Search results for: political mobilization

Authors: Peter Amobi Chiamogu

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Communication has subsisted as the basis for mass mobilization and political education through history with the media as a generic concept. Revolutions in ICTs have occasioned a limitless environment for the dissemination of information and ideas especially with the use of a seemingly pervasive access, penetration and use of the internet which has engendered a connected society. This study seeks to analyze the prospects and challenges for the adaptation of social media for free election and how this process can enhance public policy making, implementation and evaluation in a developing state.

Keywords: social media, e-participation, political mobilization, public policy, electioneering

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Authors: Nassim Salmi

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Postoperative mobilization is an important part of fundamental care. Increased mobilization has a positive effect on recovery, but immobilization is still a challenge in postoperative care. Aims: To report how the establishment of a national nursing database was used to measure postoperative mobilization in patients undergoing surgery for ovarian cancer. Mobilization was defined as at least 3 hours out of bed on postoperative day 1, with the goal set at achieving this in 60% of patients. Clinical nurses on 4400 patients with ovarian cancer performed data entry. Findings: 46.7% of patients met the goal for mobilization on the first postoperative day, but variations in duration and type of mobilization were observed. Of those mobilized, 51.8% had been walking in the hallway. A national nursing database creates opportunities to optimize fundamental care. By comparing nursing data with oncological, surgical, and pathology data, it became possible to study mobilization in relation to cancer stage, comorbidity, treatment, and extent of surgery.

Keywords: postoperative care, gynecology, nursing documentation, database

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Authors: Chihab Benmoussa

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Could the Work System Approach (WSA) function as a framework for designing high-impact knowledge mobilization systems? This paper put forward arguments in favor of the applicability of WSA for knowledge mobilization design based on evidences from a practical research. Normative approaches for practitioners are highly needed especially in the field of knowledge management (KM), given the abysmal rate of disappointment and failure of KM projects. The paper contrasts knowledge management and knowledge mobilization, presents the WSA and showed how the WSA’s concepts and ideas fit with the approach adopted by a multinational company in designing a successful knowledge mobilization initiative.

Keywords: knowledge management, knowledge mobilizations, work system method

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Authors: Saeed Saffar-Heidari

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This article aims to study the recent Iranian national uprising of “Women, Life, Freedom” as a site of memory which renders the political possibility of imagining the post-Islamic futures in Iran. “Women, Life, Freedom” movement in Iran has been arguably the most pervasive social movement since the Islamic Revolution (1979) as it has posed serious issues and conflicts for the present Islamic state in Iran. The core argument of this article, however, is oriented toward the critical role of collective memory as a means of political transition and revolutionary mobilization. “Women, Life, Freedom” movement, among other things, has revitalized the popular binary opposition of pre-1979 and post-1979 Iran through which the Ancien Régime or the pre-1979 era is likely to be interpreted, read, and remembered in terms of present post-1979 cultural and political demands. As remembering involves everyday participation in shaping and reshaping the past through new codes, criteria, and values, it is argued that the presentist refashioning and remembering of the pre-1979 monarchical era has been one of the major facilitatory forces for the on-going revolutionary mobilization in Iran. The construction of the pre-1979 memory and the return of the dynastic specter has played a significant role in revolutionary mobilization as it has provided the protesters with the possible perspectives of post-Islamic regime in Iran. Additionally, the question of compulsory “Hijab” (veiling) as the prime mover of "Women, Life, Freedom” movement in Iran has strongly contributed to the everyday comparative discourse of pre/post 1979 memory. According to this presentist remembering of pre-1979, the Pahlavi dynasty would be conceived as a symbol of modernization, westernization, secularization, and non-compulsory Hijab. While the memory of the pre-revolutionary Iran is genuinely an imaginative as well as a constructed entity that finally culminates in the public condemnation of the very Islamic revolution (1979), it serves the enrichment of the Iranian political imagination as it paves the ways for the revolutionary mobilization and then the overthrowing of the Islamic regime in Iran. This article makes a case for the ways that the public narrative and discourse around the Islamic regime (especially the Islamic Hijab) led to the refashioning of the memory of pre-1979 era and inspired he revolutionary mobilization in Iran.

Keywords: post-islamic, utopias, memory, revolutionary, mobilization, Iran

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Authors: Ersun N. Kurtulus

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One of the strategic goals of left-wing terrorism, both in its Anarchist and Marxist-Leninist forms, was mobilization of masses as a first step in launching a revolution. However, in the canonical texts of left-wing terrorist literature (such as the works of Brousse, Nachaev, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Most, Heinzen, Guevara and Marighella) it is not clear how resort to terrorist tactics such as assassinations or bomb attacks will lead to mobilization of masses. This link is usually presumed and taken for granted. However, in other, less known terrorist texts, where there is some elaboration upon this link, two conflicting views emerge: (i) terrorist attacks are supposed to cause state repression which in turn radicalizes masses and opens up the way for recruitment and mobilization versus (ii) terrorist attacks are supposed to demonstrate the hollowness of the already existent state repression and thereby encourage mobilization of masses that are already radicalized but inactive due fear caused by state repression. The paper argues that terrorism studies have largely overemphasized the former while the latter has remained more or less unnoticed.

Keywords: terrorism, repression, radical left, mobilization of masses

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Authors: F. Agbele

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Elections are core democratic institutions. Consequently, voter participation during elections is paramount to democratic governance as it serves as a medium to legitimize authority and make the privileges of electoral democracy meaningful to citizens. To this effect, the topic of voter mobilization and subsequent turnout level have been largely studied in advanced democracies. In young and consolidating democracies, the debate has, however, revolves around the huge reliance on ethnic and regional appeals. According to the Author’s knowledge, studies on electoral mobilization especially within the African context have argued the use of ethnic linkages by political parties to mobilize voters during elections. Literature has however not differentiated between the level of democratic dispensation among African countries and the use of ethnic linkages. The question, however, is whether the state of the country’s democracy determines the strategies employed by political parties to induce voter participation. In other words, do parties simply play ethno-regional cards as strongly suggested by literature or will consider an arrayed of strategies to mobilize voters? Additionally, studies have not differentiated the impact of mobilization strategy within a country, i.e. between high to low turnout areas. They have also not distinguished between strategies employed by an incumbent or an opposition party. This paper, therefore, is a comparative analysis of voter mobilization in Ghana. It uses original survey and interview data from three constituencies in Ghana: Nanton, Assin North, and Ellembelle, which are typical cases of high, average and low turnout areas, respectively. The data were concurrently collected during fieldworks conducted in November 2016 to February 2017, and again from July to August 2017. The study found that political parties within a consolidating democracy employ a blend of strategies to ensure turnout by both parties’ faithful and swing voters. The dominant strategies used depends on whether the party is an incumbent or in opposition. While an incumbent may depend more on personalistic and clientelistic strategies, parties in opposition will largely use programmatic strategies, which entails making many campaign promises. Additionally, opposition parties do use clientelistic tactics, but not on the same level as the incumbent. Similarly, within the context of this study, the use of ethnic linkage by political parties to mobilize voters has not been found to be as strong as suggested in the literature. Further, location was key in determining the strategy to use. In all, the consolidation process of a democratic country like Ghana means the change of mobilization strategies used by political parties, which entail a gradual shift from ethnic linkages to programmatic and other forms of non-programmatic strategies.

Keywords: comparative analysis, elections, mobilization strategies, voter turnout

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Authors: Merve Ak Efe

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Youth branches in Turkey are one of the sub-fields where political ideologies are intersected with daily life practices. When the youth branches are examined within the framework of daily life practices, a social area can be defined where many types of capital turn into gains. The relationship between politics and capital is not only financial but can also be observed in the form of social, cultural, or emotional capital. This paper examines the political mobilization of young people who are members of the Youth Branch of the Justice and Development Party. The reason why JDP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) was chosen is that they have been the ruling party for twenty years, and there is a considerable number of young members within the party. Since Bayrampaşa is a district where JDP is politically active, This study is based on Bayrampaşa youth branches. The study examines how young people who are members of the party are mobilized and the everyday life practices and emotions underlying this mobilization. The data was collected through in-depth interviews with 13 young people, and the participant observation method was applied at the weekly meetings of the Justice and Development Party Bayrampaşa Youth Branch. Youth Branches represent a political space in which emotions turn into action for the young people who are involved in the party. During the field study at the micro level, it has been observed that the Bayrampaşa JDP Youth Branch hosted a transformation that incorporates political and social practices into modern tactics. One of the other results shows that being a member of youth branches causes a significant rise in social capital for young people. On the other hand, for the members with low cultural capital, there is an increase in social capital; however, an increase in cultural capital is not prominent.

Keywords: political mobilization, everyday practices, emotional capital, social capital, cultural capital

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Authors: Umar Ubandawaki

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Political participation involves voluntary and deliberate efforts by the members of a political system to determine the kinds of political institution and individuals that will govern them and equally influence the mobilization and allocation of the available societal resources. Over the years, youths in Nigeria participated actively in political party rallies and voting to elect their leaders and representatives in governance. This paper examines categories and nature of participation in politics as well as factors that derived youths into politics in Sokoto State. Through the use of qualitative and quantitative data generated from focus group discussions, interviews and questionnaire, the paper find out that youth, in Sokoto State, have been induced in participatory activities that encourage political thuggery and manipulation of electoral outcomes. Moreover, they are neglected in the mobilization and allocation of the available resources of the society i.e they are denied dividends of good governance. The paper recommends that youths should be engaged into positive participatory activities for ensuring inclusiveness and promotion of good governance in Nigeria. It is hoped that this will enlighten youth and policy implementers on the constructive strategies in controlling youth’s participation in politics in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, governance, inclusivenes, participation and politic

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Authors: Christian Nounkeu Tatchou

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The concept of mediatization of politics describes changes with regards to media and politics, as the political sphere is increasingly shaped by the media and conforms to its logic. The mediatization of politics in established democracies of the West has been the object of several researches. However, there is an overwhelming paucity of literature on this reconfiguration of the political life around the media in the emerging democracies of the Sub-Saharan Africa. A majority of Sub-Saharan countries have been progressively experiencing the modernization of their societies and significant developments with respect to political communication since the early 1990s. This has been facilitated by factors such as the adoption of democratic reforms, the development of mass media, the advent of social media and the rapid spread of new information and communication technologies. Thus, this paper investigates the extent to which political communication in Sub-Saharan Africa is mediatized, especially with regards to the social media. Through in-depths interviews with twenty political leaders and political observers in Cameroon and Ghana, this article argues that the social media has become the main arena of voters’ mobilization and political participation in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, a greater extent of freedom for political activism on social media is observed in the new democracy of Ghana, unlike in the enduring authoritarian political system of Cameroon where the government attempts to control the use and content of political discourse on social media.

Keywords: mediatization, political communication, social media, sub-saharan africa

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Authors: Nur Rafeeda Daut

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The significance of this paper is to provide an insight on the role of social movement in building stronger ethnic relations in Malaysia. In particular, it focuses on how the BERSIH movement have been able to bring together the different ethnic groups in Malaysia to resist the present political administration that is seen to manipulate the electoral process and oppress the basic freedom of expression of Malaysians. Attention is given on how and why this group emerged and its mobilisation strategies. Malaysia which is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society gained its independence from the British in 1957. Like many other new nations, it faces the challenges of nation building and governance. From economic issues to racial and religious tension, Malaysia is experiencing high level of corruption and income disparity among the different ethnic groups. The political parties in Malaysia are also divided along ethnic lines. BERSIH which is translated as ‘clean’ is a movement which seeks to reform the current electoral system in Malaysia to ensure equality, justice, free and fair elections. It was originally formed in 2007 as a joint committee that comprised leaders from political parties, civil society groups and NGOs. In April 2010, the coalition developed as an entirely civil society movement unaffiliated to any political party. BERSIH claimed that the electoral roll in Malaysia has been marred by fraud and other irregularities. In 2015, the BERSIH movement organised its biggest rally in Malaysia which also includes 38 other rallies held internationally. Supporters of BERSIH that participated in the demonstration were comprised of all the different ethnic groups in Malaysia. In this paper, two social movement theories are used: resource mobilization theory and political opportunity structure to explain the emergence and mobilization of the BERSIH movement in Malaysia. Based on these two theories, corruption which is believed to have contributed to the income disparity among Malaysians has generated the development of this movement. The rise of re-islamisation values propagated by certain groups in Malaysia and the shift in political leadership has also created political opportunities for this movement to emerge. In line with the political opportunity structure theory, the BERSIH movement will continue to create more opportunities for the empowerment of civil society and the unity of ethnic relations in Malaysia. Comparison is made on the degree of ethnic unity in the country before and after BERSIH was formed. This would include analysing the level of re-islamisation values and also the level of corruption in relation to economic income under the premiership of the former Prime Minister Mahathir and the present Prime Minister Najib Razak. The country has never seen such uprisings like BERSIH where ethnic groups which over the years have been divided by ethnic based political parties and economic disparity joined together with a common goal for equality and fair elections. As such, the BERSIH movement is a unique case where it illustrates the change of political landscape, ethnic relations and civil society in Malaysia.

Keywords: ethnic relations, Malaysia, political opportunity structure, resource mobilization theory and social movement

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Authors: Munqeth Othman Agha

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The historical formation of urban centres in the eastern Arab world was shaped by rapid urbanization and sudden transformation from the age of the pre-industrial to a post-industrial economy, coupled with uneven development, informal urban expansion, and constant surges in unemployment and poverty rates. The city was stratified accordingly as overlapping layers of division and inequality that have been built on top of each other, creating complex horizontal and vertical divisions based on economic, social, political, and ethno-sectarian basis. This has been further exacerbated during the neoliberal era, which transferred the city into a sort of dual city that is inhabited by heterogeneous and often antagonistic social groups. Economic deprivation combined with a growing sense of marginalization and inequality across the city planted the seeds of political instability, outbreaking in 2011. Unlike other popular uprisings that occupy central squares, as in Egypt and Tunisia, the Syrian uprising in 2011 took place mainly within inner streets and neighborhood squares, mobilizing primarily on more or less upon the lines of stratification. This has emphasized the role of micro-urban and social settings in shaping mobilization and resistance tactics, which necessitates us to understand the way the city was stratified and place it at the center of the city-conflict nexus analysis. This research aims to understand to what extent pre-conflict urban stratification lines played a role in determining the different trajectories of three cities’ neighborhoods (Homs, Dara’a and Deir-ez-Zor). The main argument of the paper is that the way the Syrian city has been stratified creates various social groups within the city who have enjoyed different levels of accessibility to life chances, material resources and social statuses. This determines their relationship with other social groups in the city and, more importantly, their relationship with the state. The advent of a political opportunity will be depicted differently across the city’s different social groups according to their perceived interests and threats, which consequently leads to either political mobilization or demobilization. Several factors, including the type of social structures, built environment, and state response, determine the ability of social actors to transfer the repertoire of contention to collective action or transfer from social actors to political actors. The research uses urban stratification lines as the basis for understanding the different patterns of political upheavals in urban areas while explaining why neighborhoods with different social and urban environment settings had different abilities and capacities to mobilize, resist state repression and then descend into a military conflict. It particularly traces the transformation from social groups to social actors and political actors by applying the Explaining-outcome Process-Tracing method to depict the causal mechanisms that led to including or excluding different neighborhoods from each stage of the uprising, namely mobilization (M1), response (M2), and control (M3).

Keywords: urban stratification, syrian conflict, social movement, process tracing, divided city

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Authors: Ruanzhenghao Shi

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Student movements have persisted in mainland China, especially in elite universities since the Tiananmen Prodemocracy Movement, contrary to the lack of studies on them. However, the participants' repertoire, mobilization and mode of interaction with authorities are vastly different from their predecessors in the 1980s as well as their western counterparts. In most of the cases, agents, cognizant of the high cost of action and their vulnerability to the authorities, consciously curtailed certain repertoire and themes of resistance. Thus these movements, without appreciable organized force, were self-interested, fragmentally mobilized, lowly integrated and limited within the campus. This study documents the 2014 protest against Yanching Academy program at Peking University, a top-tier Chinese university that played the leading role in the 1989 protest. The 2014 case is different from abovementioned trend of submissive resistance in the last twenty years, insofar as it is a value-oriented and emotion-driven collective action with the resurgence of some repertoire. The participants perceived the university's contemporary ineffectiveness and clumsiness in control and administration, higher Party authorities' indifference to less-political themes, and an increasing number of potential advocates, including students, intellectuals and social media. It shows that resisters' perception of their relative strength to their opponents - in this case, the university and its system for controlling students - under specific circumstances, not merely political opportunities or institutional changes, stimulates the participants and thus contributes to the mobilization and organization of a collective action, even under severe social control.

Keywords: collective action, China, university students, resistance

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Authors: Annamarie Rannou, Horace Bartilow

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Global concerns about xenophobic activity are on the rise across developed and developing countries. And yet, social science scholarship has almost exclusively examined xenophobia as a prejudice of advanced western nations. This research argues that the fields of study related to xenophobia must be re-conceptualized within a framework of ethnicity in order to level the playing field for cross-regional inquiry. This study develops a new concept of ethnic xenophobia and integrates existing explanations of anti-migrant expression into theories of ethnic threat. We argue specifically that political elites convert economic, political, and social threats at the national level into ethnic xenophobic activity in order to gain or maintain political advantage among their native selectorate. We expand on Stuart Kaufman’s theory of symbolic politics to underscore the methods of mobilization used against migrants and the power of elite discourse in moments of national crises. An original dataset is used to examine over 35,000 cases of ethnic xenophobic activity targeting refugees. Wordscores software is used to develop a unique measure of anti-migrant elite rhetoric which captures the symbolic discourse of elites in their mobilization of ethnic xenophobic activism. We use a Structural Equation Model (SEM) to test the causal pathways of the theory across seventy-two developed and developing countries from 1990 to 2016. A framework of Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) is also applied to two pairs of developed-developing country cases, including Kenya and the Netherlands and Lebanon and the United States. This study sheds tremendous light on an underrepresented area of comparative research in migration studies. It shows that the causal elements of anti-migrant activity are far more similar than existing research suggests which has major implications for policy makers, practitioners, and academics in fields of migration protection and advocacy. It speaks directly to the mobilization of myths surrounding refugees, in particular, and the nationalization of narratives of migration that may be neutralized by the development of deeper associational relationships between natives and migrants.

Keywords: refugees, ethnicity, symbolic politics, elites, migration, comparative politics

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Authors: Ladan Surajo

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Nigeria as a third world country is full of people who cannot read and write, thereby constituting a stumbling block to the modern way of communication. It is a well known fact that Nigeria is a heterogeneous country with an estimated 450 or more ethnic groups communicating in divergent languages. Despite this scenario, English, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba languages are predominantly used in the country. Apart from English language, Hausa has a wider coverage of usage among the indigenous languages in Nigeria, thereby using it in the area of social mobilization and conflict management cannot be overemphasized. Hausa Oral Singers are depicting their artistic and God endowed talents through singing to mobilize and sensitize the local communities about government programmes and the ills of other social problems of the society. It is the belief of this researcher that if used properly, the Hausa Oral Singers will assist immensely in reducing to the barest minimum some social ills of the society in Nigeria. More so that music is the food of the heart and has a resounding impact in changing the behaviour of individuals and groups.

Keywords: oral, singers, praise, social mobilization, conflict management

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Authors: Rosyidah Muhamad

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New media is facilitating collective action in ways never thought possible. Although the broader political climate may have a powerful influence on the success or failure of emerging social movement organizations, the Internet is enabling groups previously incapable of political action to find their voices Whether this shift is offering greater relative benefit to previously underrepresented or incumbent political fixtures is subject to debate, but it is clear that like-minded people are now able to better locate and converse with each other via many Internet. The recent social movement in Malaysia – the BERSIH Movement had attracted demonstrators from countries all over the world. The movement with an unforeseen mixture of nationalities became world news. Interestingly, the new media seemed to play a crucial role in the organization of the protests around the world. This article maps this movement via an analysis of their websites. It examines the contribution of these websites based on the collective identity, actual mobilization and a network of organizations. This research indicates signs of an integration of different organizations that contributed to an important role of the new media.

Keywords: Bersih Movement, Malaysian politics, new media, social movement

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Authors: Ali Aqa Mohammad Jawad

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Taking a relational approach, this paper analyzes the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Enlightening Movement in post-2001 Afghanistan. The movement emerged after the state-owned Da Afghan Bereshna Sherkat (DABS) decided to divert the route for the Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan-Tajikistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan (TUTAP) electricity project. The grid was initially planned to go through the Hazara-inhabited province of Bamiyan, according to Afghanistan’s Power Sector Master Plan. The reroute served as an aide-mémoire of historical subordination to other ethno-religious groups for the Hazara community. It was also perceived as deprivation from post-2001 development projects, financed by international aid. This torched the accumulated grievances, which then gave birth to the Enlightening Movement. The movement had a successful mobilization. However, it demobilized after losing much of its mobilizing capabilities through an amalgamation of external and internal relational factors. The successful mobilization yet rapid demobilization constitutes the puzzle of this paper. From the theoretical perspective, this paper is significant as it establishes the applicability of contentious politics theory to protest mobilizations that occurred in Afghanistan, a context-specific, characterized by ethnic politics. Both primary and secondary data are utilized to address the puzzle. As for the primary resources, media coverage, interviews, reports, public media statements of the movement, involved in contentious performances, and data from Social Networking Services (SNS) are used. The covered period is from 2001-2018. As for the secondary resources, published academic articles and books are used to give a historical account of contentious politics. For data analysis, a qualitative comparative historical method is utilized to uncover the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Movement. In this pursuit, both mobilization and demobilization are considered as larger political processes that could be decomposed to constituent mechanisms. Enlightening Movement’s framing and campaigns are first studied to uncover the associated mechanisms. Then, to avoid introducing some ad hoc mechanisms, the recurrence of mechanisms is checked against another case. Mechanisms qualify as robust if they are “recurrent” in different episodes of contention. Checking the recurrence of causal mechanisms is vital as past contentious events tend to reinforce future events. The findings of this paper suggest that the public sphere in Afghanistan is drastically different from Western democracies known as the birthplace of social movements. In Western democracies, when institutional politics did not respond, movement organizers occupied the public sphere, undermining the legitimacy of the government. In Afghanistan, the public sphere is ethicized. Considering the inter- and intra-relational dynamics of ethnic groups in Afghanistan, the movement reduced to an erosive inter- and intra-ethnic conflict. This undermined the cohesiveness of the movement, which then kicked-off its demobilization process.

Keywords: enlightening movement, contentious politics, mobilization, demobilization

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Authors: Taher Eid Shaaban Ahmed Mousa

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Non-Alcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD) is a major cause of multiple liver disorders, which strongly linked to a poor lifestyle. This study aiming to elucidate the exercise program’s effectiveness on hepatic fat mobilization among nonalcoholic fatty liver patients. Subjects: A purposive sample of 150 adult male & female patients. Setting: National institute of liver out patient's clinics of Menoufia University. Tools: three tools I: An interviewing structured questionnaire, II: International Physical Activity Questionnaire, III: compliance assessment sheet. Results: There was statistically significant difference pre and post exercise program regarding total body weight, physical activity level and compliance that prevent new fat development with resolution of existing one. Conclusion: regular exercise is the best implemented approach as an initial step for the prevention, treatment and management of NAFLD. Recommendation: It is highly important to unravel the mechanism and dose by which each exercise specifically resolve various stages of liver diseases.

Keywords: exercise program, hebatic fat mobilization, nonalcoholic fatty liver patients, sport science

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Authors: X. Vecino, J. M. Cruz, A. Moldes

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The disposal and the treatment of sewage sludge is an expensive and environmentally complex problem. In this work, a lipopeptide biosurfactant extracted from corn steep liquor was used as ecofriendly and cost-competitive alternative for the mobilization and bioremediation of fluorene in sewage sludge. Results have demonstrated that this biosurfactant has the capability to mobilize fluorene to the aqueous phase, reducing the amount of fluorene in the sewage sludge from 484.4 mg/Kg up to 413.7 mg/Kg and 196.0 mg/Kg after 1 and 27 days respectively. Furthemore, once the fluorene was extracted the lipopeptide biosurfactant contained in the aqueous phase allowed the bio-degradation, up to 40.5 % of the initial concentration of this polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon.

Keywords: fluorene, lipopeptide biosurfactant, mobilization, sewage sludge

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Authors: Ahmed R. Z. Baghdadi, Ibrahim M. I. Hamoda,  Mona H. Gamal Eldein, Ibrahim Magdy Elnaggar

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Background: High-velocity low amplitude thrust (HVLAT) manipulation and low-velocity low amplitude (LVLA) mobilization are an effective treatment for low back pain (LBP). Purpose: This study compared the effects of HVLAT versus LVLA on pain, functional deficits and segmental mobility in treatment of chronic mechanical LBP. Methods: Ninety patients suffering from chronic mechanical LBP are classified to three groups; Thirty patients treated by HVLAT (group I), thirty patients treated by LVLA (group II) and thirty patients as control group (group III) participated in the study. The mean age was 28.00±2.92, 27.83±2.28 and 28.07±3.05 years and BMI 27.98±2.60, 28.80±2.40 and 28.70±2.53 kg/m2 for group I, II and III respectively. The Visual Analogue Scale (VAS), the Oswestry low back pain disability questionnaire and modified schoper test were used for assessment. Assessments were conducted two weeks before and after treatment with the control group being assessed at the same time intervals. The treatment program group one was two weeks single session per week, and for group II two sessions per week for two weeks. Results: The One-way ANOVA revealed that group I had significantly lower pain scores and Oswestry score compared with group II two weeks after treatment. Moreover, the mobility in modified schoper increased significantly and the pain scores and Oswestry scores decreased significantly after treatment in group I and II compared with control group. Interpretation/Conclusion: HVLAT is preferable to LVLA mobilization, possibly due to a beneficial neurophysiological effect by Stimulating mechanically sensitive neurons in the lumbar facet joint capsule.

Keywords: low back pain, manipulation, mobilization, low velocity

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Authors: A. E. Agbogu

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While scholars have predicted that identity politics (or what is euphemistically referred to as ethnic politics in Nigeria) were a dying phenomenon in other parts of the world, in Nigeria, it has remained the basis of political activity and has indeed become not only the unwritten law of all calculations in the political firmament of the country but also the ultimo ratio. We intend in the paper that follows to explore the reason for this unhealthy development. The paper seeks to offer explanations for the paradoxical reality of the upsurge of ethnic politics in Nigeria when in fact, the phenomenon is apparently on a downward spiral elsewhere in the world, particularly in countries that are at par with Nigeria in terms of national development. The paper is descriptive and qualitative and has relied on available data for its source of materials. Among other things, the paper locates identity politics as a tool in the hands of a national elite that has not transcended the limitations imposes by the shackles of the parsonian particularistic polar attributes which have tended to fixate their weltanschauung or world view on attachments that are unpardonably primordial. In the event, ethnicity becomes a veritable instrument not only for cheap sectional mobilization but also a means for seeking access to the so-called national cake. It is recommended that a way out of this socio-politico malady is the creation of a political arrangement that conduces to the gravitational tendency which will lead to the transfer of loyalties away from the extant ethno-nationalities to the centre.

Keywords: ethnicism, development, crisis, identity politics

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Authors: Kamal Donko

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In the frontier zone of Benin Republic, land seems to be a fundamental political resource as it is used as a tool for socio-political mobilization, blackmail, inclusion and exclusion, conquest and political control. This paper seeks to examine the complex and intriguing interlinks between land, identity and politics in central Benin. It aims to investigate what roles territorialisation and land ownership are playing in the electioneering process in central Benin. It employs ethnographic multi-sited approach to data collections including observations, interviews and focused group discussions. Research findings reveal a complex and intriguing relationship between land ownership and politics in central Benin. Land is found to be playing a key role in the electioneering process in the region. The study has also discovered many emerging socio-spatial patterns of controlling and maintaining political power in the zone which are tied to land politics. These include identity reconstruction and integration mechanism through intermarriages, socio-political initiatives and construction of infrastructure of sovereignty. It was also found that ‘Diaspora organizations’ and identity issues; strategic creation of administrative units; alliance building strategy; gerrymandering local political field, etc. These emerging socio-spatial patterns of territorialisation for maintaining political power affect migrant and native communities’ relationships. It was also found that ‘Diaspora organizations’ and identity issues; strategic creation of administrative units; alliance building strategy; gerrymandering local political field, etc. are currently affecting migrant’s and natives’ relationships. The study argues that territorialisation is not only about national boundaries and the demarcation between different nation states, but more importantly, it serves as a powerful tool of domination and political control at the grass root level. Furthermore, this study seems to provide another perspective from which the political situation in Africa can be studied. Investigating how the dynamics of land ownership is influencing politics at the grass root or micro level, this study is fundamental to understanding spatial issues in the frontier zone.

Keywords: land, migration, politics, territorialisation

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Authors: Mahesh Mitra

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Introduction and Purpose: Patellofemoral Pain Syndrome [PFPS] is characterized by pain or discomfort seemingly originating from the contact of posterior surface of Patella with Femur. Given the multifactorial causes and high prevalence there is a need of proper management technique. Also a more comprehensive and best possible Physiotherapy treatment approach has to be devised to enhance the performance of the individual with PFPS. Purpose of the study was to: - Prevalence of PFPS in various sports - To determine if there exists any relationship between the Body Mass Index[BMI] and Pain Intensity in the person playing a sport. - To evaluate the effect of conventional Physiotherapy program, Mobilization and Taping with Proprioceptive training on PFPS. Hypothesis 1. Prevalence is not the same with different sporting activities 2. There is a relationship between BMI and Pain intensity. 3. There is no significant difference in the improvement with the different treatment approaches. Methodology: A sample of 200 sports men were tested for the prevalence of PFPS and their anthropometric measurements were obtained to check for the correlation between BMI vs Pain intensity. Out of which 80 diagnosed cases of PFPS were allotted into three treatment groups and evaluated for Pain at rest and at activity and KUJALA scale. Group I were treated with conventional Physiotherapy that included TENS application and Exercises, Group II were treated with compression mobilization along with exercises, Group III were treated with Taping and Proprioceptive exercises. The variables Pain on rest, activity and KUJALA score were measured initially, at 1 week and at the end of 2 weeks after respective treatment. Data Analysis - Prevalence percentage of PFPS in each sport - Pearsons Correlation coefficient to find the relationship between BMI and Pain during activity. - Repeated measures analysis of variance [ANOVA] to find out the significance during Pre, Mid and Post-test difference among - Newman Kuel Post hoc Test - ANCOVA for the difference amongst group I, II and III. Results and conclusion It was concluded that PFPS was more prevalent in volley ball players [80%] followed by football and basketball [66%] players, then in hand ball and cricket players [46.6%] and 40% in tennis players. There was no relationship between BMI of the individual and Pain intensity. All the three treatment approaches were effective whereas mobilization and taping were more effective than Conventional Physiotherapy program.

Keywords: PFPS, KUJALA score, mobilization, proprioceptive training

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Authors: Natalia V. Minaeva, Natalia A. Zorina, Marina N. Khorobrikh, Philipp S. Sherstnev, Tatiana V. Krivokorytova, Alexander S. Luchinin, Maksim S. Minaev, Igor V. Paramonov

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Background. Over the last few decades, the Center for International Blood and Marrow Transplant Research (CIBMTR) and the World Marrow Donor Association (WMDA) have been actively working to ensure the safety of the hematopoietic stem cell (HSC) donation process. Registration of adverse events that may occur during the donation period and establishing a relationship between donation and side effects are included in the WMDA international standards. The level of blood serum N-terminal pro-brain natriuretic peptide (NT-proBNP) is an early marker of myocardial stress. Due to the high analytical sensitivity and specificity, laboratory assessment of NT-proBNP makes it possible to objectively diagnose myocardial dysfunction. It is well known that the main stimulus for proBNP synthesis and secretion from atrial and ventricular cardiac myocytes is myocyte stretch and increasement of myocardial extensibility and pressure in the heart chambers. Аim. The aim of the study was to assess the dynamic changes in the levels of blood serum N-terminal pro-brain natriuretic peptide of unrelated donors at various stages of hematopoietic stem cell mobilization. Materials. We have examined 133 unrelated donors, including 92 men and 41 women, that have been included into the study. The NT-proBNP levels were measured before the start of mobilization, then on the day of apheresis, and after the donation of allogeneic HSC. The relationship between NT-proBNP levels and body mass index (BMI), ferritin, hemoglobin, and white blood cells (WBC) levels was assessed on the day of apheresis. The median age of donors was 34 years. Mobilization of HSCs was managed with filgrastim administration at a dose of 10 μg/kg daily for 4-5 days. The first leukocytapheresis was performed on day 4 from the start of filgrastim administration. Quantitative values of the blood serum NT-proBNP level are presented as a median (Me), first and third quartiles (Q1-Q3). Comparative analysis was carried out using the t-test and correlation analysis as well by Spearman method. Results. The baseline blood serum NT-proBNP levels in all 133 donors were within the reference values (<125 pg/ml) and equaled 21,6 (10,0; 43,3) pg/ml. At the same time, the level of NT-proBNP in women was significantly higher than that of men. On the day of the HSC apheresis, a significant increase of blood serum NT-proBNP levels was detected and equald 131,2 (72,6; 165,3) pg/ml (p<0,001), with higher rates in female donors. A statistically significant weak inverse correleation was established between the level of NT-proBNP and the BMI of donors (-0.18, p = 0,03), as well as the level of hemoglobin (-0.33, p <0,001), and ferritin levels (-0.19, p = 0,03). No relationship has been established between the magnitude of WBC levels achieved as a result of the mobilization of HSC on the day of leukocytapheresis. A day after the apheresis, the blood serum NT-proBNP levels still exceeded the reference values, but there was a decreasing tendency. Conclusion. An increase of the blood serum NT-proBNP level in unrelated donors during the mobilization of HSC was established. Future studies should clarify the reason for this phenomenon, as well as its effects on donors' long-term health.

Keywords: unrelated donors, mobilization, hematopoietic stem cells, N-terminal pro-brain natriuretic peptide

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Authors: Ernest Nweke, Enkhtuya Bavuudorj

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The Mongolia Stock Exchange (MSE) serves as a vehicle for executing the privatization policy of Mongolian Government as it transitioned from socialist to free market economy. It was also the intention of the Government to develop the investment and securities market through its establishment and to further boost the ailing Mongolian economy. This paper focuses on the contributions of the Mongolian Stock Exchange (MSE) to the industrial and economic development of Mongolia via Corporate fund mobilization for listed companies in Mongolia. A study of this nature is imperative as economic development in Mongolia has been accelerated by corporate investments. The key purpose of the research was to critically analyze the operations of the MSE to ascertain the extent to which the objectives for which it was established have been accomplished and to assess its contributions to industrial and economic development of Mongolia. In achieving this, secondary data on the activities of the MSE; its market capitalization over the years were collected and analyzed vis-à-vis the figures for Mongolia’s macro-economic data for the same time period to determine whether the progressive increase in market capitalization of the MSE has positively impacted on Mongolia’s economic growth. Regression analysis package was utilized in dissecting the data. It was proven that the Mongolian Stock Exchange has contributed positively and significantly to Mongolia’s economic development though not yet to the desired level. Against the findings of this research, recommendations were made to address, the problems facing the MSE and to enhance its performance and ultimately its contributions to industrial and economic development of the Mongolian nation.

Keywords: Corporate Fund Mobilization, Gross Domestic Product (GDP), market capitalization, purchasing power, stock exchange

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Authors: Khaled A. shady, Fagr B. Bazeed, Nashwa K. Abousamra, Ihab H. Elberawe, Ashraf E. shaalan, Mohamed A. Sobh

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Physical activity activates a variety of adult stem cells which might be released into the circulation or might be activated in their organ-resident state. A variety of stimuli such as metabolic, mechanical, and hormonal stimuli might by responsible for the mobilization. This study was done to know the changes in hematopoietic stem cells and endothelial progenitor in athletes in the 24 hours following 30 min of aerobic exercise. Methods: Ten healthy male's athlete's (age 20.7± 0.61 y) performed moderate running with 30 min at 80% of velocity of The IAT. Blood samples taken pre-, and immediately, 30 min, 2h, 6h and 24h post-exercise were analyzed for hematopoietic stem cells (HSCs ), endothelial progenitor cells (EPCs(, vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF), nitric oxide (NO), lactic acid (LA), and white blood cells . HSCs and EPCs were quantified by flow cytometry. Results: After 30min of aerobic exercise significant increases in HSCs, EPC, VEGF, NO, LA and WBCs (p ˂ 0.05). This increase will be at different rates according to the timing of taking blood sample and was in the maximum rate of increase after 30 min of aerobic exercise. HSCs, EPC, NO and WBCs were in the maximum rate of increase 2h post exercise. In addition, VEGF was in the maximum rate of increase immediately post exercise and LA concentration not affected after exercise. Conclusion: These data suggest that HSCs and EPCs increased after aerobic exercise due to increase of VEGF which play an important role in mobilization of stem cells and promotes NO increase which contributes to increase EPCs.

Keywords: physical activity, hematopoietic stem cells, mobilization, athletes

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Authors: Rana Mohamed Abd El Aal

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This is an exploratory study that aims to answer the question of whether and to what extent the prevailing political culture with a special focus to the factor of political awareness for Egyptian university students is influential in shaping their participatory behavior; more precisely in four main Universities ;(Cairo University- BaniSwif University- BUE University- Suez Canal University). To ensure the validity of my results, I deployed a number of different data collection methods: the collection, analysis, integration of both quantitative and qualitative methods; for investigating two main hypothesis H1: There is a positive relation between the political awareness level and political participation for university students, H2: There is a positive relation between political values in the society and the level of political participation of university students. The study reveals that though the sample represented the portion of political science students in different Universities, the level of political awareness and political participation was low with a statistically significant relationship; also, the patterns of values in Egyptian culture affects significantly the level of participation in the different universities. Therefore; the study using SWOT analysis recommends some policies for increasing the level of awareness and integrating youth in the political process.

Keywords: political awareness, political participation, civic culture, citizenship, egyptian universities, political knowledge

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Authors: Ehsan Ahmed Yahia

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Introduction: The nursing role in nutrition screening and assessing hospitalized patients is important. Malnutrition is a common and costly problem, particularly among hospitalized patients, and can have an adverse effect on the healing process. The study's goal is to assess the prevalence of malnutrition among adult hospitalized orthopedic patients and to detect the barriers to the nutrition screening process. Aim of the study: This study aimed to (a) assess the prevalence of malnutrition in hospitalized orthopedic patients and (b) evaluate the relationship between malnutrition and selected clinical outcomes. Material and Methods: This prospective field study was conducted for three months between 03/2022 and 06/2022 in the selected orthopedic departments in a teaching hospital affiliated withCairo University, Egypt. with a total number of one hundred twenty (120) patients. Patients' assessment included checking for malnutrition using the Nutritional Risk Screening Questionnaire. Patients at risk for malnourishment were defined as NRS score ≥ 3. Clinical outcomes under consideration included 1) length of hospitalization, 2) mobilization after surgery and conservative treatment, and 3) rate of adverse events. Results: This study found that malnutrition is a significant problem among patients hospitalized in an orthopedic ward. The prevalence of malnutrition was the highest in patients with lumbar spine and pelvis fractures, followed by the proximal femur and proximal humerus fractures. Patients at risk for malnutrition had significantly prolonged hospitalization, delayed postoperative mobilization, and increased incidence of adverse events.27.8% of the study sample were at risk for malnutrition. The highest prevalence of malnourishment was found in Septic Surgery with 32%, followed by Traumatology with 19.6% and Arthroplasty with 15.3%. A higher prevalence of malnutrition was detected among patients with typical fractures, such as lumbar spine and pelvis (46.7%), proximal femur (34.4%), and proximal humeral (23.7%) fractures. Additionally, patients at risk for malnutrition showed prolonged hospitalization (14.7 ± 11.1 vs. 21.2 ± 11.7 days), delayed postoperative mobilization (2.3 ± 2.9 vs. 4.1 ± 4.9 days), and delayed to mobilize after conservative treatment (1.1 ± 2.7 vs. 1.8 ± 1.9 days). A significant statistical correlation of NRS with individual parameters (Spearman's rank correlation, p < 0.05) was observed. The rate of adverse incidents in patients at risk for malnutrition was significantly higher than that of patients with a regular nutritional status (37.2% vs. 21.1%, p < 0.001). Conclusions: Our results indicate that the prevalence of malnutrition in surgical patients is significant. The nutritional status of patients with typical fractures is especially at risk. Prolonged hospitalization, delayed postoperative mobilization, and delayed mobilization after conservative treatment is significantly associated with malnutrition. In addition, the incidence of adverse events in patients at risk for malnutrition is significantly higher.

Keywords: malnutrition, nutritional risk screening, surgery, nursing, orthopedic nurse

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Authors: Pison Suwanpakdee

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The objective of presenting this article is to analyze between Thai’s film and Thai society in political crisis, to study the development and trend of the film which reflects society in Thailand from political crisis of 14 October 1973 and the present day political crisis using a comparative study of the two era, both the similarities and differences in the film reflects the society in an era of change.

Keywords: film, political, neorealism, Thailand

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Authors: Rana Mohamed

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Despite youth in Egypt were away from political life for a long time; they are able to make a tangible difference in political status. Purpose: This exploratory study aims to determine whether and how much the prevailing political culture influence participatory behavior with a special focus on political awareness factors among university students in Egypt. Methodology: The study employed several data collection methods to ensure the validity of the results, quantitative and qualitative, verifying the positive relationships between the levels of political awareness and political participation and between political values in society and the level of political participation among university students. For achieving the objectives of the paper in the light of the pool of available literature and data, the study adopts system analysis method to apply input-output and conversions associated with the phenomena of political participation to analyze the different factors that have an effect upon the prevailing political culture and the patterns of values in Egyptian society. Findings: The result reveals that the level of political awareness and political participation for students were low, with a statistically significant relationship. In addition, the patterns of values in Egyptian culture significantly influence the levels of student participation. Therefore, the study recommends formulating policies that aim to increase awareness levels and integrate youth into the political process. Originality/Value: The importance of the academic study stems from addressing one of the central issues in political science; this study measures the change in the Egyptian patterns of culture and values among university students.

Keywords: political awareness, political participation, civic culture, citizenship, Egyptian universities, political knowledge

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Authors: S. Pison

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The objective of presenting this article is to analyze between Thai’s film and Thai society in political crisis, to study the development and trend of the film which reflects society in Thailand from political crisis of 14 October 1973 and the present day political crisis using a comparative study of the two era, both the similarities and differences in the film reflects the society in an era of change.

Keywords: film, political, neo-realism, social, Thailand

Procedia PDF Downloads 302