geography. It is evident that sea powers (‘insular’ for better clarity) are not balanced (if at all) in the same way as land powers. Its apparent that artificial insularity that the US has achieved reduces the chances of balancing (constant) and helps it maintain preponderance (variable). But how precise is this approach in assessing the dynamics between China’s rise and reaction of other powers and US. The ‘evolved’ theory can be validated by putting China and US in the equation. Systemic Relation between the nations was explained through the Balance of Power theory much before the systems theory was propounded. The BOP is the crux of functionality of ‘power relation’ dynamics which has played its role in the most astounding ways leading to situations of war and peace. Whimsical; but true that, the BOP has remained a complicated and indefinable concepts since Hans. Morganthau to Kenneth Waltz. A challenge of the BOP, however remains; “ that it has too many meanings”. In the recent times it has become evident that the myriad of expectations generated by BOP has not met the practicality of the current world politics. It is for this reason; the BoP has been replaced by Preponderance Theory (PT) to explain prevailing power situation. PT does provide an empirical reasoning for the success of this theory but fails in a abstract logical reasoning required for making a theory universal. Unipolarity clarifies the current system as one where balance of power has become redundant. It seems to reach beyond the contours of BoP, where a superpower does what it must to remain one. The centrality of this arguments pivots around - an exception, every time BOP fails to operate, preponderance of power emerges. PT does not sit well with the primary logic of a theory because it works on an exception. The evolution of such a pattern and system where BOP fails and preponderance emerges is absent. The puzzle here is- if BOP really has become redundant or it needs polishing. The international power structure changed from multipolar to bipolar to unipolar. BOP was looked at to provide inevitable logic behind such changes and answer the dilemma we see today- why US is unchecked, unbalanced? But why was Britain unchecked in 19th century and why China was unbalanced in 13th century? It is the insularity of the state that makes BOP reproduce “imbalance of power”, going a level up from off-shore balancer. This luxury of a state to maintain imbalance in the region of competition or threat is the causal relation between BOP’s and geography. America has applied imbalancing- meaning disequilibrium (in its favor) to maintain the regional balance so that over time the weaker does not get stronger and pose a competition. It could do that due to the significant parity present between the US and the rest.

Keywords: balance of power, china, preponderance of power, US

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Authors: Jovana Vukcevic, Sanja Pekovic, Djurdjica Perovic, Tatjana Stanovcic

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This paper presents a critical inquiry into the role of uncomfortable heritage in nation branding with the particular focus on the specificities of the politics of memory, forgetting and revisionism in the post-communist post-Yugoslavia. It addresses legacies of unwanted, ambivalent or unacknowledged past and different strategies employed by the former-Yugoslav states and private actors in “rebranding” their heritage, ensuring its preservation, but re-contextualizing the narrative of the past through contemporary tourism practices. It questions the interplay between nostalgia, heritage and market, and the role of heritage in polishing the history of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the Balkans. It argues that in post-socialist Yugoslavia, the necessity to limit correlations with former ideology and the use of the commercial brush in shaping a marketable version of the past instigated the emergence of the profit-oriented heritage practices. Building on that argument, the paper addresses these issues as “commodification” and “disneyfication” of Balkans’ ambivalent heritage, contributing to the analysis of changing forms of memorialisation and heritagization practices in Europe. It questions the process of ‘coming to terms with the past’ through marketable forms of heritage tourism, fetching the boundary between market-driven nostalgia and state-imposed heritage policies. In order to analyse plurality of ways of dealing with controversial, ambivalent and unwanted heritage of dictatorships in the Balkans, the paper considers two prominent examples of heritage commodification in Serbia and Montenegro, and the re-appropriations of those narratives for the nation branding purposes. The first one is the story of the Tito’s Blue Train, the landmark of the socialist past and the symbol of Yugoslavia which has nowadays being used for birthday parties and marriage celebrations, while the second emphasises the unusual business arrangement turning the fortress Mamula, former concentration camp through the Second World War, into a luxurious Mediterranean resort. Questioning how the ‘uneasy’ past was acknowledged and embedded into the official heritage institutions and tourism practices, study examines the changing relation towards the legacies of dictatorships, inviting us to rethink the economic models of the things past. Analysis of these processes should contribute to better understanding of the new mnemonics strategies and (converging?) ways of ‘doing’ past in Europe.

Keywords: commodification, heritage tourism, totalitarianism, Serbia, Montenegro

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Authors: Chiu-Yin Leung

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This research investigates a complex assemblage among indigenous identities, socio-political organization and national apparatus in the border landscape of post-colonial Hong Kong. This former British colony had designated a transient mode of governance in its New Territories and particularly the northernmost borderland in 1951-2012. With a discriminated system of land provisions for the indigenous villagers, the place has been inherited with distinctive village-based culture, historic monuments and agrarian practices until its sovereignty return into the People’s Republic of China. In its latest development imperatives by the national strategic planning, the frontier area of Hong Kong has been identified as a strategy site for regional economic integration in South China, with cross-border projects of innovation and technology zones, mega-transport infrastructure and inter-jurisdictional arrangement. Contemporary literature theorizes borders as the material and discursive production of territoriality, which manifest in state apparatus and the daily lives of its citizens and condense in the contested articulations of power, security and citizenship. Drawing on the concept of assemblage, this paper attempts to tract how the border regime and infrastructure in Hong Kong as a city are deeply ingrained in the everyday lived spaces of the local communities but also the changing urban and regional strategies across different longitudinal moments. Through an intensive ethnographic fieldwork among the borderland villages since 2008 and the extensive analysis of colonial archives, new development plans and spatial planning frameworks, the author navigates the genealogy of the border landscape in Ta Kwu Ling frontier area and its implications as the milieu for new state space, covering heterogeneous fields particularly in indigenous rights, heritage preservation, rural sustainability and regional economy. Empirical evidence suggests an apparent bias towards indigenous power and colonial representation in classifying landscape values and conserving historical monuments. Squatter and farm tenants are often deprived of property rights, statutory participation and livelihood option in the planning process. The postcolonial bureaucracies have great difficulties in mobilizing resources to catch up with the swift, political-first approach of the mainland counterparts. Meanwhile, the cultural heritage, lineage network and memory landscape are not protected altogether with any holistic view or collaborative effort across the border. The enactment of land resumption and compensation scheme is furthermore disturbed by lineage-based customary law, technocratic bureaucracy, intra-community conflicts and multi-scalar political mobilization. As many traces of colonial misfortune and tyranny have been whitewashed without proper management, the author argues that postcolonial justice is yet reconciled in this fragmented border landscape. The assemblage of border in mainstream representation has tended to oversimplify local struggles as a collective mist and setup a wider production of schizophrenia experiences in the discussion of further economic integration among Hong Kong and other mainland cities in the Pearl River Delta Region. The research is expected to shed new light on the theorizing of border regions and postcolonialism beyond Eurocentric perspectives. In reassembling the borderland experiences with other arrays in state governance, village organization and indigenous identities, the author also suggests an alternative epistemology in reconciling socio-spatial differences and opening up imaginaries for positive interventions.

Keywords: heritage conservation, indigenous communities, post-colonial borderland, regional development, rural sustainability

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Authors: Fernando Nobre Cavalcante

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In Brazil, and more recently in the city of Fortaleza, there is a new form of entrepreneurship that is focused on the information and communication technology service sector and that draws the attention of young people, investors, governments, authors and media companies: it is known as the start-up movement. Today, it is considered to be a driving force behind the creative economy. Rooted on progressive discourse, the words enterprise and innovation seduce new economic agents motivated by success stories from Silicon Valley in America along with increasing commercial activity for digital goods and services. This article assesses, from a sociological point of view, the new productive wave problematized by the light of Manuel Castells’ informational capitalism. Considering the skeptical as well as the optimistic opinions about the impact of this new entrepreneurial rearrangement, the following question is asked: How Brazilian entrepreneurs evaluate public policy incentives for startups Brazilian Federal Government? The raised hypotheses are based on employability factors as well as cultural, economical, and political matters related to innovation and technology. This study has produced a nationwide quantitative assessment with a special focus on the reality of these Ceará firms; as well as comparative qualitative interviews on Brazilian experiences lived by identified agents. This article outlines the public incentive policy of the federal government, the Start-up Brasil Program, from the perspective of these companies and provides details as to the discipline methods of the new enterprising way born in the United States. The startups are very young companies that are headed towards the economic sustainment of the productive sector services. These companies are dropping the seeds that will produce the re-enchantment of young people and bring them back to participation in political debate; they provide relief and reheats the job market; and they produce a democratization of the entrepreneurial ‘Do-It-Yourself’ culture. They capitalize the pivot of the wall street wolves and of agents being charged for new masks. There are developmental logic’s prophylaxis in the face of dreadful innovation stagnation. The lack of continuity in Brazilian governmental politics and cultural nuances related to entrepreneurship are barring the desired regional success of this ecosystem.

Keywords: creative economy, entrepreneurship, informationalism, innovation, startups, start-up brasil program

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