Search results for: political instability

Authors: De Castro-Pardo M., Cabello J. M., Martin J. M., Ruiz F.

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In this paper, we propose a new Water Sustainability Indicator based on a Multi-Reference methodology that permits modeling compensation between the analysed criteria and provides a participative approach. The proposed indicator provides results based on 19 variables grouped into 5 dimensions: availability, access, resilience, good governance and economic capacity. The indicator was applied to assess water sustainability in 27 European countries. The results showed that Finland, the Netherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom obtained the best global results in terms of weak water (compensatory) sustainability. In terms of strong water (non-compensatory) sustainability, no country gained acceptable results in terms of strong sustainability. Climate change and the state of freshwater resources were detected as especially vulnerable in all the analysed countries. The results identified some eastern European countries with low GDP and good performance of availability and cost of water, with bad results in terms of governance and water productivity. These results could jeopardize water sustainability in the event of a potential economic development if these limitations are not addressed. In a context of economic and political instability due to the current armed conflict in nearby countries such as Ukraine, it is especially important to pay attention to these countries, whose good governance indicators could worsen even more. The proposed indicator allowed to the identification of warning signs and could contribute to the improvement in decision-making processes. Moreover, it could improve the monitoring of international water policies.

Keywords: water sustainability, composite indicators, compensatory approach, sustainability European policies

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Authors: N. K. Thakur

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A major proportion of the formations drilled for the production of hydrocarbons consists of clay containing shales. The petroleum industry has hugely investigated the role of clay minerals and their subsequent effect on wellbore stability during the drilling and production of hydrocarbons. It has been found that when the shale formation comes in contact with water-based drilling fluid, the interaction of clay minerals like montmorillonite with infiltrated water leads to hydration of the clay minerals, which causes shale swelling. When shale swelling proceeds further, it may lead to major drilling complications like caving, pipe sticking, which invariably influences wellbore stability, wellbore diameter, the mechanical strength of shale, stress distribution in the wellbore, etc. These problems ultimately lead to an increase in nonproductive time and additional costs during drilling. Several additives are used to prevent shale instability. Among the popular additives used for shale inhibition in drilling muds, ionic liquids and nanoparticles are emerging to be the best additives. The efficiency of the proposed additives will be studied and compared with conventional clay inhibitors like KCl. The main objective is to develop a highly efficient water-based mud for mitigating shale instability and reducing fluid loss which is environmentally friendly and does not alter the formation permeability. The use of nanoparticles has been exploited to enhance the rheological and fluid loss properties in water-based drilling fluid ionic liquid have attracted significant research interest due to its unique thermal stability. It is referred to as ‘green chemical’. The preliminary experimental studies performed are promising. The application of more effective mud additives is always desirable to make the drilling process techno-economically proficient.

Keywords: ionic liquid, shale inhibitor, wellbore stability, unconventional

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Authors: Merve Ak Efe

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Youth branches in Turkey are one of the sub-fields where political ideologies are intersected with daily life practices. When the youth branches are examined within the framework of daily life practices, a social area can be defined where many types of capital turn into gains. The relationship between politics and capital is not only financial but can also be observed in the form of social, cultural, or emotional capital. This paper examines the political mobilization of young people who are members of the Youth Branch of the Justice and Development Party. The reason why JDP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) was chosen is that they have been the ruling party for twenty years, and there is a considerable number of young members within the party. Since Bayrampaşa is a district where JDP is politically active, This study is based on Bayrampaşa youth branches. The study examines how young people who are members of the party are mobilized and the everyday life practices and emotions underlying this mobilization. The data was collected through in-depth interviews with 13 young people, and the participant observation method was applied at the weekly meetings of the Justice and Development Party Bayrampaşa Youth Branch. Youth Branches represent a political space in which emotions turn into action for the young people who are involved in the party. During the field study at the micro level, it has been observed that the Bayrampaşa JDP Youth Branch hosted a transformation that incorporates political and social practices into modern tactics. One of the other results shows that being a member of youth branches causes a significant rise in social capital for young people. On the other hand, for the members with low cultural capital, there is an increase in social capital; however, an increase in cultural capital is not prominent.

Keywords: political mobilization, everyday practices, emotional capital, social capital, cultural capital

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Authors: Zouhir Gabsi

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The Arab Spring has had noticeable effects on Tunisia in socio-economic, political, and cultural terms. Few have predicted that the music of hip-hop and rap could engage with the socio-political situation in Tunisia, especially after the downfall of Ben Ali’s regime. Having survived as underground music since the year 2000, the genre of hip-hop and rap remains an aberration from the folkloric tradition. By adhering to the socio-economic reality of the Tunisian street, rappers attempt to claim authenticity mainly in both thematic and language uses, and by usurping the power of ‘space’ from the regime’s control. With the songs’ fast-paced rhythms, catchy phrases, puns, vulgarisms, and linguistic innovations using metaphors, hip-hop, and rap have struck a chord with Tunisia’s youth. Tunisia’s new social reality has allowed Tunisian rappers to express dissent and voice people’s despair over the socio-economic and political situation. This paper argues that rap artists use language as a vehicle to claim the authenticity of their message. It also explores how the performative nature of the language of hip-hop and rap interacts with the Tunisian culture and argues the power of music in the context of political and socio-economic grievances in post-Arab Spring Tunisia.

Keywords: Arab Spring, hip-hop, eevolution, Tunisia, Tunisian Arabic

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Authors: Deretha Bester

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This research employs a theoretical framework to investigate the interplay between factors that lead from predatory governance and predatory rule to military coups, utilizing the frustration-aggression theory as its guiding lens. It adopts a case-oriented approach and employs thematic analysis to examine the socio-economic, governance, and political environment that precipitated the August 2020 Malian military coup. Presenting seven key themes, it reveals how predatory rule and its manifestation in the Malian context was a critical factor in paving the way for the military coup. The study provides critical reflections into the historical, regional, and political dynamics reshaping Africa’s changing political landscape. It presents a conceptual model to comprehend how predatory governance fosters conditions favorable for military coups. Insights from the Malian case study offer valuable perspectives for analyzing events in comparable contexts. This understanding is crucial for grasping the precursors and impact of predatory rule and popular frustrations in contexts where military coups emerge.

Keywords: predatory rule, military coups, socio-political analysis, frustration-aggression theory, Mali

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Authors: Natnael Debalklie Teshome

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The purpose of the study was to empirically investigate the impacts of export performance and its volatility on economic growth in the Ethiopian economy. To do so, time-series data of the sample period from 1974/75 – 2017/18 were collected from databases and annual reports of IMF, WB, NBE, MoFED, UNCTD, and EEA. The extended Cobb-Douglas production function of the neoclassical growth model framed under the endogenous growth theory was used to consider both the performance and instability aspects of export. First, the unit root test was conducted using ADF and PP tests, and data were found in stationery with a mix of I(0) and I(1). Then, the bound test and Wald test were employed, and results showed that there exists long-run co-integration among study variables. All the diagnostic test results also reveal that the model fulfills the criteria of the best-fitted model. Therefore, the ARDL model and VECM were applied to estimate the long-run and short-run parameters, while the Granger causality test was used to test the causality between study variables. The empirical findings of the study reveal that only export and coefficient of variation had significant positive and negative impacts on RGDP in the long run, respectively, while other variables were found to have an insignificant impact on the economic growth of Ethiopia. In the short run, except for gross capital formation and coefficients of variation, which have a highly significant positive impact, all other variables have a strongly significant negative impact on RGDP. This shows exports had a strong, significant impact in both the short-run and long-run periods. However, its positive and statistically significant impact is observed only in the long run. Similarly, there was a highly significant export fluctuation in both periods, while significant commodity concentration (CCI) was observed only in the short run. Moreover, the Granger causality test reveals that unidirectional causality running from export performance to RGDP exists in the long run and from both export and RGDP to CCI in the short run. Therefore, the export-led growth strategy should be sustained and strengthened. In addition, boosting the industrial sector is vital to bring structural transformation. Hence, the government has to give different incentive schemes and supportive measures to exporters to extract the spillover effects of exports. Greater emphasis on price-oriented diversification and specialization on major primary products that the country has a comparative advantage should also be given to reduce value-based instability in the export earnings of the country. The government should also strive to increase capital formation and human capital development via enhancing investments in technology and quality of education to accelerate the economic growth of the country.

Keywords: export, economic growth, export diversification, instability, co-integration, granger causality, Ethiopian economy

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Authors: Aleksandra Szunke

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Monetary policy is an important pillar of the economy, directly affecting on the condition of banking sector. Depending on the strategy may both support functioning of banking institutions, as well as limit their excessively risky activities. The literature studies indicate a large number of publications, which include characteristics of initiatives, implemented by central banks during the global financial crisis and the potential effects of the use of non-standard monetary policy instruments. However, the empirical evidence about their effects and real consequences for the financial markets are still not final. Even before the escalation of instability, Bernanke, Reinhart, and Sack (2004) analyzed the effectiveness of various unconventional monetary tools in lowering long-term interest rates in the United States and Japan. The obtained results largely confirmed the effectiveness of the zero-interest-rate policy and Quantitative Easing (QE) in achieving the goal of reducing long-term interest rates. Japan, considered as the precursor of QE policy, also conducted research about the consequences of non-standard instruments, implemented to restore financial stability of the country. Although the literature about the effectiveness of Quantitative Easing in Japan is extensive, it does not uniquely specify whether it brought permanent effects. The main aim of the study is to identify the implications of non-standard monetary policy, implemented by selected central banks (the Federal Reserve System, Bank of England and European Central Bank), paying particular attention to the consequences into three areas: the size of money supply, financial markets, and the real economy.

Keywords: consequences of modern monetary policy, quantitative easing policy, banking sector instability, global financial crisis

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Authors: Gülbuğ Erol, Caner Çakı

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In Europe, it is seen that the immigrant population has increased in recent years. The rapid increase in the immigrant population has led to that some extreme right-wing parties increased their harsh discourse against the immigrants in Europe. In particular, it is seen that some right-wing parties in some European countries have demanded that the immigrant population could be controlled in the countries they are in, and even those immigrants should be removed from their countries. In this process, it is seen that these parties have effectively used social media platforms in the propaganda activities carried out for immigrants in recent years. In particular, the social media has great advantages in that these parties can address to the entire population in the country, apart from the limited masses that political parties address. How these political parties benefit from these advantages has great importance for the political parties to demonstrate their influence in political arena. In this study, it was tried to investigate how and why the extreme right-wing parties in Europe have used social media in their propaganda activities towards immigrant populations in Europe. For this purpose, the political parties of the three German-speaking countries in Europe were elected; Die Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) from Germany, Die Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) from Austria, Die Schweizerische Volkspartei (SVP) from Switzerland. As social media platform, only their Facebook accounts were analyzed in this study. Accounts The political parties selected were examined with content analysis, and that social media was effectively used by extreme right-wing parties for propaganda purposes towards immigrants in Europe revealed.In this process, it is seen that these parties have effectively used social media platforms in the propaganda activities carried out for immigrants in recent years. In particular, the social media has great advantages in that these parties can address to the entire population in the country, apart from the limited masses that political parties address. How these political parties benefit from these advantages has great importance for the political parties to demonstrate their influence in political arena. In Europe, it is seen that the immigrant population has increased in recent years. The rapid increase in the immigrant population has led to that some extreme right-wing parties increased their harsh discourse against the immigrants in Europe. In particular, it is seen that some right-wing parties in some European countries have demanded that the immigrant population should be controlled in the countries they are in, and even those immigrants should be removed from their countries. In this process, it is seen that these parties have effectively used social media platforms in the propaganda activities carried out for immigrants in recent years. In particular, the social media has great advantages in that these parties can address to the entire population in the country, apart from the limited masses that political parties address. How these political parties benefit from these advantages has great importance for the political parties to demonstrate their influence in political arena. In this study, it was tried to investigate how and why the extreme right-wing parties in Europe have used social media in their propaganda activities towards immigrant populations in Europe. For this purpose, the political parties of the three German-speaking countries in Europe were elected; Die Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) from Germany, Die Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) from Austria, Die Schweizerische Volkspartei (SVP) from Switzerland. As social media platform, only their Facebook accounts were analyzed in this study. Accounts The political parties selected were examined with content analysis and that social media was effectively used by extreme right-wing parties for propaganda purposes towards immigrants in Europe revealed.

Keywords: content analysis, political parties, propaganda, social media

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Authors: Natalia Selezneva

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The level of crime depends on a number of factors, such as political and economic instability, social inequality and ineffective legislation. A special place in the overall level of crime takes juvenile delinquency. United Nations Standard Minimum developed rules for the administration of juvenile justice (The Beijing Rules), in order to ensure the rights of juvenile offenders under the various legal systems. Most countries support these recommendations, and Russia is no exception. Russia's criminal code establishes the minimum age of criminal liability; types of crimes for which the possible involvement of minors to justice; punishment; sentencing and execution of punishment for minors. However, these provisions cause heated debates in the scientific literature. The high level of juvenile crime indicates the ineffectiveness of legal regulation of criminal liability of minors. In order to ensure compliance with international standards require new and modern approaches to improve national legislation and practice of its application. Achieving this goal will be achieved through the following tasks: 1. Create sub-branches of law regulating the legal status of minors; 2. Improving the types of penalties; 3. The possibility of using alternative measures; 4. The introduction of the procedure of extrajudicial settlement of the conflict. The criminal law of each country depends on the historical, national and cultural characteristics. The development of the Russian legislation taking into account international experience is extremely essential and will be a new stage in the formation of a legal state, especially in the sphere of protection of the rights of juvenile offenders.

Keywords: criminal law, juvenile offender, punishment, the age of criminal responsibility

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Authors: Lutfurrahman Aftab

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The Taliban’s relationships with the neighboring countries are a complex political issue that local people interpret one way, and politicians have different perceptions; therefore, it is a current issue that needs to be analyzed broadly and impartially. In this article, the writer investigates the Taliban’s current relationships with the neighboring countries, as well as looking at the effects these relationships have on the current peace negotiations in Doha, which began on September 12, 2020. The issue of Taliban and the current peace process has turned to be the center-of-attention for most of the neighboring countries, and every country has opened new pages in their foreign policies because after the Taliban-US peace agreement, the neighboring countries are meticulously and closely observing the situation and they believe that the Taliban are on the verge to tighten their grips on the future political power of Afghanistan. Every neighboring country of Afghanistan has political, economic, and social interests in this land-locked country. The Taliban’s current role within the peace talks and anticipated future position within the Afghan government will have great political, economic, and social implications on countries in the region as they assess their foreign policies. As these countries move to form closer ties with the Taliban, the government of Afghanistan is worried that this may hinder the peace process. Afghanistan has long blamed Pakistan for sheltering the Taliban and providing safe havens for the terrorist groups, including Al Qaeda, and the recent visits of Taliban’s delegations to Islamabad, Pakistan, have raised concern among government officials in Afghanistan who believe that the Taliban are not independent in their decisions, and for every step they take, are consulting with Pakistan’s political leadership.

Keywords: peace process, USA, Afghanistan, Taliban

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Authors: Muhammad Adil

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Women in different parts of the world confront several barriers to accomplishing their legal rights, particularly political rights. One of the common barriers in this respect is the indigenous culture of the locality. In the same way, women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are facing difficulties in accomplishing their political rights. The most significant obstacle in this context is Pakhtunwali, the traditional code of conduct in Pakhtun society, which is perceived as a substantial impediment for Pakhtun women in practicing their political rights as guaranteed by the Constitution of Pakistan and international legal instruments. Several codes of Pakhtunwali, like peghor (slander or abuse), tor (blame or disgraced), sharam (shame and dishonor), purdah (gender segregation), and ghayrat (honor) have a prominent role in this regard. The research approach employed a combination of both qualitative and quantitative methods to ensure a thorough exploration of the subject. Not only different documents have been analyzed but also a questionnaire has been developed to get accurate findings. Simultaneously, both primary and secondary data have been utilized. The finding shows that the Pakhtun culture is a formidable hurdle in accomplishing women’s political rights in Pakhtun society, particularly in rural areas. Observation reveals that a prevailing societal perception is that having women as their representatives would be viewed as a challenge to the honor of Pakhtun men. Consequently, women candidates who participated in the general elections in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa received only 1 percent or less than 1 percent of the votes compared to their male counterparts. It is recommended that certain codes of Pakhtunwali should be redefined and made compatible with international legal instruments.

Keywords: constitution, fundamental rights, honor, pakhtunwali.

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Authors: Thomai Voulgari, Vasilis Vasilopoulos, Antonis Skamnakis

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The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of the European election campaigns (May 23-26, 2019) on Twitter achieving with artificial intelligence tools such as troll factories and automated inauthentic accounts. Our research focuses on the last European Parliamentary elections that took place between 23 and 26 May 2019 specifically in Italy, Greece, Germany and France. It is difficult to estimate how many Twitter users are actually bots (Echeverría, 2017). Detection for fake accounts is becoming even more complicated as AI bots are made more advanced. A political bot can be programmed to post comments on a Twitter account for a political candidate, target journalists with manipulated content or engage with politicians and artificially increase their impact and popularity. We analyze variables related to 1) the scope of activity of automated bots accounts and 2) degree of coherence and 3) degree of interaction taking into account different factors, such as the type of content of Twitter messages and their intentions, as well as the spreading to the general public. For this purpose, we collected large volumes of Twitter accounts of party leaders and MEP candidates between 10th of May and 26th of July based on content analysis of tweets based on hashtags while using an innovative network analysis tool known as MediaWatch.io (https://mediawatch.io/). According to our findings, one of the highest percentage (64.6%) of automated “bot” accounts during 2019 European election campaigns was in Greece. In general terms, political bots aim to proliferation of misinformation on social media. Targeting voters is a way that it can be achieved contribute to social media manipulation. We found that political parties and individual politicians create and promote purposeful content on Twitter using algorithmic tools. Based on this analysis, online political advertising play an important role to the process of spreading misinformation during elections campaigns. Overall, inauthentic accounts and social media algorithms are being used to manipulate political behavior and public opinion.

Keywords: artificial intelligence tools, human-bot interactions, political manipulation, social networking, troll factories

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Authors: Mona Hassan Aburahma, Alaa Hamed Salama

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Ufasomes “unsaturated fatty acids liposomes” are unique nano-sized self-assembled bilayered vesicles that can be easily created from the readily available unsaturated fatty acid. Ufasomes are formed due to weak associative interaction of the fully ionized and unionized fatty acids into bilayers structures. In the ufasomes constructs, the fatty acid molecules are oriented with their hydrocarbon tails directed toward the membrane interior and the carboxyl groups are in contact with water. Although ufasomes can be employed as a safe vesicular carrier for drugs, the extreme instability of their aqueous dispersions hinders their effective use in drug delivery field. Accordingly, in our study, lyophilized gels containing ufasomes were prepared using a simple assembling technique form the readily available oleic acid to overcome the colloidal instability of the ufasomes dispersions and convert them into accurate unit dosage forms. The influence of changing cholesterol percentage relative to oleic acid on the ufasomes vesicles were investigated using factorial design. The optimized oleic acid ufasomes comprised nanoscaled spherical vesicles. Scanning electron micrographs of the lyophilized gels revealed that the included ufasomes were intact, non-aggregating, and preserved their spherical morphology. Rheological characterization (viscosity and shear stress versus shear rate) of reconstituted ufasomal lyophilized gel ensured the ease of application. The capability of the ufasomes, included in the gel, to penetrate deep through the mucosa layers was illustrated using ex-vivo confocal laser imaging, thereby, highlighting the feasibility of stabilizing ufasomes using lyophilized gel platforms.

Keywords: ufasomes, lyophilized gel, confocal scanning microscopy, rheological characterization, oleic acid

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Authors: Firmanda Taufiq

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Turkey as a country with great political power and political dynamics that occurred in Turkey shows symptoms that make this country interesting enough to be studied. In addition, there is also Post-Islamism phenomenon that causes fluctuations and changes in Turkish politics. In this regard, Turkey carved out history by holding a referendum that changed the state system from a parliamentary system with a presidential system. This change has major implications in the life of Turkish society and politics. The condition is not only influenced by the government of Recep Tayyib Erdogan alone, but actually there is also anxiety middle class Turkish (Middle Class Anatolia). So there was a Turkish referendum held on 16 April 2017. This research using descriptive-analysis method to analyzing problems of research, that's how the post-Islamism situation in Turkey and Anatolian Middle Class impact to Turkish referendum. Actually, the political process that took place in Turkey is inseparable from Post-Islamism which became an important part in the change and transition of government system. The AKP Party as the basis of the Erdogan government movement became an important actor in the political and policy dynamics produced by the Erdogan government. It is then why the Turkish referendum took place.

Keywords: post-Islamism, Turkish politic, AKP, middle class Anatolia

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Authors: Amanda Aliende da Matta, Maria del Pilar Fogueiras Bertomeu, Valeria de Ormaechea Otalora, Maria Paz Sandin Esteban, Miriam Comet Donoso

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This communication presents proposed questions about the existential in research on the political participation of young women. The study follows a qualitative methodology, in particular, the applied hermeneutic phenomenological (AHP) method, and the general objective of the research is to give an account of the experience of political participation as a young woman. The study participants are women aged 18 to 35 who have experience in political participation. The techniques of data collection are the descriptive story and the phenomenological interview. Hermeneutic phenomenology as a research approach is based on phenomenological philosophy and applied hermeneutics. The ultimate objective of HP is to gain access to the meaning structures of lived experience by appropriating them, clarifying them, and reflectively making them explicit. Human experiences are always lived through existential: fundamental themes that are useful in exploring meaningful aspects of our life worlds. Everyone experiences the world through the existential of lived relationships, the lived body, lived space, lived time, and lived things. The phenomenological research, then, also tacitly asks about the existential. Existentials are universal themes useful for exploring significant aspects of our life world and of the particular phenomena under study. Four main existentials prove especially helpful as guides for reflection in the research process: relationship, body, space, and time. For example, in our case, we may ask ourselves how can the existentials of relationship, body, space, and time guide us in exploring the structures of meaning in the lived experience of political participation as a woman and a young person. The study is still not finished, as we are currently conducting phenomenological thematic analysis on the collected stories of lived experience. Yet, we have already identified some fragments of texts that show the existential in their experiences, which we will transcribe below. 1) Relationality - The experienced I-Other. It regards how relationships are experienced in our narratives about political participation as young women. One example would be: “As we had known each other for a long time, we understood each other with our eyes; we were all a little bit on the same page, thinking the same thing.” 2) Corporeality - The lived body. It regards how the lived body is experienced in activities of political participation as a young woman. One example would be: “My blood was boiling, but it was not the time to throw anything in their face, we had to look for solutions.”; “I had a lump in my throat and I wanted to cry.”. 3) Spatiality - The lived space. It regards how one experiences the lived space in political participation activities as a young woman. One example would be: “And the feeling I got when I saw [it] it's like watching everybody going into a mousetrap.” 4) Temporality - Lived time. It regards how one experiences the lived time in political participation activities as a young woman. One example would be: “Then, there were also meetings that went on forever…”

Keywords: applied hermeneutic phenomenology, existentials, hermeneutics, phenomenology, political participation

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Authors: Muhammad Iqbal Rachman, Mohammad Faisol Soleh

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The Law No. 26 Year 2000 about Indonesia’s Human Right Court became a new legal enforcement frame of human right law in Indonesia. The new spirit based on some international propulsion in order to enforce human right which basic right of everyone that appearance since in fetus. This matters indicated how crucial the arrangement of human right law, considering the role of state on human right enforcement in this context which became main pillar or instrument to accommodate citizen interest. Basically, the adopting of Law No. 26 Year 2000 came from the womb of concept international crimes regulation based on Rome Statute which became the international law instrument in order to legal enforce of international crimes. But in the other side, the enactment Rome Statute concept in Indonesia has facing with political and academics interest which resulted unaccommodating every type of international crimes in Law No. 26 Year 2000. The analyzing of political and academics background became the fundamental point to find out the solutions based on the regulation of Rome Statute concept matters in Indonesia.

Keywords: academic consideration, human right, political consideration, rome statute, unregulated concept

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Authors: Samuel Francisco Ngovene

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Mozambique is a country with cultural segregation along its rivers, dividing the main ethnic groups of Machangana, Macena, and Macua, inter alia South, Centre, and North. This division has led to internal conflicts, seemingly rooted in ethnicity. The aim of this study is to analyze the tolerance of the main ethnic groups in Mozambique in terms of cohabitation, sharing opportunities, and political power. The study utilizes participant observation in the field, group discussions, and a questionnaire targeting 150 respondents split into 50 for each ethnic group. The study finds that people in Mozambique are generally tolerant of cohabiting or marrying individuals from different ethnic groups. However, when it comes to sharing opportunities such as employment or business, there is a perception that individuals from different ethnic groups may be taking away opportunities. Similarly, each ethnic group believes that having a president from their own group would lead to better opportunities for their community. The study highlights the importance of addressing this intolerance, as it can be a source of internal political conflicts. The anthropological approach provides a valuable tool for diplomacy channels to ensure long-lasting peace. Analysis procedures: The data collected through participant observation, group discussions are analytically crosschecked, comparing the opinions of people from different ethnic groups, while the data from the questionnaire are analyzed statistically to understand the level of tolerance among the ethnic groups and their perceptions of sharing opportunities and political power. The study addresses the question of whether the main ethnic groups in Mozambique are tolerant of cohabitation, sharing opportunities, and political power among themselves. The study concludes that while there is overall tolerance for cohabitation and marriage across ethnic groups, there is also a perception that individuals from different ethnic groups may take away opportunities. The study suggests that cultural education from a young age may be an effective way to promote tolerance.

Keywords: cohabitation, ethnicities, Mozambique, political conflicts, tolerance

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Authors: Inas Hussein

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Communication in the modern world is increasingly becoming multimodal due to globalization and the digital space we live in which have remarkably affected how people communicate. Accordingly, Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) is an emerging paradigm in discourse studies with the underlying assumption that other semiotic resources such as images, colours, scientific symbolism, gestures, actions, music and sound, etc. combine with language in order to  communicate meaning. One of the effective multimodal media that combines both verbal and non-verbal elements to create meaning is political cartoons. Furthermore, since political and social issues are mirrored in political cartoons, these are regarded as potential objects of discourse analysis since they not only reflect the thoughts of the public but they also have the power to influence them. The aim of this paper is to analyze some selected cartoons on the recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital by the American President, Donald Trump, adopting a multimodal approach. More specifically, the present research examines how the various semiotic tools and resources utilized by the cartoonists function in projecting the intended meaning. Ten political cartoons, among a surge of editorial cartoons highlighted by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) - an international Jewish non-governmental organization based in the United States - as publications in different Arabic-language newspapers in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Oman, Iran and UK, were purposively selected for semiotic analysis. These editorial cartoons, all published during 6^th–18^th December 2017, invariably suggest one theme: Jewish and Israeli domination of the United States. The data were analyzed using the framework of Visual Social Semiotics. In accordance with this methodological framework, the selected visual compositions were analyzed in terms of three aspects of meaning: representational, interactive and compositional. In analyzing the selected cartoons, an interpretative approach is being adopted. This approach prioritizes depth to breadth and enables insightful analyses of the chosen cartoons. The findings of the study reveal that semiotic resources are key elements of political cartoons due to the inherent political communication they convey. It is proved that adequate interpretation of the three aspects of meaning is a prerequisite for understanding the intended meaning of political cartoons. It is recommended that further research should be conducted to provide more insightful analyses of political cartoons from a multimodal perspective.

Keywords: Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA), multimodal text, political cartoons, visual modality

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Authors: Wint Wint Thu, Htet Ko Ko Win, Myat Mon San, Zaw Lin Tun, Nandar Than Aye, Khin Nyein Myat, Hayman Nyo Oo, Nay Aung Lin, Kusum Thapa, Kyaw Htet Aung

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Background: In Myanmar, the intense political instability happened to start in Feb-2021, while the COVID-19 pandemic waves are also threatening the public health system, which subsequently led to severe health sector crisis, including difficulties in accessing maternal and newborn health care for vulnerable women and children. The Remote Pregnant and Newborn Care (RPNC) uses a telehealth approach United States Agency for International Development (USAID)-funded Essential Health Project. Implementation: The Remote Pregnant and Newborn Care (RPNC) service has adapted to the MNCH needs of vulnerable pregnant women and was implemented to mitigate the risk of limited access to essential quality MNH care in Yangon, Myanmar, under women, and the project trained 13 service providers on a telehealth care package for pregnancy and newborn developed Jhpiego to ensure understanding of evidence-based MNCH care practices. The phone numbers of the pregnant women were gathered through the preexisting and functioning community volunteers, who reach the most vulnerable pregnant women in the project's targeted area. A total of 212 pregnant women have been reached by service providers for RPNC during the implementation period. The trained service providers offer quality antenatal and postnatal care, including newborn care, via telephone calls. It includes 24/7 incoming calls and time-allotted outgoing calls to the pregnant women during antenatal and postnatal periods, including the newborn care. The required data were collected daily in time with the calls, and the quality of the medical services is made assured with the track of the calls, ensuring data privacy and patient confidentiality. Lessons learned: The key lessons are 1) cost-effectiveness: RPNC service could reduce out of pocket expenditure of pregnant women as it only costs 1.6 United States dollars (USD) per one telehealth call while it costs 8 to 10 USD per one time in-person care service at private service providers, including transportation cost, 2) network of care: telehealth call could not replace the in-person antenatal and postnatal care services, and integration of telehealth calls with in-person care by local healthcare providers with the support of the community is crucial for accessibility to essential MNH services by poor and vulnerable women, and 3) sharing information on health access points: most of the women seem to have financial barriers in accessing private health facilities while public health system collapse and telehealthcare could provide information on low-cost facilities and connect women to relevant health facilities. These key lessons are important for future efforts regarding the implementation of remote pregnancy and newborn care in Myanmar, especially during the political crisis and COVID-19 pandemic situation.

Keywords: telehealth, accessibility, maternal care, newborn care

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Authors: Debalkie Demissie Addisu, Ejigu Alemu Abebe, Tsegay Tensay Assefa

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This study examines the indirect effect of servant leadership on organizational citizenship behavior through perceptions of organizational politics moderated by political skill. This study reports the responses of 321 respondents from six federal public service organizations in Ethiopia. A multi-stage random sampling procedure was employed to select the sampled federal public service organizations. To test hypotheses, the study employed structural equation modeling using AMOS version-26 software. The result revealed that all direct effects have a significant effect. Specifically, servant leadership has a positive effect on organizational citizenship behavior. Likewise, servant leadership has a negative effect on perceptions of organizational politics. Also, a perception of organizational politics has a negative effect on organizational citizenship behavior. Moreover, perceptions of organizational politics competitively mediated the effect of servant leadership on organizational citizenship behavior. As well, political skill moderated the effect of perceptions of organizational politics on organizational citizenship behavior but not the indirect effect. To the best of our knowledge, no one else employs perceptions of organizational politics as a mediating effect between servant leadership and organizational citizenship behavior. Furthermore, we are not aware of anyone else employing political skill as a moderating role in the indirect effect of servant leadership on organizational citizenship behavior through perceptions of organizational politics.

Keywords: servant leadership, organizational citizenship behavior, perceptions of organizational politics, political skill, public service organization, Ethiopia

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Authors: Sophy Joseph

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The study uses the concept of ‘Settler city’ to understand the nature of peripheralization that a neoliberal city initiates. The settler city designs powerless communities without inherent rights, title and sovereignty. Kathputli Colony, home to generations of artists/craftsmen, who have kept heritage of arts/crafts alive, has undergone eviction of its population from urban space. The proposed study, ‘Neoliberal Settler City: Socio-spatial segregation and livelihood of artists/craftsmen in Delhi’ would problematize the settler city as a colonial technology. The colonial regime has ‘erased’ the ‘unwanted’ as primitive and swept them to peripheries in the city. This study would also highlight how structural change in political economy has undermined their crafts/arts by depriving them from practicing/performing it with dignity in urban space. The interconnections between citizenship and In-Situ Private Public Partnership in Kathputli rehabilitation has become part of academic exercise. However, a comprehensive study connecting inherent characteristics of neoliberal settler city, trajectory of political economy of unorganized workers - artists/craftsmen and legal containment and exclusion leading to dispossession and marginalization of communities from the city site, is relevant to contextualize the trauma of spatial segregation. This study would deal with political, cultural, social and economic dominant behavior of the structure in the state formation, accumulation of property and design of urban space, fueled by segregation of marginalized/unorganized communities and disowning the ‘footloose proletariat’, the migrant workforce. The methodology of study involves qualitative research amongst communities and the field work-oral testimonies and personal accounts- becomes the primary material to theorize the realities. The secondary materials in the forms of archival materials about historical evolution of Delhi as a planned city from various archives, would be used. As the study also adopt ‘narrative approach’ in qualitative study, the life experiences of craftsmen/artists as performers and emotional trauma of losing their livelihood and space forms an important record to understand the instability and insecurity that marginalization and development attributes on urban poor. The study attempts to prove that though there was a change in political tradition from colonialism to constitutional democracy, new state still follows the policy of segregation and dispossession of the communities. It is this dispossession from the space, deprivation of livelihood and non-consultative process in rehabilitation that reflects the neoliberal approach of the state and also critical findings in the study. This study would entail critical spatial lens analyzing ethnographic and sociological data, representational practices and development debates to understand ‘urban otherization’ against craftsmen/artists. This seeks to develop a conceptual framework for understanding the resistance of communities against primitivity attached with them and to decolonize the city. This would help to contextualize the demand for declaring Kathputli Colony as ‘heritage artists village’. The conceptualization and contextualization would help to argue for right to city of the communities, collective rights to property, services and self-determination. The aspirations of the communities also help to draw normative orientation towards decolonization. It is important to study this site as part of the framework, ‘inclusive cities’ because cities are rarely noted as important sites of ‘community struggles’.

Keywords: neoliberal settler city, socio-spatial segregation, the livelihood of artists/craftsmen, dispossession of indigenous communities, urban planning and cultural uprooting

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Authors: Mas Rahmah

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Indonesia is the most populous Southeast Asian nations, as Indonesia`s population is constantly growing, food security has become a crucial trending issue. Although Indonesia has more than enough natural resources and agricultural products to ensure food security for all, Indonesia is still facing the problem of food security because of adverse weather conditions, increasing population, political instability, economic factors (unemployment, rising food prices), and the dependent system of agriculture. This paper will analyze that Geographical Indication (GI) can aid in transforming Indonesian agricultural-dependent system by tapping the unique product attributes of their quality products since Indonesia has a lot of agricultural products with unique quality and special characteristic associated with geographical factors such as Toraja Coffee, Alor Vanili, Banda Nutmeg, Java Tea, Deli Tobacco, Cianjur Rise etc. This paper argues that the reputation and agricultural products and their intrinsic quality should be protected under GI because GI will provide benefit supporting the food security program. Therefore, this paper will expose the benefit of GI protection such as increasing productivity, improving the exports of GI products, creating employment, adding economic value to products, and increasing the diversity of supply of natural and unique quality products, etc. that can contribute to food security. The analysis will finally conclude that the scenario of promoting GI may indirectly contribute to food security through adding value by incorporating territory specific cultural, environmental and social qualities into production, processing and developing of unique local, niche and special agricultural products.

Keywords: geographical indication, food security, agricultural product, Indonesia

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Authors: Nour Elhouda Abed, Bedj Mimi, Wahid Slimani, Mourad Atif, Abdelhakim Ouzzane, Hocine Irekti, Abdelkader Bekki

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The most frequent system of cereal production in Algeria is fallow-wheat. This is an extensive system that meets only the half needs some cereals and fodder demand. Resorption of fallow has become a strategic necessity to ensure food security in response to the instability of supply and the persistence of higher food prices on the world market. Despite several attempts to replace the fallow by crop cultures, choosing the best crop remains. Today, the agronomic and economic interests of legumes are demonstrated. However, their crop culture remains marginalized because of the weakness and instability of their performance. In the context of improving legumes and cereals crops as well as fallow resorption, we undertook to test, in the field, the effect of rhizobial inoculation of Phaseolus vulgaris in association with Zea Mays. We firstly studied the genetic diversity of rhizobial strains that nodulate P.vulgaris isolated from fifteen (15) different regions. ARDRA had shown 18 different genetic profiles. Symbiotic characterization highlighted a strain that highly significantly improved the fresh and dry weight of the host plant, in comparison to the negative control (un-inoculated) and the positive control (inoculated with the reference strain CIAT 899). In the field, the selected strain increased significantly the growth and yield of P.vulgaris and Zea Mays comparing to the non-inoculated control. However, the mix inoculation (selected strain+ Ciat 899) had not given the best parameters showing, thus, no synergy between the strains. These results indicate the replacing fallow by a crop legume in intercropping with cereals crops.

Keywords: fallow, intercropping, inoculation, legumes-cereals

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Authors: David E. Wilkins

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While colonialism in its many guises remains the dominant theoretical framework within which to analyze Indigenous relations with state powers, this paper takes a deep look at the treaty, policy, and statutory efforts initiated by both Indigenous peoples and colonial, and later federal representatives within what is now the United States that were intended to create a Native constituent state of the union. While these plans ultimately failed, they are indicative of the reality that, throughout much of the shared Indigenous and American history, there were both Native and non-Native political elites who were keen on the idea of incorporating Indigenous peoples into the burgeoning body politic. This paper explores why these plans arose, who the architects were that devised them, which Native peoples were involved in, and why they ultimately failed to be enacted. Although governmental relations within the US remain fraught and unpredictable, Native nations continue to wield a form of sovereignty that, while truncated, has maintained their distinctive political statuses. There is much to be learned from the exploration of these mixed successes and failures. There are other examples across the globe whereby Indigenous peoples like the Saami and the Māori have secured greater clarity of their retained autonomy through structural political arrangements with the states that have laid claim to their territories while the Ainu struggle to regain their status.

Keywords: indigenous, sovereignty, diplomacy, intergovernmental

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Authors: Suneet Jagdev

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The development of the original Bauhaus occurred at a time in the beginning of the 20th century when the industrialization of Germany had reached a climax. The cities were a reflection of the new living conditions of an industrialized society. The Bauhaus can be interpreted as an ambitious attempt to find appropriate answers to the challenges by using architecture-urban development and design. The core elements of the conviction of the day were the belief in the necessary crossing of boundaries between the various disciplines and courage to experiment for a better solution. Even after 100 years, the situation in our cities is shaped by similar complexity. The urban consequences of developments are difficult to estimate and to predict. The paper critically reflected on the central aspects of the history of the Bauhaus and its role in bringing the modernism in India by comparative studies of the methodology adopted by the artists and designer in both the countries. The paper talked in detail about how the Bauhaus Exhibition in 1922 offered Indian artists a new weapon of anti-colonial resistance. The original Bauhaus fought its aesthetic and political battles in the context of economic instability and the rise of German fascism. The Indians had access to dominant global languages and in a particular English. The availability of print media and a vibrant indigenous intellectual culture provided Indian people a tool to accept technology while denying both its dominant role in culture and the inevitability of only one form of modernism. The indigenous was thus less an engagement with their culture as in the West than a tool of anti-colonial struggle. We have shown how the Indian people used Bauhaus as a critique of colonialism itself through an undermining of its typical modes of representation and as a means of incorporating the Indian desire for spirituality into art and as providing the cultural basis for a non-materialistic and anti-industrial form of what we might now term development. The paper reflected how through painting the Bauhaus entered the artistic consciousness of the sub-continent not only for its stylistic and technical innovations but as a tool for a critical and even utopian modernism that could challenge both the hegemony of academic and orientalist art and as the bearer of a transnational avant-garde as much political as it was artistic, and as such the basis of a non-Eurocentric but genuinely cosmopolitan alternative to the hierarchies of oppression and domination that had long bound India and were at that moment rising once again to a tragic crescendo in Europe. We have talked about how the Bauhaus of today can offer an innovative orientation towards discourse around architecture and design.

Keywords: anti-colonial struggle, art over architecture, Bauhaus exhibition of 1922, industrialization

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Authors: B. Gültekin, T. Gültekin

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Peace diplomacy is the most important international tool to maintain peace all over the World. This study consists of three parts. In the first part, the leadership of Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the Nationalist Movement Party, will be introduced as a tool of peace communication and peace management. Also, in this part, peace communication will be explained by the peace leadership traits of Devlet Bahçeli, who is one of the efficient political leaders representing the concepts of compromise and agreement on different sides of politics. In the second part of study, it is aimed to analyze Devlet Bahçeli’s leadership within the frame of peace communication and the final part of this study is about creating an original public communication model for public diplomacy based on Devlet Bahçeli as an example. As a result, the main purpose of this study is to develop an original peace communication model including peace modules, peace management projects, original dialogue procedures and protocols exhibited in the policies of Devlet Bahçeli. The political leadership represented by Devlet Bahçeli inspires political leaders to provide peace communication. In this study, principles and policies of peace leadership of Devlet Bahçeli will be explained as an original model on a peace communication platform.

Keywords: public diplomacy, dialogue management, peace leadership, peace diplomacy

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Authors: Abdullahi Garba Abu, Muhammad Bello Sada, Aminu Abubakar

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Facebook and Twitter/X platforms are preferred and largely patronized by Youths in Nigeria. The simplicity and popularity of Facebook and Twitter/X have made them preferred social networking sites for Youths to handle or execute different political activities in favor of their chosen candidates or political parties. This is largely related to their interest in using the platform for the purposes of participation in 2023 political activities and general elections. The two Social Networking Sites were used to vigorously pursue party activities on the eve of the 2023 general elections. Youths engaged the two platforms in campaigning for their candidates and political parties and succeeded in reaching a wide audience, shared the policies and manifestos of their parties, engaged with supporters and even posted advertising campaigns for specific demographics. However, the utilization of Facebook and Twitter /X platforms during the 2023 elections was largely seen in two lights: positive and negative lights/intentions. Therefore, this research investigates the motivating factors for which largely Nigerian Youths engage Facebook and Twitter platforms in political activities, with reference to the 2023 general elections. The research uses a survey method through which it reaches out to respondents from all six geo-politial zones. The research found that Nigerian Youths utilize the two social media sites to campaign for politicians voluntarily based on their belief in the capabilities of the candidates. It also found out that Youths were lured into using Facebook and Twitter/X sites to campaign through tribal, religious, and ethnic factors. More so, the research found out that eagerness to share political materials in support of candidates made Youths in Nigeria share unverifiable content on Facebook and Twitter sites.

Keywords: Facebook, Twitter/X, Nigerian youths, 2023 elections

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Authors: JoVontae Butts

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A central and enduring theme in the study of American politics is political participation, which indicates the health of a democracy, citizen buy-in, and fair political representation. Though voting push factors have been thoroughly researched and are becoming better understood, the effect of those same push factors often varies for marginalized people. Black voters begun to cast votes at a steadily increasing rate following the 1996 election, gradually growing to its highest level in the 2012 presidential election, even surpassing white voter participation rates. The thirty-year growth period of Black voter engagement concluded in the 2016 election, with the number of participating Black voters stumbling by approximately 7% while other demographics remained roughly the same. Theories for the shift in Black voter behavior range from vote suppression to discouragement due to Barack Obama’s concluding tenure in office. Furthermore, Black voter engagement rebounded in the 2020 election, leaving turnout and race scholars to speculate even further, predicting that disapproval of Trump energized the Black voter bloc. Though there is much conjecture regarding the changes in Black voter behavior, there is truly little empirical evidence to vet those suppositions. This study engages and quantifies speculations for the changes in Black voter engagement in recent elections using 2016 and 2020 American National Election Studies Pilot Study data. Additionally, this study expands upon McGregor’s theory of political hypervigilance by exploring differences in political engagement for church-attending Black voters and those that do not.

Keywords: race, religion, evangelicalism, political engagement

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Authors: Silvia Lucciarini, Antonio Corasaniti

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The issue of democracy in capitalist countries has once again become the focus of debate in recent years. A number of socio-economic and political tensions have triggered discussion of this topic from various perspectives and disciplines. Political developments, the rise of both right-wing parties and populism and the constant growth of inequalities in a context of welfare downsizing, have led scholars to question if European capitalist countries are really capable of creating and redistributing resources and look for elements that might make democratic capital in European countries more dense. The aim of the work is to shed light on the trajectories, intensity and convergence or divergence between political and associative participation, on one hand, and organization, on the other, as these constitute two of the main points of connection between the norms, values and actions that bind citizens to the state. Using the European Social Survey database, some studies have sought to analyse degrees of unionization by investigating the relationship between systems of industrial relations and vulnerable groups (in terms of value-oriented practices or political participation). This paper instead aims to investigate the relationship between union participation and civil/political participation, comparing union members and non-members and then distinguishing between employees and self-employed professionals to better understand participatory behaviors among different workers. The first component of the research will employ a multilinear logistic model to examine a sample of 10 countries selected according to a grid that combines the industrial relations models identified by Visser (2006) and the Welfare State systems identified by Esping-Andersen (1990). On the basis of this sample, we propose to compare the choices made by workers and their propensity to join trade unions, together with their level of social and political participation, from 2002 to 2016. In the second component, we aim to verify whether workers within the same system of industrial relations and welfare show a similar propensity to engage in civil participation through political bodies and associations, or if instead these tendencies take on more specific and varied forms. The results will allow us to see: (1) if political participation is higher among unionized workers than it is among the non-unionized. (2) what are the differences in unionisation and civil/political participation between self-employed, temporary and full-time employees and (3) whether the trajectories within industrial relations and welfare models display greater inclusiveness and participation, thereby confirming or disproving the patterns that have been documented among the different European countries.

Keywords: union membership, participation, democracy, industrial relations, welfare systems

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Authors: Lorenzo Buti

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This paper investigates the nature of democratic action through a critical reading of Claude Lefort’s notion of the democratic ‘regime’. Lefort provides one of the most innovative accounts of the essential features of a democratic regime. According to him, democracy is a political regime that acknowledges the indeterminacy of a society and stages it as a contestation between competing political actors. As such, democracy provides the symbolic markers of society’s openness towards the future. However, despite their democratic features, the recent decades in late capitalist societies attest to a sense of the future becoming fixed and predetermined. This suggests that Lefort’s conception of democracy harbours a misunderstanding of the character and experience of democratic action. This paper examines this underlying tension in Lefort’s work. It claims that Lefort underestimates how a democratic regime, next to its symbolic function, also takes a materially constituted form with its particular dynamics of power relations. Lefort’s systematic dismissal of this material dimension for democratic action can lead to the contemporary paradoxical situation where democracy’s symbolic markers are upheld (free elections, public debate, dynamic between government and opposition in parliament,…) but the room for political decision-making is constrained due to a myriad of material constraints (e.g., market pressures, institutional inertias). The paper draws out the implications for the notion of democratic action. Contra Lefort, it argues that democratic action necessarily targets the material conditions that impede the capacity for decision-making on the basis of equality and liberty. This analysis shapes our understanding of democratic action in two ways. First, democratic action takes an asymmetrical, insurgent form, as a contestation of material power relations from below. Second, it reveals an ambivalent position vis-à-vis the political regime: democratic action is symbolically made possible by the democratic dispositive, but it contests the constituted form that the democratic regime takes.

Keywords: Claude Lefort, democratic action, material constitution, political regime

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