Search results for: party autonomy

Authors: Mengmeng Xiao

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The study examines the proactive promotion of feminist agendas by states experiencing prolonged one-party dominance, with a specific focus on Japan. Through a case study approach, it explores why leaders of the dominant party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), actively endorse women-friendly initiatives. The findings reveal three primary motivations: 1) the adoption of women-friendly policies for legitimation, 2) the establishment or funding of women’s organizations for co-optation, and 3) the enhancement of women’s economic and employment rights for state-building purposes. These findings bridge theories across the democracy/autocracy spectrum, emphasizing the need to restructure the research framework on state feminism beyond the binary categorization of regime types. Additionally, they underscore the significance of acknowledging the discretion exercised by state officials, providing insights into instances where state feminism may fail in certain democratic contexts.

Keywords: state feminism, feminist policies, national machinery, regime types, political parties, Japan

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Authors: Víctor Manuel Muñoz-Sánchez, Antonio Manuel Pérez-Flores

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This paper analyzes the institutionalization of social protest in Spain. In the current crisis Podemos party seems to represent the political positions of the most affected citizens by the economic situation. It studies using quantitative techniques (statistical bivariate analysis), focusing on the exploitation of several bases of statistics data from the Center for Sociological and Research of Spanish Government, 15M movement characterization to its institutionalization in the Podemos party. Making a comparison between the participant's profile by the 15M and the social bases of Podemos votes. Data on the transformation of the socio-demographic profile of the fans, connoisseurs and 15M participants and voters are given.

Keywords: collective action, emerging parties, political parties, social protest

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Authors: Abdullahi Mohammed Auwal

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Formation and change or decamping from one political party to another have now become a common trend in Nigeria. Many of the parties’ members who could not secure positions and or win elections in their parties or are not very much satisfied with the trends occurring in the party’s internal democratic principles and mechanisms, change their respective parties. This paper developed/presented and analyzed the used of non linear mathematical model for defections between two political parties using epidemiological approach. The whole population was assumed to be a constant and homogeneously mixed. Equilibria have been analytically obtained and their local and global stability discussed. Conditions for the co-existence of both the political parties have been determined, in the study of defections between People Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC) in Nigeria using numerical simulations to support the analytical results.

Keywords: model, political parties, deffection, stability, equilibrium, epidemiology

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Authors: Deniz Alca

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This research aims to study the themes of autonomy, democracy and the legitimacy of power under the headline of Arab Spring. After the first wave of Arab Spring, among the frequently mentioned ideals of self-recognition, awakening, democracy, autonomy, freedom etc. main concern of the border neighbors and the western governments was to see a “legitimate power.” Although the metaphor of spring was still pointing at emancipation, the principal focus was mostly not on the people but on the governments. So the question of what makes a government legitimate has come to the forefront. However, democracy and freedom, seems to be the main subject matters of the discussions, this rush about establishment of “legitimate governments” lead other countries, to indulge or worse endorse armed oppositionists. So essence of “power” changed from legitimate to rulership. It seems that the civil initiative or autonomy and clearly democracy are still far away from us. The need to a savior is overpowering. This cultural and traditional and almost hereditary miss orientation of the people, both the ones who are playing the role of god and the ones who believed the inevitable need to be freed by someone else, seems to be leading the Arabs to a new autocracy or worse. Middle East is waiting for the ex machina to operate. But what it gets is a spreading warfare. This darkness falling down on Middle East under the concept of spring may be explained by the confrontation of the concepts of emancipation and liberation. So the question is, if the era of emancipation really over or is there still a chance for autonomy and grassroots democracy operating as constituent power?

Keywords: autonomy, awakening, civil initiative, democracy, emancipation, legitimacy, liberation

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Authors: Diya Sarkar, Prafulla C. Mishra

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In a parliamentary system, party discipline is the impulse; when it falls short, the government usually falls. Conceivably, the platform of Indian politics suffers with innumerous practical disorders. The politics of defection is one such specie entailing gross miscarriage of fair conduct turning politics into a game of thrones (powers). This practice of political nomaditude can trace its seed in the womb of British House of Commons. Therein, if a legislator was found to cross the floor, the party considered him disloyal. In other words, the legislator lost his allegiance to his former party by joining another party. This very phenomenon, in practice has a two way traffic i.e. ruling party to the opposition party or vice versa. The democracies like USA, Australia and Canada were also aware of this fashion of swapping loyalties. There have been several instances of great politicians changing party allegiance, for example Winston Churchill, Ramsay McDonald, William Gladstone etc. Nevertheless, it is interesting to cite that irrespective of such practice of changing party allegiance, none of the democracies in the west ever desired or felt the need to legislatively ban defections. But, exceptionally India can be traced to have passed anti-defection laws. The politics of defection had been a unique popular phenomenon on the floor of Indian Parliamentary system gradually gulping the democratic essence and synchronization of the Federation. This study is both analytical and doctrinal, which tries to examine whether representative democracy has lost its essence due to political nomadism. The present study also analyzes the classical as well as contemporary pulse of floor crossing amidst dynastic politics in a representative democracy. It will briefly discuss the panorama of defections under the Indian federal structure in the light of the anti-defection law and an attempt has been made to add valuable suggestions to streamline remedy for the still prevalent political defections.

Keywords: constitutional law, defection, democracy, polarization, political anti-trust

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Authors: Marina Paula Carreira Rolim

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In order to have ELLs take responsibility for their own learning, it is important that they develop skills to work their studies strategically. The less they rely on the instructor as the content provider, the more they become active learners and have a higher sense of self-regulation and confidence in the learning process. This e-poster proposes a new teacher-student relationship that encourages learners to reflect, think critically, and act upon their realities. It also suggests the implementation of different autonomy-supportive teaching tools, such as portfolios, written journals, problem-solving activities, and strategy-based discussions in class. These teaching tools enable ELLs to develop awareness of learning strategies, learning styles, study plans, and available learning resources as means to foster their creative power of learning outside of classroom. In the role of a learning advisor, the teacher is no longer the content provider but a facilitator that introduces skills such as ‘elaborating’, ‘planning’, ‘monitoring’, and ‘evaluating’. The teacher acts as an educator and promotes the use of lifelong metacognitive skills to develop learner autonomy in the ESL/EFL context.

Keywords: autonomy, metacognitive skills, self-regulation, learning strategies, reflection

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Authors: Merve Ak Efe

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Youth branches in Turkey are one of the sub-fields where political ideologies are intersected with daily life practices. When the youth branches are examined within the framework of daily life practices, a social area can be defined where many types of capital turn into gains. The relationship between politics and capital is not only financial but can also be observed in the form of social, cultural, or emotional capital. This paper examines the political mobilization of young people who are members of the Youth Branch of the Justice and Development Party. The reason why JDP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) was chosen is that they have been the ruling party for twenty years, and there is a considerable number of young members within the party. Since Bayrampaşa is a district where JDP is politically active, This study is based on Bayrampaşa youth branches. The study examines how young people who are members of the party are mobilized and the everyday life practices and emotions underlying this mobilization. The data was collected through in-depth interviews with 13 young people, and the participant observation method was applied at the weekly meetings of the Justice and Development Party Bayrampaşa Youth Branch. Youth Branches represent a political space in which emotions turn into action for the young people who are involved in the party. During the field study at the micro level, it has been observed that the Bayrampaşa JDP Youth Branch hosted a transformation that incorporates political and social practices into modern tactics. One of the other results shows that being a member of youth branches causes a significant rise in social capital for young people. On the other hand, for the members with low cultural capital, there is an increase in social capital; however, an increase in cultural capital is not prominent.

Keywords: political mobilization, everyday practices, emotional capital, social capital, cultural capital

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Authors: Changdong Oh

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With the arrival of post-industrial society, social scientists have been giving attention to issues of which factors shape cleavage of political parties. Especially, there is a heated controversy over whether and how social and cultural values influence the identities of parties and voting behavior. Drawing from Moral Foundations Theory (MFT), which approached similar issues by considering the effect of five moral foundations on political decision-making of people, this study investigates the role of moral rhetoric in the evolution of Korean political parties. Researcher collected official announcements released by the major two parties (Democratic Party of Korea, Saenuri Party) from 2007 to 2016, and analyzed the data by using Word2Vec algorithm and Moral Foundations Dictionary. Five moral decision modules of MFT, composed of care, fairness (individualistic morality), loyalty, authority and sanctity (group-based, Durkheimian morality), can be represented in vector spaces consisted of party announcements data. By comparing the party vector and the five morality vectors, researcher can see how the political parties have actively used each of the five moral foundations to express themselves and the opposition. Results report that the conservative party tends to actively draw on collective morality such as loyalty, authority, purity to differentiate itself. Notably, such moral differentiation strategy is prevalent when they criticize an opposition party. In contrast, the liberal party tends to concern with individualistic morality such as fairness. This result indicates that moral cleavage does exist between parties in South Korea. Furthermore, individualistic moral gaps of the two political parties are eased over time, which seems to be due to the discussion of economic democratization of conservative party that emerged after 2012, but the community-related moral gaps widened. These results imply that past political cleavages related to economic interests are diminishing and replaced by cultural and social values associated with communitarian morality. However, since the conservative party’s differentiation strategy is largely related to negative campaigns, it is doubtful whether such moral differentiation among political parties can contribute to the long-term party identification of the voters, thus further research is needed to determine it is sustainable. Despite the limitations, this study makes it possible to track and identify the moral changes of party system through automated text analysis. More generally, this study could contribute to the analysis of various texts associated with the moral foundation and finding a distributed representation of moral, ethical values.

Keywords: moral foundations theory, moral politics, party system, Word2Vec

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Authors: Jamilu Adamu

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Radical political activities among the people of Northern Nigeria and Sabon Birni, in particular from the formation of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) and Northern People Congress (NPC) in the last decade of colonial rule, led to the dramatic spread of radical ideas that were expressed through party politics. The above two parties were said to be more prominent in each of the movements throughout the period covered by this study. The NEPU and NPC were said to have opposed one another in an attempt to establish their political control in the area. What is apparent about the nature of the opposition is that the earlier NEPU and People Redemption Party (PRP) emerged from the idea of liberating the common man (Talakawa) against all forms of oppression, thereby rejecting a contrary idea of supporting the native elites and their colonial collaborators as envisaged in the ideology of the later NPC and National Party of Nigeria (NPN). This laid the ground for ideological confrontation between the supporters of the two opposing wings all over the northern emirates and the Sabon Birni district in particular. The study used a qualitative method of data collection. This study examines the historical developments of radical party politics among the Gobirawa people of the Sabon Birni District of Sokoto. It also investigates the factors that inspired opposition politics among the Gobirawa people of Sabon Birni. These were analyses side-by-side with the role of the traditional leaders in the area in suppressing the activities of the opposition party.

Keywords: NEPU, NPC, radical politics, Sabon-Birni District

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Authors: Saddikuti Venkataramanaiah, N Ravichandran

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The main focus of this paper is to highlight the challenges faced by the world’s largest pilgrimage center in providing free-of-cost luggage handling services to visiting pilgrims. The service was managed by a third-party agency selected based on a competitive bidding process. The third-party agency is responsible for providing timely, reliable, and secure services to the pilgrims. The methodology includes field visits and interaction with pilgrims, service providers, and other stakeholders of the system. Based on a detailed analysis of the information/data gathered, various innovations implemented and implications for policy making and sustainable service delivery were suggested.

Keywords: luggage handling, sustainable, service delivery, third party logistics, innovation

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Authors: Abdulmalik Adamu

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This study is premised on the assumption that language, particularly, English plays a significant role in the acquisition of power in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the fact that for the first time in the political history of Nigeria, an opposition party succeeded in dethroning an incumbent President and ruling political party in an election. Therefore the main objective was to investigate the role of language, particularly English in the acquisition of political power in Nigeria. The corpus generated for this study consisted of excerpts from the media exchange between the spokespersons of the two dominant political parties at the time of the elections in 2015; Olisa Metuh of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Lai Mohammed of the All Progressive Party (APC). The excerpts were analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a research tool. The findings revealed the acceptance of the first proposition that English facilitates the acquisition of political power in Nigeria and the rejection of the second proposition that English is an instrument for the exclusion of the populist from political events in Nigeria. The study, therefore, concluded that language, particularly English played a significant role in the acquisition of political power in Nigeria.

Keywords: language, power, politics, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)

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Authors: Retty Ratnawati, Santi Sri Wulandari, Tulus Sabrina

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Feminine and masculine gender role stress could occur in some work situation. Being manager in health services that is known to be more women’ role in Indonesia, has expected to have feminine stereotype role. In the communities, this has been done in the program kesejahteraan keluarga (welfare family program) since the 1970s, for example through family planning program. The aim of the study was to explore the experience of being a motherhood managerial in health services. Our auto ethnographic study has revealed that motherhood managerial, even though running by a woman, could have some stress conditions whether she has realized or has not. The challenge would occur when the manager did not realize that she needed the eustress. The autonomy concept for a woman to be a manager could be a complex cycle that needs open communication continually and understanding the four elements surround her life. In conclusion, there is a demand to have the eustress when the manager does not realize that she has to be an autonomy person. However, it does not need eustress when the manager understands about how to deal with the complex cycle of being autonomy.

Keywords: motherhood managerial, eustress, feminine gender role stress, masculine gender role stress, autonomy concept in women

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Authors: Sophia Francesca D. Lu

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This research tried to produce evidence that formal institutions, such as electoral and internal party quotas, can advance women’s active roles in the public sphere using the cases of four European countries: Belgium, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. The quantitative dataset was provided by the University of Chicago and the Inter-University Consortium of Political and Social Research based on a two-year study (2008-2010) of political parties. Belgium engages in constitutionally mandated electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, on the other hand, have internal party quotas, which are voluntarily adopted by political parties. In analyzing each country’s chi-square and Pearson’s r correlation, Belgium, having an electoral quota, is the only country that was analyzed for electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands’ internal voluntary party quotas were correlated with women’s descriptive representations. Using chi-square analysis, this study showed that the presence of electoral quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies as well as with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies. Likewise, using correlational analysis, a higher number of political parties employing internal party voluntary quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women occupying seats in parliament as well as an increase in the percentage of women nominees in electoral lists of political parties. In conclusion, gender quotas, such as electoral quotas or internal party quotas, are an effective policy tool for greater women’s representation in political bodies. Political parties and governments should opt to have gender quotas, whether electoral or internal party quotas, to address the underrepresentation of women in parliament, decision-making bodies, and policy-formulation.

Keywords: electoral quota, Europe, formal institutions, institutional feminism, internal party quota, women’s electoral participation

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Authors: Aliaksandr Shuba, Max Welch Guerra, Martin Pekar

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The research is dedicated to the Historiography of European urbanism in the 20th century with its critical analysis of transnational oriented sources in Slavic languages. The goal of this research was to give an overview of Slavic sources on this subject. In the research, historians, who wrote in influential historiographies on architecture and urbanism in the 20th century history in Slavic languages from Eastern, Central and South-eastern Europe, are analysed. The analysis of historiographies in Slavic languages includes diverse sources from around Europe with authors, who examined European Urbanism in the 20th century through a global prism of or their own perspectives. The main publications are from the second half of the 20th century and the early 21st century with Soviet and Post-Soviet discourses. The necessity to analyse Slavic sources was a result of historiography of urbanism establishment as a discipline in the 20th century and by the USSR, Czechslovak, and Yugoslavian academics, who created strong historiographic bases for a development of their urban historiographic schools for wide studies and analysis of architectural and urban ideas and projects with their history in the early 1970s. That is analyzed in this research within Slavic publications, which often have different perspectives and discourses to Anglo-Saxon, and these bibliographic sources can bring a diversity of new ideas in contemporary academic discourse of the European urban historiography. The publications in Slavic languages are analyzed according to the following aspects: where, when, which types, by whom, and to whom the sources were written. The critical analysis of essential sources on the Historiography of European urbanism in the 20th century with an accomplishment through their comparison and interpretation. The authors’ autonomy is analysed as a central point, along with the influence of the Communist Party and state control on the interpretation of the history of urbanism in Central, Eastern and South-eastern Europe with the main dominant topics and ideas from the second half of the 20th century. Cross-national Slavic Historiographic sources and their perspectives are compared to the main transnational Anglo-Saxon Historiographic topics as some of the dominant subjects are hypothetically similar and others have more local or national oriented directions. Some of the dominant subjects, topics, and subtopics are hypothetically similar, while the others have more local or national oriented directions because of the authors’ autonomy and influences of the Communist Party with the state control in Slavic Socialists countries that were illustrated in this research.

Keywords: European urbanism, historiography, different perspectives, 20th century

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Authors: Chew Zhao Hong

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Since the transition of power in 2018, the Malaysian political landscape has experienced substantial shifts and complexities. The decline of the longstanding ruling party, United Malays National Organization (UMNO), following the party rotation, has given rise to splinter parties such as the Indigenous Unity Party (Bersatu), along with the enduring presence of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) in the northern region of the Malay Peninsula. However, the "Sheraton Move" in 2020 led to the fall of the Pakatan Harapan government and the emergence of Perikatan Nasional, signifying the ascent of a third political force. The 2022 general elections marked Malaysia's entry into a hung parliament, culminating in an intricate negotiation that resulted in a coalition government formed by Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional, and the Sarawak parties alliance (GPS), collectively governing the Malaysian federal administration. During the 2023 state elections, Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional formed an unprecedented alliance, yet the media framing benefited Perikatan Nasional, even securing substantial support from UMNO's traditional constituencies. In the era of converging new media, Malaysia’s democratization faces new challenges: first, political leaders leveraging media to cultivate unfiltered personas risk inducing populism; second, under the influence of agenda-setting and two-step flow theories, media contributes to polarization; lastly, Malaysia's multi-party system is no longer effectively moderate extreme ideologies into the political center. This study examines the role of media framing and its impact on the democratization process within Malaysia's consociational democracy under a multi-party system and analyzes media discourse before and after the 2023 Malaysian state elections to explore how different parties shape public opinion and political discourse, and how political messages may be amplified or distorted in the process.

Keywords: multi-party system, democratization, elections, political polarization, Malaysia, media framing

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Authors: Jeffrey L. Hurst, Sarah M. Coyne

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With the growth of technology and media, teens are increasingly exposed to media such as pornography and engaging in risky media use such as sexting. Parental media mediation strategies including controlling or autonomy supporting strategies can be an important protective factor against risky media uses. The purpose of this study is to examine how parental media mediation around media, influence adolescents’ behaviors including frequency of pornography use and sexting. We also examine the effects of parental media mediation on adolescents disclosing pornography use to parents and the amount of secrets that adolescents keep about pornography use. We hypothesize that controlling media mediation will result in more sexting, more frequency pornography use, more secrets about pornography and less disclosure to parents. We also predict that autonomy supportive media mediation will show the opposite pattern. Data for this study came from a nationally representative research project, Project M.E.D.I.A. Participants included 783 adolescents. 49% of the participants were male, and the mean age for boys was 15.44 years (SD= 3.34) and for girls was 15.3 years (SD=2.93). Parental media mediation was assessed using an eight-item measure with subscales of controlling and autonomy supporting media mediation. Participants were also asked if they have ever viewed pornography. If they answered yes, they were asked about the frequency of pornography use as well as if they have ever kept secrets from their parents about it and if they had ever disclosed their pornography use to their parents. The data analysis strategy for this study was a multiple group path analysis. Frequency of pornography use, sexting, secrets from parents and disclosure to parents were predicted by controlling and autonomy supporting parental media mediation, frequency of parents warning against pornography use, income and ethnicity. Groups were distinguished by boys and girls, allowing for sex differences. After running the model in MPLUS, we found partial support for our hypotheses. Autonomy supportive media mediation resulted in less sexting for boys (β= -.15, p < .05) and girls ( β= -.13, p < .05). Autonomy supportive media mediation also predicted keeping fewer secrets for girls (β=-.27, p < .01) but had no effect for boys. Controlling media mediation predicted more disclosure about pornography to parents for boys (β=.16, p < .05) and less disclosure to parents about pornography for girls (β=-.14, p < .05). Frequency of pornography was not predicted by any of the predictors in the model. Autonomy supportive media mediation was a very strong predictor of less sexting for both boys and girls. Parents should approach media mediation with this supportive and understanding mindset. Parental autonomy support allows adolescents to explore and develop their own moral beliefs without feeling guilt or shame from their parents. This need to have autonomy is also shown by girls disclosing less pornography use to their parents when parents are really controlling about media use. Interestingly, boys disclosed more to their parents when their parents were controlling. Further research is needed on why this is. Further research should also look at the effects that disclosing pornography use to parents has on future pornography use.

Keywords: media, moral development, parental mediation, pornography, sexting

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Authors: Amy L. Smith

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This study investigates the impact of student authenticity while engaging in academic exploration of students' sense of belonging, autonomy, and persistence. Research questions include: How does incorporating authenticity in first-year academic exploration courses impact; 1) first-year students’ sense of belonging, autonomy, and persistence? 2) first-year students’ sense of belonging, autonomy, and persistence during the first and last halves of the fall semester? 3) first-year students’ sense of belonging, autonomy, and persistence among various student demographics? First-year students completed a Likert-like survey at the conclusion of eight weeks (first and last eight weeks/fall semester) academic exploration courses. Course redesign included grounding the curriculum and instruction with student authenticity and creating opportunities for students to explore, define, and reflect upon their authenticity during academic exploration. Surveys were administered at the conclusion of these eight week courses (first and last eight weeks/fall semester). Data analysis included an entropy balancing matching method and t-tests. Research findings indicate integrating authenticity into academic exploration courses for first-year students has a positive impact on students' autonomy and persistence. There is a significant difference between authenticity and first-year students' autonomy (p = 0.00) and persistence (p = 0.01). Academic exploration courses with the underpinnings of authenticity are more effective in the second half of the fall semester. There is a significant difference between an academic exploration course grounding the curriculum and instruction in authenticity offered M8A (first half, fall semester) and M8B (second half, fall semester) (p = 0); M8B courses illustrate an increase of students' sense of belonging, autonomy, and persistence. Integrating authenticity into academic exploration courses for first-year students has a positive impact on varying student demographics (p = 0.00). There is a significant difference between authenticity and low-income (p = 0.04), first-generation (p = 0.00), Caucasian (p = 0.02), and American Indian/Alaskan Native (p = 0.05) first-year students' sense of belonging, autonomy, and persistence. Academic exploration courses embedded in authenticity helps develop first-year students’ sense of belonging, autonomy, and persistence, which are effective traits of college students. As first-year students engage in content courses, professors can empower students to have greater engagement in their learning process by relating content to students' authenticity and helping students think critically about how content is authentic to them — how students' authenticity relates to the content, how students can take their content expertise into the future in ways that, to the student, authentically contribute to the greater good. A broader conversation within higher education needs to include 1) designing courses that allow students to develop and reflect upon their authenticity/to formulate answers to the questions: who am I, who am I becoming, and how will I move my authentic self forward; and 2) a discussion of how to shift from the university shaping students to the university facilitating the process of students shaping themselves.

Keywords: authenticity, first-year experience, sense of belonging, autonomy, persistence

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Authors: Heng Ma

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Third-party warehousing logistics has an important role in the development of external logistics. At present, the third-party logistics in our country is still a new industry, the accounting system has not yet been established, the current financial accounting system of third-party warehousing logistics is mainly in the traditional way of thinking, and only able to provide the total cost information of the entire enterprise during the accounting period, unable to reflect operating indirect cost information. In order to solve the problem of third-party logistics industry cost information distortion, improve the level of logistics cost management, the paper combines theoretical research and case analysis method to reflect cost allocation by building third-party logistics costing model using Time-Driven Activity-Based Costing(TDABC), and takes S company as an example to account and control the warehousing logistics cost. Based on the idea of “Products consume activities and activities consume resources”, TDABC put time into the main cost driver and use time-consuming equation resources assigned to cost objects. In S company, the objects focuses on three warehouse, engaged with warehousing and transportation (the second warehouse, transport point) service. These three warehouse respectively including five departments, Business Unit, Production Unit, Settlement Center, Security Department and Equipment Division, the activities in these departments are classified by in-out of storage forecast, in-out of storage or transit and safekeeping work. By computing capacity cost rate, building the time-consuming equation, the paper calculates the final operation cost so as to reveal the real cost. The numerical analysis results show that the TDABC can accurately reflect the cost allocation of service customers and reveal the spare capacity cost of resource center, verifies the feasibility and validity of TDABC in third-party logistics industry cost accounting. It inspires enterprises focus on customer relationship management and reduces idle cost to strengthen the cost management of third-party logistics enterprises.

Keywords: third-party logistics enterprises, TDABC, cost management, S company

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Authors: Kazuma Mizukoshi

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Are electoral politics in contemporary Brazil still local in organization and focus? The importance of this question lies in its paradoxical trajectories. First, often coupled with institutional and sociological ‘barriers’ (e.g. the selection and election of candidates relatively loyal to the local party leadership, the predominance of territorialized electoral campaigns, and the resilience of political clientelism), the regionalization of electoral politics has been a viable and practical solution especially for pragmatic politicians in some Latin American countries. On the other hand, some leftist parties that once served as minor opposition forces at the time of foundational or initial elections have certainly expanded vote shares. Some were eventually capable of holding most (if not a majority) legislative seats since the 1990s. Though not yet rigorously demonstrated, theoretically implicit in the rise of leftist parties in legislative elections is the gradual (if not complete) nationalization of electoral support—meaning the growing equality of a party’s vote share across electoral districts and its change over time. This study will develop four hypotheses to explain the dynamics of party nationalization in contemporary Brazil: district magnitude, ethnic and class fractionalization of each district, voting intentions in federal and state executive elections, and finally the left-right stances of electorates. The study will demonstrate these hypotheses by closely working with the Brazilian Electoral Study (2002-2014).

Keywords: party nationalization, presidential coattails, Left, Brazil

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Authors: James Barmby

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Canada’s westernmost provinces of British Columbia and Alberta are similar in many respects as they are both reliant on volatile natural resources for major portions of their economies. The two provinces have banded together to develop mutually beneficial trade, investment and labour market mobility rules, but in terms of developing systems of higher education, the two provinces are attempting to align higher education programs to economic development objectives by means that are quite different. In British Columbia, the recently announced initiative, B.C’s Skills for Jobs Blueprint will “make sure education and training programs are aligned with the demands of the labor market.” Meanwhile in Alberta, the province’s institutions of higher education are enjoying the tenth year of their membership in the Campus Alberta Quality Council, which makes recommendations to government on issues related to post-secondary education, including the approval of new programs. In B.C., public institutions of higher education are encouraged to comply with government objectives, and are rewarded with targeted funds for their efforts. In Alberta, the institutions as a system tell the government what programs they want to offer and government can agree or not agree to fund these programs through a ministerial approval process. In comparing the two higher education systems, the question emerges as to which one is more beneficial to the province: the one where change is directed primarily by financial incentives to achieve economic objectives or the one that makes recommendations to the government for changes in programs to achieve institutional objectives? How is institutional autonomy affected in each strategy? Does institutional autonomy matter anymore? In recent years, much has been written in regard to academic freedom, but less about institutional autonomy, which is seen by many as essential to protecting academic freedom. However, while institutional autonomy means freedom from government control, it does not necessarily mean self-government. In this study, a comparison of the two higher education systems is made using recent government policy initiatives in both provinces, and responses to those actions by the higher education institutions. The findings indicate that the economic needs in both provinces take precedence over issues of institutional autonomy.

Keywords: alberta, British Columbia, institutional autonomy, funding

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Authors: Sarit Rashkovits, Anat Drach- Zahavy

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The research considers the unresolved question regarding the link between nursing team accountability and team learning and the resulted team performance in nursing teams. Empirical findings reveal disappointing evidence regarding improvement in healthcare safety and quality. Therefore, there is a need in advancing managerial knowledge regarding the factors that enhance constant healthcare teams' proactive improvement efforts, meaning team learning. We first aim to identify the organizational resources that are needed for team learning in nursing teams; second, to test the moderating role of nursing teams' learning resources in the team accountability-team learning link; and third, to test the moderated mediation model suggesting that nursing teams' accountability affects team performance by enhancing team learning when relevant resources are available to the team. We point on the intervening role of three team learning resources, namely time availability, team autonomy and performance data on the relation between team accountability and team learning and test the proposed moderated mediation model on 44 nursing teams (462 nurses and 44 nursing managers). The results showed that, as was expected, there was a positive significant link between team accountability and team learning and the subsequent team performance when time availability and team autonomy were high rather than low. Nevertheless, the positive team accountability- team learning link was significant when team performance feedback was low rather than high. Accordingly, there was a positive mediated effect of team accountability on team performance via team learning when either time availability or team autonomy were high and the availability of team performance data was low. Nevertheless, this mediated effect was negative when time availability and team autonomy were low and the availability of team performance data was high. We conclude that nurturing team accountability is not enough for achieving nursing teams' learning and the subsequent improved team performance. Rather there is need to provide nursing teams with adequate time, autonomy, and be cautious with performance feedback, as the latter may motivate nursing teams to repeat routine work strategies rather than explore improved ones.

Keywords: nursing teams' accountability, nursing teams' learning, performance feedback, teams' autonomy

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Authors: Rajeshwari Balasubramanian, Margit Van Wessel, Nandini Deo

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The participation of women in local bodies witnessed a rise after the implementation of 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Indian Constitution which created quotas for women representatives. However, even when participation increased, it did not translate into meaningful contributions by women in local bodies. This led some civil society organisations (CSOs) to begin working with women panchayat representatives in various states to build their capacity for political participation. The focus of this paper is to study capacity building training by CSOs in Jharkhand. The paper maps how the training helps women elected representatives to negotiate their autonomy at multiple levels. The paper describes the capacity building program conducted by an international feminist organisation along with its seven local partners in Jharkhand. The central question that the study asks is: How does capacity building training by CSOs in Jharkhand impact the autonomy of elected women representatives? It uses a qualitative research methodology based on empirical data gathered through field visits in four districts of Jharkhand (Chatra, Hazaribagh, East Singhbum and Ranchi) where the program was implemented for three years. The study found that women elected representatives had to develop strategies to negotiate their choice to move out of their homes and attend the training conducted by CSOs. The ability to participate in the training programs itself was a significant achievement of personal autonomy for many women. The training provided them a platform to voice their opinion and appreciate their own value as panchayat leaders. This realization allowed them to negotiate their presence and a space for themselves in Gram panchayats. A Foucauldian approach to analyze capacity building workshops might lead us to see them as systems in which CSOs impose a form of governmentality on rural elected representatives. Instead, what we see here is a much more complex negotiation of agency in which the CSO creates spaces and practices that allow women to achieve their own forms of autonomy. The study concludes that the impact of the training on the autonomy of these women is based on their everyday negotiations of time, space and mobility. Autonomy for these elected women representatives is also contextual and relative, as they seem to realize it during the training process. The training allows the women to not only negotiate their participation in panchayats but also challenge everyday practices that are rooted in patriarchy.

Keywords: autonomy, feminist organization, local bodies, political participation

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Authors: Oznur Ispir, S. Duygulu

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Health institutions are the places where fast and efficient decisions are required and mistakes and uncertainties are not tolerated due to the urgency of the services provided within the body of these institutions. Thus, in those institutions where patient care services are targeted to be provided quality and safety, the nurses attending the decisions, creating the solutions for problems, taking initiative and bearing the responsibility of results in brief having the control over practices are needed. Control over nursing practices is defined as affecting the employment and work environment at the unit level of the institution, perceived freedom for organizing and evaluating nursing practices, the ability to make independent decisions about patient care and accountability for the results of such decisions. This study scrutinizes the concept of control over nursing practices (organizational autonomy), which is frequently confused with other concepts (autonomy) in the literature, by reviewing the literature and making suggestions to improve nurses’ control over nursing practices.

Keywords: control over nursing practice, nurse, nursing, organizational autonomy

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Authors: Maryam Vaezi

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In this study, the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse has been applied in order to investigate the 2016 Clinton-Trump presidential debates. All three kinds of utterances (acclaims, attacks, and defenses) were produced by the candidates supporting the usefulness of the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse for the analysis of the presidential debates as a type of political discourse. Attacks comprised 45% of the candidates’ utterances, followed by acclaims at 33%; defenses were the least common function at 22%. The candidate from the Democratic Party, Hillary Clinton, acclaimed more, whereas the Republican Party presidential candidate, Donald Trump, attacked more. Simple denial was the most common form of defense used by the candidates. Both candidates directed more of their utterances to policy (past deeds, future plans, and general goals) than character (personal qualities, leadership abilities, and ideals). Analyzing debates in terms of the functions performed by the candidates to increase their desirability and chance of winning the election, can lead to a better understanding of these significant political events as well as other forms of political discourse.

Keywords: acclaim, attack, defend, character, Democratic Party, Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, policy, presidential debates, Republican Party

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Authors: Ira Slabodar

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Autonomous learning in English as a Foreign Language (EFL) refers to the use of target language, learner collaboration and students’ responsibility for their learning. Teachers play a vital role of mediators and facilitators in self-regulated method. Thus, their perception of self-guided practices dictates their implementation of this approach. While research has predominantly focused on inadequate administration of autonomous learning in school mostly due to lack of appropriate teacher training, this study examined whether novice teachers who were exposed to extensive autonomous practices were likely to implement this method in their teaching. Twelve novice teachers were interviewed to examine their perception of learner autonomy and their administration of this method. It was found that three-thirds of the respondents experienced a gap between familiarity with autonomous learning and a favorable attitude to this approach and their deficient integration of self-directed learning. Although learner-related and institution-oriented factors played a role in this gap, it was mostly caused by the respondents’ not being genuinely autonomous. This may be due to indirect exposure rather than explicit introduction of the learner autonomy approach. The insights of this research may assist curriculum designers and heads of teacher training programs to rethink course composition to guarantee the transfer of methodologies into EFL classes.

Keywords: learner autonomy, teacher training, english as a foreign language (efl), genuinely autonomous teachers, explicit instruction, self-determination theory

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Authors: Huang Gui

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The issues of human rights and death penalty are always drawing attentions from international scholars, critics and observers, activities and Chinese scholars, and most of them looking at these problems are just doing with such legal or political from a single perspective, but the real relationship between Chinese political regime and legislation is often ignored. In accordance with the Constitution of P.R.C., Communist Party of China (CPC) does not merely play a key role in political field, but in legislation and law enforcement as well. Therefore, the legislation has to implement the party’s theory and outlook, and realize the party’s policies. So is the death penalty system, though it is only concrete punishment system. Considering this point, basic upon the introducing the relationship between CPC and legislation, this paper would like to explore the shifting of CPC’s outlook on human rights and the death penalty system changes in different eras. In Maoist era, the issue of human rights was rejected and deemed as an exclusion zone, and the death penalty was unjustifiably imposed; human rights were politically recognized and accepted in Deng era, but CPC has its own viewpoints on it. CPC emphasized on national security and stability in that era, and the individual human rights weren’t taken correspondingly and reasonably account of. The death penalty was abused and deemed as an important measure to control crime. In post-Deng, human rights were gradually developed and recognized. The term of ‘state respect and protect human rights’ is contained in Constitution of P.R.C., and the individual human rights are gradually valued, but the CPC still focus on state security, development, and stability, the individual right to life hasn’t been enough valued like the right to substance. Although the steps of reforming death penalty are taking, there are still 46 crimes punishable by death. CPC should change its outlook and pay more attention to the right to life, and try to abolish death penalty de facto and de jure.

Keywords: criminal law, communist party of China, death penalty, human rights, China

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Authors: Agustin Baidez, Yolanda Ramirez

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There is currently a growing interest in the improvement of university governance and the disclosure of information on governance processes as an essential part of the transparency and accountability of universities. This paper aims to examine the extent and quality of voluntary corporate governance disclosure by public Spanish universities on their websites in relation to information need of stakeholders. The results of this study show that Spanish university stakeholders attach great importance to the disclosure of specific information on aspects of corporate governance. However, the quality of disclosed information on university governance in public Spanish universities websites is in the middle level. In order to satisfy the information needs of university stakeholders, Spanish universities can be recommended to focus on reporting higher quality information on university autonomy in financing, autonomy in management, autonomy regarding student selection and assessment, degree of consanguinity of executive directors, report on assigned public funding based on results, and management reports.

Keywords: university, governance, transparency, stakeholders

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Authors: Anshita Sharma

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India is one of the countries to initiate family planning with intention to control the growing population by reducing fertility. In effort to this, India had introduced the National family planning programme in 1952. The level of unmet need in India shows a reducing trend with increasing effectiveness of family planning services as in NFHS-1 the unmet need for limiting, spacing and total was 46 percent, 14 percent & 9 percent, respectively. The demand for spacing has reduced to at 8 percent, 8 percent for limiting and total unmet need was 16 percent in NFHS-2. The total unmet need has reduced to 13 percent in NFHS-3 for all currently married women and the demand for limiting and spacing is 7 percent and 6 percent respectively. The level of unmet need in India shows a reducing trend with increasing effectiveness of family planning services. Despite the progress, there is chunk of women who are deprived of controlling unintended and unwanted pregnancies. The present paper examines the socio-cultural and economic and demographic correlates of unmet need for contraception in India. It also examines the effect of women’s autonomy and unmet need for contraception on family size among different socio-economic groups of population. It uses data from national family health survey-3 carried out in 2005-06 and employs bi-variate techniques and multivariate techniques for analysis. The multiple regression analysis has done to seek the level and direction of relationship among various socio-economic and demographic factors. The result reveals that women with higher level of education and economic status have low level of unmet need for family planning. Women living in non-nuclear family have high unmet need for spacing and women living in nuclear family have high unmet need for limiting and family size is slightly higher of women of nuclear family. In India, the level of autonomy varies at different life point; usually women with higher age enjoy higher autonomy than their junior female member in the family. The finding shows that women with higher autonomy have large family size counter to women with low autonomy have low family size. Unmet need for family planning decrease with women’s increasing exposure to mass- media. The demographic factors like experience of child loss are directly related to family size. Women who experience higher child loss have low unmet need for spacing and limiting. Thus, It is established with the help that women’s autonomy status play substantial role in fulfilling demand of contraception for limiting and spacing which affect the family size.

Keywords: family size, socio-economic correlates, unmet need for limiting, unmet need for spacing, women`s autonomy

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Authors: Ashwag Abdul-Hakeem Al-Thubaiti

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This study aims at analysing women's hesitant attitudes towards marriage in Margaret Drabble's novels, A Summer-Bird-Cage (1964) and The Millstone (1965), to prove that these ambivalent feelings are due to their search for autonomy. The heroines' radical outlook on independence is only meant to hide their conflict regarding sex-experience and fear of intimacy, a fear that has been enhanced by their rejection of the expression of faith that considers marriage a sacred bond and instead focus on their own identity and dissolve any bond that may affect their independence. To achieve their autonomy, they have to depend on themselves financially and focus on their aspirational goals. This sharp division between the two worlds, the family life and the personal success attributes negatively to their lives and leads to a self-identity crisis. Drabble tends to solve this struggle by awakening their maternal instinct. Once they respect their physical needs and appreciate their role as it is assigned to them by nature and society, they reach a balanced identity.

Keywords: autonomy, marriage, maternity, women

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Authors: Daniel Schwarz, Jan Fivaz, Alessia Neuroni

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Although digitization is a buzzword in almost every election campaign, the political parties leave voters largely in the dark about their specific positions on digital issues. In the run-up to the 2019 elections in Switzerland, the ‘Digitization Monitor’ project (DMP) was launched in order to change this situation. Within the framework of the DMP, all 4,736 candidates were surveyed about their digital policy positions and values. The DMP is designed as a digital policy supplement to the existing ‘smartvote’ voting advice application. This enabled a direct comparison of the digital policy attitudes according to the DMP with the topics of the ‘smartvote’ questionnaire which are comprehensive in content but mainly related to conventional policy areas. This paper’s main research goal is to analyze and visualize possible differences between conventional and digital policy areas in terms of response patterns between and within political parties. The analysis is based on dimensionality reduction methods (multidimensional scaling and principal component analysis) for the visualization of inter-party differences, and on standard deviation as a measure of variation for the evaluation of intra-party unity. The results reveal that digital issues show a lower degree of inter-party polarization compared to conventional policy areas. Thus, the parties have more common ground in issues on digitization than in conventional policy areas. In contrast, the study reveals a mixed picture regarding intra-party unity. Homogeneous parties show a lower degree of unity in digitization issues whereas parties with heterogeneous positions in conventional areas have more united positions in digital areas. All things considered, the findings are encouraging as less polarized conditions apply to the debate on digital development compared to conventional politics. For the future, it would be desirable if in further countries similar projects to the DMP could emerge to broaden the basis for conclusions.

Keywords: comparison of political issue dimensions, digital awareness of candidates, digital policy space, party positions on digital issues

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