Search results for: political beliefs

Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent regime change, internal conflicts between political and ethnic-religious groups have become a hallmark of Iraqi political dynamism. The most important manifestations of these conflicts are the Kurdish-central government conflicts, as well as fundamentalism since 2003. As a result, it seems not only US presence in Iraq under the pretext of fighting terrorism and expanding democracy has not had a positive effect on controlling fundamentalism and political stability in Iraq, but it has paved the way for the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in the form of disputes over territory and sources of power. In this regard, given the importance of the study, the main purpose of this study is to examine the process of the impact of US regime-change policy on the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in Iraq. The central question of this study is, what effect has the US regime change policy had on Iraq's domestic political processes? Findings show that regime change and subsequent imposed federalism have widened the gaps in Iraq's sectarian-ethnic system. As a result, the geopolitical crisis in the context of the dispute over geographical territory and sources of power between ethnic-religious groups has become the most important political dynamic in Iraq since the occupation. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: Iraq, united states, geopolitical crisis, ethno-religious conflict, political federalism

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Authors: Raleigh Blasdell, Amanda M. Sharp Parker, Lauren Waldrop, Brigid Toney

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It has been demonstrated that fictional media sources have persuasive effects on public beliefs; this study contributes to the social constructionist literature by conducting a content analysis of U.S. major motion pictures involving terrorism. Using the Unified Film Population Sampling Methodology, the top-grossing films were identified to examine the frequency and context of several constructs of terrorism, including terrorist demographics, type of terrorism, country of origin, organizational affiliation, crime typology, and victim demographics. Comparisons of these constructs, as depicted in the films, were then made with the extant academic literature on terrorism. The data provide notable information regarding the representation of terrorism by the film industry, as well the discrepancies between the scholarly literature and depictions in popular films. The results indicate vast differences between fiction and reality, emphasizing a 'Middle Eastern Islamic male' terrorist stereotype. Using the theoretical foundation of social constructionism, the findings provide insight into how inaccurate depictions in film can influence society’s beliefs about terrorism and terrorists, which subsequently can translate into public support for legislation and policies that are often fueled by misinformation.

Keywords: film, media, social constructionism, terrorism

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Authors: Tony See

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Although much has been devoted to Deleuze’s ethics of difference, relatively little has been focused on how his political perspective is informed by his appropriation of religious ideas and theological concepts. The bulk of the scholarly works have examined his political views with the assumption that they have little or nothing to do with his ideas of religions at all. This is in spite of the fact that Deleuze has drawn heavily from religious and theological thinkers such as Duns Scotus, Spinoza and Nietzsche. This dimension can also be traced in Deleuze’s later works, when he collaborated with Felix Guattari in creating an anti-Oedipal philosophy of difference after May 68. This paper seeks to reverse the tendency in contemporary scholarship ignore Deleuze’s ‘religious’ framework in his understanding of the ethical and the political. Towards this aim, we will refer to key texts in Deleuze’s corpus such as Expressionism in Philosophy, A Thousand Plateaus and others.

Keywords: difference, haeccities, identity, religion, theology

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Authors: Baba Iddrisu Musah

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Many Ghanaians, including the rich and downtrodden, elite and unlettered, rural and urban dwellers, politicians and civil servants, in one way or the other, believe in and practice witchcraft. The existence of witches’ camp in northern Ghana, the rise of Pentecostal churches, especially in southern Ghana with the penchant to cleanse people of witchcraft, as well as media reports of witchcraft imputations assuming wider dimensions in the country, often classified as a citadel of democracy, good governance and human rights in Africa, buttress the pervasive nature of belief in and the practice of witchcraft in the country. This is in spite of the fact that tremendous efforts, especially by British colonial authorities, were made to regulate witchcraft beliefs and its associated practices. Informed by Western values and philosophy, witchcraft was considered by colonial authorities as illogical and unscientific. This paper, which is largely a review of existing literature, supplemented by archival information from the national archives of Ghana, focuses on the nature of witchcraft regulation in Ghana’s pre-colonial and colonial past, as well as immediately after Ghana obtained her independence in 1957. This article concludes by rhetorically questioning whether or not believing in and the practice of witchcraft in contemporary Ghana in general, and the existence of witches’ camps in the northern region of the country are attributed to the failure of past regulations, as well as the failure of present government policies.

Keywords: colonial, natives, regulation, witchcraft

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Authors: Bruce Small, Martin Espig, Alyssa Ryan

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In the agricultural sector, the rapid expansion of herbicide resistant weeds is a major threat to the global sustainability of food and fibre production. Efforts to avoid herbicide resistance have primarily focused on new technologies and farmer education. Yet, despite decades of advice to growers from agricultural scientists and extension professionals of the need for management strategies for herbicide use, herbicide resistance continues to increase. Technological options are running out and current extension efforts to change farmer behaviour are failing to curb the problem. As part of a five-year, government funded, research programme to address herbicide resistance in New Zealand, social science theory and practice are being utilised to investigate the complexities of managing herbicide use and controlling resistance. As an initial step, we are utilising a transdisciplinary, multi-level systems approach to examine the problem definition, knowledge beliefs, attitudes and values of different important actors in the agri-business sector. In this paper, we report early project results from qualitative research examining the similarities and contrasts in the perceptions of scientists, farmer/growers, and rural professionals.

Keywords: behaviour change, herbicide resistant weeds, knowledge beliefs, systems perspective

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Authors: Antonia Stanojević, Agnes Akkerman

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In contemporary society, economically active people typically spend most of their waking hours doing their job. Having that in mind, this research examines how socialization at the workplace shapes political preferences. Innovatively, it examines, in particular, the possible relationship between employees’ voice suppression by the employer and the formation of their political preferences. Since the employer is perceived as an authority figure, their behavior might induce spillovers to attitudes about political authorities and authoritarian governance. Therefore, a positive effect of suppression of voice by employers on employees' preference for authoritarian governance is expected. Furthermore, this relation is expected to be mediated by two mechanisms: system justification and power distance. Namely, it is expected that suppression of voice would create a power distance organizational climate and increase employees’ acceptance of unequal distribution of power, as well as evoke attempts of oppression rationalization through system justification. The hypotheses will be tested on the data gathered within the first wave of Work and Politics Dataset 2017 (N=6000), which allows for a wide range of demographic and psychological control variables. Although a cross-sectional analysis to be used at this point does not allow for causal inferences, the confirmation of expected relationships would encourage and justify further longitudinal research on the same panel dataset, in order to get a clearer image of the causal relationship between employers' suppression of voice and workers' political preferences.

Keywords: authoritarian values, political preferences, power distance, system justification, voice suppression

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Authors: Caroline Kim

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The designation autism spectrum disorder (ASD) groups complex disorders in the development of the brain. Autism is defined essentially as a condition in which an individual lacks a theory of mind. The theory of mind, in this sense, explains the ability of an individual to attribute feelings, emotions, or thoughts to another person. An autistic patient is characteristically unable to determine what an interlocutor is feeling, or to understand the beliefs of others. However, it is possible that autism cannot plausibly characterized as the lack of theory of mind in an individual. Genes, the bran, and its interplay with environmental factors may also cause autism. A mutation in a gene may be hereditary, or instigated by diseases such as mumps. Though an autistic patient may experience abnormalities in the cerebellum and the cortical regions, these are in fact only possible theories as to a biochemical explanation behind the disability. The prevailing theory identifying autism with lacking the theory of mind is supported by behavioral observation, but this form of observation is itself determined by socially constructed standards, limiting the possibility for empirical verification. The theory of mind infers that the beliefs and emotions of people are causally based on their behavior. This paper demonstrates the fallacy of this inference, critiquing its basis in socially constructed values, and arguing instead for a biochemical approach free from the conceptual apparatus of language and social expectation.

Keywords: autism spectrum disorder, sociology of psychology, social construction, the theory of mind

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Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

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This exposition investigates the connection between two viewpoints on the nature of human rights. Agreeing with the “political” or “practical” point of view, human rights are claims that people have against certain regulation structures in specific present-day states, in the ethicalness of interface they have in settings that incorporate them. Agreeing with the more conventional “humanist” or “naturalistic” viewpoint, human rights are pre-institutional claims that people have against all other people in the ethicalness of interface characteristic of their common humankind. This paper contends that once we recognize the two viewpoints in their best light, we are able to see that they are complementary, and, in reality, we require both to form a great standardizing sense of the modern home of human rights. It clarifies how humanist and political contemplations can and ought to work in couple to account for the concept, substance, and legitimization of human rights.

Keywords: politics, human rights, humanities, mankind, law

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Authors: Oluwayemisi Mary Onyenanakeya, Kevin Onyenankeya

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Commercial media entertainment offerings especially mainstream soap operas, in South Africa, are progressively infusing dominant social values and ideas which are alien to South African tribal societies. In most of the commodified television drama series, people who hold tight to traditional beliefs and values are often characterised as traditionalists, while those who have imbibed the western defined dicta and ideology of modernity are seen as progressives. This study, therefore, sought to ascertain how South African tribal language, traditional institutions, values, social norms and ancestral beliefs are portrayed through the television drama, Generations: The Legacy, and what the viewers think about those constructions and the implication for cultural identity. The mixed methods approach was employed involving the administration of questionnaire to 350 participants selected through random sampling and a content analysis of 20 episodes of Generations: The Legacy. The findings further showed that the values and traditions represented in generation do not significantly reflect the South African tribal tradition and values (p-value > 0.05). In most instances where traditional values are represented they tend to be portrayed as old fashioned (p-value > 0.05), and inferior and backward (p-value > 0.05). In addition, the findings indicate that Generations: The legacy is a vehicle for promoting dominant culture.

Keywords: identity, soap opera, South Africa, television

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Authors: Abdul Nasir Zamir

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After the downfall of Ottoman Caliphate, it scattered into different small Muslim states. Muslim leaders, intellectuals, revivalists as well as modernists started trying to boost up their nation. Some Muslims are also trying to establish the caliphate. Every Muslim country has its own political system, i.e., kingship, dictatorship or democracy, etc. But these are not in their original forms as the historian or political science discussed in their studies. The laws and their practice are mixed, i.e., others with Islamic laws, e.g., Saudi Arabia (K.S.A) and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, etc. There is great conflict among the revivalist Muslim parties (groups) and governments about political systems. The question is that the subject matter is Sharia or political system? Leaders of Modern Muslim states are alleged as disbelievers due to neglecting the revelation in their laws and decisions. There are two types of laws; Islamic laws and management laws. The conflict is that the non-Islamic laws are in practice in Muslim states. Non-Islamic laws can be gradually changed with Islamic laws with a legal and peaceful process according to the practice of former Muslim leaders and scholars. The bloodshed of Muslims is not allowed in any case. Weak Muslim state is a blessing than nothing. The political system after Muhammad and guided caliphs is considered as kingship. But during this period Muslims not only developed in science and technology but conquered many territories also. If the original aim is in practice, then the Modern Muslim states can be stabled with different political systems. Modern Muslim states are the hope of survival, stability, and development of Muslim Ummah. Islam does not allow arm clash with Muslim army or Muslim civilians. The caliphate is based on believing in one Allah Almighty and good deeds according to Quran and Sunnah. As faith became weak and good deeds became less from its standard level, caliphate automatically became weak and even ended. The last weak caliphate was Ottoman Caliphate which was a hope of all the Muslims of the world. There is no caliphate or caliph present in the world. But every Muslim country or state is like an Amarat (a part of caliphate or small and alternate form of the caliphate) of Muslims. It is the duty of all Muslims to stable these modern Muslim states with tolerance.

Keywords: caliphate, conflict resolution, modern Muslim state, political conflicts, political systems, tolerance

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Authors: Soodabeh Dehghan, Siavash Hamidzadeh, Naqshbandi Seyyed Salahedin, Ali Mohammad Safania

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The present research with the aim of the relationship between organizational silence and organizational voice with quality of work-life among employees of the sport and youth departments of Tehran Province was done. The statistical population of this research includes all employees of the sport and youth departments of Tehran province, and considering the not very large number of society, the sample and society were considered to be the same, and the sample was considered as the whole number. To measure each of these variables, a questionnaire was used. The research questionnaire was presented in four sections. The results showed that, since the extension of the process of organizational silence is usually done by managers, their attitude and attitudes toward this phenomenon are prioritized and also because silence reduces learning due to lack of knowledge sharing, makes it less effective and makes changes more difficult, it is necessary to take steps to break the silence and to further urge the staff (employees) to express their beliefs (organizational voices) and to share them in the organization's fate individuals, whose beliefs are respected and so called taken into account in the organization, would be dependent on the organization and feel obliged to remain with the organization during the hardships. This affects employees' quality of work life and their satisfaction too much.

Keywords: organizational silence, organizational voice, quality of work life, the sports and youth departments of Tehran province

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Authors: Simon Tsipis

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In this study, we propose to analyze Russian foreign policy conduct by applying the theory of Political Realism and the qualitative comparative method of analysis. We find that the paradigm of Political Realism supplies us with significant insights into the sources of contemporary Russian foreign policy conduct since the power factor was and remains an integral element in Russian foreign policies, especially when we apply comparative analysis and compare it with the behavior of its Soviet predecessor. Through the lens of the Realist theory, a handful of Russian foreign policy-making becomes clearer and much more comprehensible.

Keywords: realism, Russia, cold war, Soviet Union, European security

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Authors: Luisa Peirano

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What began as a middle-class insurgent political movement whose slogan was 'Words divide us. Action unites us!' ultimately mutated into an underground terrorist group that staged a series of armed robberies, kidnappings and even executions in the 1960s and early 1970s. One of the most memorable was the kidnapping of the British ambassador, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, in January 1971, who was held captive for eight months. The episode, which triggered a massive government response and resulted in the capture of the Tupamaros leaders, continued to have political repercussions decades later when Tupamaros leaders emerged from prison to re-enter mainstream Uruguayan politics. The kidnapping and its aftermath attracted intense media coverage in Uruguay and Britain, coverage that affected public opinion profoundly. The treatment by the Uruguayan and British medias’ diverged, however. Uruguayan newspapers focused on political issues, mirrored the positions of various political parties, and showed the larger context of social, cultural and political forces that rocked Latin America in the 1960s and early 1970s. By contrast, the British press limited its attention mainly to the human drama. On the 30th anniversary of Sir Geoffrey Jackson's death, this study compares over one hundred major newspaper articles and suggests some reasons for the differences between Uruguayan and British media treatment in terms of the volume, content, and perspective as well in the effect on readers. The differences have persisted and continue to matter in present day coverage of terrorism and its victims.

Keywords: British Ambassador, Churchill Archives Centre, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, political kidnapping, Latin America in the 1960's, Tupamaro guerrillas, Uruguay

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Authors: Mabrouka Al-Werfalli

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This paper aims to highlight reasons beyond the prevalence of “culture of corruption” amongst Libyans. One of the most prominent reason for the Libyan revolution in February 2011 was the pervasiveness of corruption. Corruption in Libya remained a significant problem despite harsh legislation and a robust anti-corruption discourse undertaken by the previous regime. The long-standing political corruption in Libya has offered ample opportunity for the evolution of a structure of negative values and morals. This has formed what is termed as a “culture of corruption”, which has induced people to accept and justify corrupt behaviour. The paper is a part of a study concerns the phenomenon of political alienation in Libya which was based on a survey conducted in 2001 in the city of Benghazi. The finding shows that abuse of power looms large within all activities. Embezzlement and misuse of public funds for personal enrichment is thought to be rife within public bodies, institutions, companies, factories, banks and enterprises owned entirely or partially by the state.

Keywords: corruption, culture of corruption, participation in corruption, abuse of power, embezzlement, political alienation, anti-corruption

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Authors: Woraya Som-Indra

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This article purposes to decode the notion of democracy embedded in the political speeches of Aung San Su Kyi by adopting critical discourse analysis approach, using Systemic Function Linguistics (SFL) and transitivity as a vital analytical tool. Two main objectives of the study are 1) to analyze linguistic strategies constituted the crucial characteristics of Su Kyi's political speeches by employing SFL and transitivity and 2) to examine ideology manifested the notion of democracy behind Su Kyi’s political speeches. The data consists of four speeches of Su Kyi delivering in different places within the year 2011 broadcasted through the website of US campaign for Burma. By employing linguistic tool and the concept of ideology as an analytical frame, the word choice selection found in the speeches assist explaining the manifestation of Su Kyi’s ideology toward democracy and power struggle. The finding revealed eight characters of word choice projected from Su Kyi’s political speeches, as follows; 1) support, hope and encouragement which render the recipients to uphold with the mutual aim to fight for democracy together and moving forwards for change and solution in the future, 2) aim and achievement evoke the recipients to attach with the purpose to fight for democracy, 3) challenge and change release energy to challenge the present political regime of Burma to change to the new political regime of democracy, 4) action, doing and taking signify the action and practical process to call for a new political regime, 5) struggle represents power struggle during the process of democracy requesting and it could refer to her long period of house arrest in Burma, 6) freedom implies what she has been long fighting for- to be released from house arrest, be able to access to the freedom of speech related to political ideology, and moreover, be able to speak out for the people of Burmese about their desirable political regime and political participation, 7) share and scarify call the recipients to have the spirit of shared value in the process of acquiring democracy, and 8) solution and achievement remind her recipients of what they have been long fighting for, and what could lead them to reach out the mutual achievement of a new political regime, i.e. democracy. Those word choice selections are plausible representation of democracy notion in Su Kyi’s terms. Due to her long journey of fighting for democracy in Burma, Suu Kyi’s political speeches always possess tremendously strong leadership characteristic, using words of wisdom and moreover, they are encoded with a wide range of words related to democracy ideology in order to push forward the future change into the Burma’s political regime.

Keywords: Aung San Su Kyi’s speeches, critical discourse analysis, democracy ideology, systemic function linguistics, transitivity

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Authors: Alicja Zapolnik-Plachetka

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The paper examines the impact of the Members’ of the European Parliament (MEPs) language choice on the linguistic quality of their political discourse as delivered by the interpreters. The study, designed by the author, who is an EU interpreter herself, consisted of three phases. First, a number of speeches of Polish and Spanish MEPs were analyzed to determine whether the incidence of use of certain figures of speech depending on whether the speech had been delivered in English or their respective mother tongue. Then the use of figures of speech was also analyzed based on speeches by some British MEPs, in order to determine what was the incidence for the native users of English. Subsequently, the speeches were compared with their interpretations to find out whether the interpreters managed to convey accurately the means of oratory used by the MEPs. The final result shows that in case of institutional environments dependant on simultaneous interpretation the speakers’ choices can, in fact, influence the linguistic quality of the political communication.

Keywords: content accuracy, European Parliament, political discourse, simultaneous interpreting

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Authors: Budsarin Padwang, Darunee Jongudomkarn, Thawan Nieamsup, Autchareeya Patumwan, Rutja Phuphaibul

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In Northern Thailand, a pilot study by the qualitative data, on caring for family members with chronic illness/bedridden based on in-depth interviews of the 12 elderly caregivers in family was carried out during November to December 2017. There are four families that living with three generations in the family. This report is part of a larger study of 'The intergenerational contract of the family in long-term care for older members' to understand the situation and context related to the research questions. Content analysis was obtained and the results revealed as followings. 1) No choice and no freedom: most caregivers were asked by their family members to do the care giving roles because of various appropriate reasons and they could not refuse and felt like having no freedom. 2) ‘Katanyu’ to the parents: The Thai ideology of making merit by taking care of parents was beliefs to do the best in their caregiver roles. 3) The family commitments: The issues of family caring and relationships were the key value of keeping family members to take care of older members with chronic illness/bedridden. The preliminary findings can be beneficial for other regions and will lead to in-depth explore to answer the research questions of the larger study in the future.

Keywords: intergenerational contract, long term care, older members, generational family

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Authors: Nur R. Daut

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The objective of this paper is to offer an insight on how political power inequality has contributed and exacerbated the political violence towards the Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar. In particular, this paper attempts to illustrate how power inequality in the country has prevented Myanmar’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking effective measures on the issue. The research centers on the question of why Aung San Suu Kyi has been seen as not doing enough to stop the persecution of the Rohingya ethnic group ever since she was appointed the State Counsellor to the Myanmar government. As a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Suu Kyi’s lack of action on the matter has come under severe criticism by the international community. Many have seen this as Suu Kyi’s failure to establish democracy and allowing mass killing to spread in the country. The real question that many perhaps should be asking, however, is how much power Suu Kyi actually holds within the government which is still heavily controlled by the military or Tatmadaw. This paper argues that Suu Kyi’s role within the government is limited which hinders constructive and effective measures to be taken on the Rohingya issue. Political power in this research is being measured by 3 factors: control over events such as burning of Rohingya villages, control over resources such as land ownership and media and control over actors such the Tatmadaw, police force and civil society who are greatly needed to ease and resolve the conflict. In order to illustrate which individuals or institution have control over all the 3 above factors, this paper will first study the constitution of Myanmar. The constitution will also be able to show the asymmetrical power relations as it will provide evidence as to how much political power Suu Kyi holds within the government in comparison to other political actors and institutions. Suu Kyi’s role as a state counsellor akin to a prime minister is a newly created position as the current constitution of Myanmar bars anyone with a foreign spouse from holding the post of a president in the country. This is already an indication of the inequality of political power between Suu Kyi and the military. Apart from studying the constitution of Myanmar, Suu Kyi’s speeches and various interviews are also studied in order to answer the research question. Unfortunately, Suu Kyi’s limited political power also involves the Buddhist monks in Myanmar who have held significant influence throughout the history of the country. This factor further prevents Suu Kyi from preserving the sanctity of human rights in Myanmar.

Keywords: Aung San Suu Kyi, constitution of Myanmar, inequality, political power, political violence, Rohingya, Tatmadaw

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Authors: Evelyn Kropfreiter, Roland Bernhard

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There has been an increased interest in school-based whole-child development in the Austrian education system in the last few years. Although there is a consensus among academics that teachers' beliefs are an essential component of their professional competence, there are hardly any studies in the German-speaking world examining teachers' beliefs about school-based character education. To close this gap, we are conducting a mixed methods study combining qualitative interviews and a questionnaire in Austria (doctoral thesis at the University of Salzburg). In this paper, we present preliminary insights into the quantitative strand of the project. In contrast to German-speaking countries, the Anglo-Saxon world has a long tradition of explicit character education in schools. There has been a rising interest in approaches focusing on a neo-Aristotelian form of character education in England. The Jubilee Centre strongly influences the "renaissance" of papers on neo-Aristotelian character education for Character and Virtues, founded in 2012. The quantitative questionnaire study (n = 264) is an online survey of teachers and school principals conducted in four different federal states in spring 2023. Most respondents (n = 264) from lower secondary schools (AHS-Unterstufe and Mittelschule) believe that character education in schools for 10-14-year-olds is more important for society than good exam results. Many teachers state that they consider themselves prepared to promote their students' personal development and life skills through their education and to attend further training courses. However, there are many obstacles in the education system to ensure that a comprehensive education reaches the students. Many teachers state that they consider themselves prepared to promote their students' character strengths and life skills through their education and to attend further training courses. However, there are many obstacles in the education system to ensure that a comprehensive education reaches the students. Among the most cited difficulties, teachers mention the time factor associated with an overcrowded curriculum and a strong focus on performance, which often leaves them needing more time to keep an eye on nurturing the whole person. The fact that character education is not a separate subject, and its implementation needs to be monitored also makes it challenging to implement it in everyday school life. Austrian teachers prioritize moral virtues such as compassion and honesty as character strengths in everyday school life and resilience and commitment in the next place. Our results are like those reported in other studies on teacher's beliefs about character education. They indicate that Austrian teachers want to teach character in their schools but see systemic constraints such as the curriculum, in which personality roles play a subordinate role, and the focus on performance testing in the school system and the associated lack of time as obstacles to fostering more character development in students.

Keywords: character education, life skills, teachers' beliefs, virtues

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Authors: Li-Jun Zheng

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The use of drums as an accompanying instrument is a common phenomenon in traditional Chinese folk rituals and musical culture. Especially, some folk rituals construct ritual-related sounds and give them ritual-specific symbolic and meaningful systems through the combination and use of multiple percussion instruments. The Yue drum(岳鼓), an asymmetrically shaped thin waist drum, is currently used in Han Chinese Shigong（师公）rituals in Guangxi, China, and is an important ritual instrument in Shigong rituals. This paper examines the use of the Yue drum and other percussion instruments in Han Chinese Shigong rituals in Guangxi, China, and shows the current status of combining instrumental accompaniment forms with human voices in Shigong rituals. Through further analysis of the musical and dance forms of Han Chinese Shigong rituals, this paper shows how Han Chinese Shigong ritual performers construct the ritual field through "sound-human-dance" and further explains the relationship between the existing and fictitious performance fields in the rituals. In addition, this paper demonstrates the relationship between Han Chinese Shigong rituals and the religious beliefs they involve, such as Taoism and Buddhism. And it further explores how performers in Han Chinese Shigong rituals use Yue drums for the dual purpose of "entertaining the gods" and "entertaining the people".

Keywords: sound research, the Han Chinese Shigong ritual, the thin waist drum, folk beliefs, ritual music

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Authors: Prih Bukhari

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The purpose of the proposed paper is to determine if the perception of online advertisement formed due to attitude and belief vary among two different countries or not. Specifically, it seeks to find out how people from China and Pakistan perceive online advertisement. Public attitude and belief towards advertising have been a focus of attention to explore a path to a better strategy of advertising. The ‘belief’ factor was analyzed through 4 items, i.e., product information, entertainment, and increase in economy’ whereas, the ‘attitude’ factor was analyzed thorough questions based on 4 items, i.e. ‘overall, I consider online advertising a good thing’; 'overall, I like online advertising’; ‘'I consider online advertising very essential’; and 'I would describe my overall attitude toward online advertising very favorably’. As such, it provides theoretical basis to explain similarities and differences of beliefs and attitude towards advertising across the two countries. Given its mixed method approach, both quantitative and qualitative method is used to carry out research. A questionnaire-based survey and focus group interviews were conducted. The sample size was of 500 participants. For analysis survey copies were then collected from which 497 were received whereas focus group interviews were collected from both nations. The findings showed that the belief factor among both countries had no significant relation with the perception of online advertisement. However, the attitude had a significant relation with the perception about online advertisement. Also it was observed that despite of different backgrounds, perception about online advertisement based on beliefs and attitude were found largely to be similar. Implications and future studies are provided.

Keywords: attitude, belief, online advertisement, perception

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Authors: Noureddine Radouai

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Corruption is an endemic phenomenon in many countries around the globe. Morocco, as an authoritarian regime, relies on corruption for monarchy survival. I analyze the Makhzen structure and methods that it follows to exchange corruption for political loyalty. The abuse of power in Morocco is sponsored by the monarch itself as it is its way to remain its importance in the regime.

Keywords: corruption, Clientelism, authoritarian regime, Morocco

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Authors: Mehravar Javid, Rohma Hassan

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Understanding a patient’s hallucinations requires a degree of cultural humility when these experiences are consistent with beliefs that are normative to the patient’s respective culture and religion, and in this exploratory case study, the treatment history of a 32-year-old female Iranian patient who sought psychoanalytic treatment in Iran is explored, who stated that she had been witnessing jinn since she was fifteen-years-old. She experienced considerable disempowerment and lack of support in her upbringing and curiously believes that the jinn provide her with comfort and power, yet simultaneously create a sense of fear and horror. When her analyst wonders about a possible link between the jinn and the patient’s self-object needs and what was denied for her in her youth, the patient becomes resistant to treatment, especially when the possibility of the jinn existing as hallucinations is raised. Throughout the course of therapy, the patient discusses her tumultuous marriage, her strained relationship with her family, and inner conflicts. She also begins to find solace in her relationship with her therapist, satisfying her self-object needs and enabling her to widen her self-awareness and wish for deeper connections with others. In understanding her needs and fears, the role of the jinn in her psychological landscape aims to be understood, with a larger discussion of how to work with patients experiencing supernatural phenomena and how the phenomena serve as an object, whether real or imaginary. The overall aim is to shed light on the intricate interplay between cultural and religious beliefs and psychological manifestations.

Keywords: cultural considerations, jinn, projective identification, self-object needs, transference

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Authors: Pantelis Sklias, Panagiota Chatzimichailidou

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This study intents to clarify the nexus of adult education and economic development within the methodological framework of political economy within EU. The main logic behind this study is that economies with a higher level of adult education have higher levels of economic development. Despite the assumption that policy making in adult education will clearly be facilitated by any ‘proofs’ of efficiency, mainly monetary, this study acknowledges the limitations following the use of the narrow economic approaches embedded in the neoclassical framework and proposes that the methodological framework of political economy is the most relevant to explore the correlation between adult education and economic development. Focusing only on neoclassical economics to explore the financial impact of adult education, it will marginalize the consideration of its history, producing a short of historical amnesia, besides the social harm, namely the devaluation of its socio-cultural influences. On the other side the political economy perspective offers a wider perception of adult education’s profits from a quantitative and a qualitative perspective too. The understanding of adult education engages questions of political economy because it is identified mainly as means of transformation, either personal or societal, serving humanistic values, besides its accepted monetary attributes. The political economy elevates questions regarding how the three institutional arrangements -the state, the market, and the civil society, are engaged in promoting adult education and therefore how adult education could reinforce economic development. Here the economic substance is still considered but it is placed into a wider social spectrum, where politics, economy, and history interact with one another. This study restricts itself in EU and explores the role of the three institutional arrangements both in the formulation of policy planning, and in the mental transformational process of the individual learners, which opens the path to a deeper understanding of the interaction between the individual and the social action, and therefore between adult education and economic development. This study also elevates the idea that economic development can have a positive impact on the unification of Europe, which encompasses economic, political, and cultural components.

Keywords: adult education, economic development, EU, political economy, unification of Europe

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Authors: Mahnoush Mahmoudi, Ali Chaeedeh

Abstract:

In the architecture of Iranian traditional houses, the ornamentations available in the inscriptions of houses entrance portal express the identity of architects and personality of houses owners and are rooted in their religious and national beliefs and faiths. The main hypothesis of this research is changing the physique and application of religious contents in compliance with the thoughts and beliefs of people in Dezfoul historical city in the epigraphs of houses entrance portals. The objective of this study is reviewing the development trend of texts, concepts and physique of inscriptions as well as analyzing the factors effective on the quality and diversity of application of inscriptions. The present research is an applied study and descriptive-analytical method has been applied, and the data was collected by library and survey studies. The population of this research includes historical houses, houses damaged in war (Iran & Iraq) and renovated and new tissue and new-built houses of Dezfoul, from Qajar era so far. Random sampling method has been applied in this study and dispersal area includes the city. Data analysis method in this study is qualitative and quantitative. The results of this study indicate that today the inscriptions available in the entrance portal of houses in Dezfoul comparing to inscriptions in Qajar1 and Pahlavi2 era is very simple and has lower aesthetic value. One of the causes for such superficial and contextual gap between inscriptions seems to be the war and renovations during and after destruction.

Keywords: architecture, islamic architecture, reconstruction, epigraph, inscription, entrance portal, Dezfoul

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Authors: S. Ishak, M. G. Nasuruddin

Abstract:

Traditional Malay performances are carried out for both entertainment and curing purposes. In curing rituals, the men and women serving as shamans, communicates with the spirits and beings from the nether world to facilitate the curing process. The dependency on engaging with these other-worldly beings however, have raised religious issues of being syirik, namely practicing in rituals which are religiously forbidden. This study aims to observe how ritual leaders attempt to negotiate the fine balance between what has been religiously forbidden and the psychological and sociological needs of the patient. Two curing rituals, the main peteri and the malibobou were chosen to exemplify the communication between the physical and spiritual realities. In both rituals, the healers engaged in procedures of curing as they attempted to diagnose sicknesses and proffer cures with the help of the spirits. The main peteri was conducted by a male shaman, the tuk teri whereas the malibobou was conducted by a female ritual specialist, the bobohizan. Main peteri and the malibobou both ended with ritually thanking and sending off the spirits back to their nether, invisible domains. These curing rituals heal not only the sick individual, but by extension, the village community. Therefore, there is a need to reconcile these rituals with religious tenets, beliefs and sociological-political-cultural dimensions.

Keywords: traditional healing, trance, spirits, main peteri, bobohizan

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Authors: Vorya Shabrandi

Abstract:

The study factors of poverty and inequality causes in countries is the subject of many scholars and economists in the last century, theorists in various areas of economic science know different factors as the roots of poverty and inequality in Iran after the 1979 revolution. Economists have emphasized political elements and political scientists on political elements. This research reviews the political economy of poverty and corruption in Iran after the revolution. The findings of this research, based on AcemOgluand Robinson theory, show how the institutional structural dependence of Iran's economy to raw has led to the growth of its non-economic economic institutions and its consequence of the continuity of the release and looting economy and poverty and inequality in Iran's political economy Is. This research was carried out using descriptive-analytical and comparative methods. Many economists try to justify the conditions of the country based on war, sanctions; And the external factors, and ... knows. In this study, we tried to examine the roots of poverty and the looting economy of Iran by implementing Research AcemOgluand Robinson on the institutions and roots of poverty. Looking for a framework for understanding why countries, such as Iran, the reason for the difference in revenue in different countries, as well as the poor or wealth of countries, regardless of the non-effective and non-professional institutions, and why inefficient institutions in some countries, such as Iran, such as Iran It remains and does not have a voluntary political powers to change these institutions. Findings The research shows that institutions are broadly the main reason for the roots of the robust and looting economy (poverty and inequality) in Iran.

Keywords: Iran, plunderable (Loot) economy, raw shopping, poverty and inequality, acem oglu and robinson, non-inclusive institutions

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Authors: Jihan Mahmoud

Abstract:

This paper examines the role played by Arabic novelists in revolutionary change in the Arab world, discussing themes of identity, sexuality and fundamentalism as portrayed in a selection of modern and contemporary Arabic novels that are either written in English or translated from Arabic into English. It particularly focuses on the post-Naguib Mahfouz era. Taking my cue from the current political changes in the Arab world, starting with 9/11/ terrorist attacks in the USA and the UK, the ‘Arab Spring’ revolutions, the rise of political Islam and the emergence of Isis, the Islamic state in Iraq and the Levant, the study analyses the differences in the ways contemporary Arab novelists from different Arabic countries represent the interaction between identity, sexual politics and fundamentalist ideas in the Arab world, with a specific focus on the overlap between literature, religion and international politics in the region. It argues that the post-Mahfouz era marked a new phase in the development of the political Arabic novel not only as a force of resistance against political-religious oppression, but as a call for revolution as well. Thus, the Arabic novel reshapes values and prompts future action.

Keywords: Arabic novel, Islam, politics, sexuality

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Authors: Leila Batmany

Abstract:

This research studies the relationship between the feeling of distributive justice and national identity of the youth. The present analysis intends to experimentally investigate the various dimensions of the justice feeling and its effect on the national identity components. The study has taken justice into consideration from four different points of view on the basis of availability of valuable social sources such as power, wealth, knowledge and status in the political, economic, and cultural and status justice respectively. Furthermore, the national identity has been considered as the feeling of honour, attachment and commitment towards national society and its seven components i.e. history, language, culture, political system, religion, geographical territory and society. The 'field study' has been used as the method for the research with the individual as unit, taking 368 young between the age of 18 and 29 living in Tehran, chosen randomly according to Cochran formula. The individual samples have been randomly chosen among five districts in north, south, west, east, and centre of Tehran, based on the multistage cluster sampling. The data collection has been performed with the use of questionnaire and interview. The most important results are as follows: i) The feeling of economic justice is the weakest one among the youth. ii) The strongest and the weakest dimensions of the national identity are, respectively, the historical and the social dimension. iii) There is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling political and statues justice and then national identity, whereas no meaningful relationship exists between the economic and cultural justice and the national identity. iv) There is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling of justice in all dimensions and legitimacy of the political system. There is also such a relationship between the legitimacy of the political system and national identity. v) Generally, there is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling of distributive justice and national identity among the youth. vi) It is through the legitimacy of the political system that justice feeling can have an influence on the national identity.

Keywords: distributive justice, national identity, legitimacy of political system, Cochran formula, multistage cluster sampling

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Authors: Rai Mansoor Imtiaz

Abstract:

Guardians in hybrid regimes fragment opposition parties and ban their political leaders, and disenfranchise their voters' political participation. When guardians in hybrid regimes are so powerful that they remain decisive on electoral politics of states, and have powers to ban political parties and their leadership, then "why do political parties backed by those powerful guardians lose elections" and "how do anti-establishment parties make electoral inroads at the local and national levels." These two questions are interrelated with the key research question of my research "why do people vote for political parties rejected by powerful guardians in establishmentarian democracies." Furthermore, this research question is important to be explored for two reasons. First, existing literature only reflects the electoral victories of opposition parties or defeats of military-sponsored parties (see Thailand and Turkey) but remains silent on political change that led the anti-military parties to win the elections. Second, why is it a case that people belonging to the countries where militaries remain popular among the public (see Turkey and Pakistan) have started putting their trust in anti-establishment politicians who criticise the military against their intervention in politics? For instance, in Pakistan, where commenting against the military is meant to comment against the state –– an anti-military narrative is getting popular support. The conceptual framework of hybrid states in this research relies on the concept of a 'reserved domain/tutelary body' (guardians of hybrid states). However, this research makes a case that hybrid states are not consolidated separate political entities but rather vacillated states that fluctuate between democratic and authoritarian practices. This paper, therefore, uses the term establishmentarian democracy as a subtype of the hybrid regime, which is more consolidated than a hybrid democracy.

Keywords: Guardians, Hybrid Regimes, Voters, Elections, Democracy, South Asia

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