Search results for: political domination

Authors: Busari Moshood Olanyi

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Good governance remains the expectation of every political party in power, especially in this democratic dispensation of the Nigerian Nation. The need to ensure that the citizenry enjoys the dividends of democracy as often promised during various electioneering campaigns is envisioned to be the motif for different agendas and political slogans by different administrations. Unfortunately, different political agendas towards the security of lives and properties, halting the pillage of the economy by corrupt public officials and creation of employment opportunities for the youths, have a record of setback in the history of political leadership and governance in Nigeria. Therefore, the paper examined the principles of Islamic theocracy in its advocacy for a paradigm shift in the Nigerian political system, with a view to engendering good governance. Islamic political terms such as Shūrā (mutual consultation), ‘Adālah (equality and justice), Khilāfah (succession and stewardship) Majlis ash-Shūrā (consultative forum) and Muḥāsabah (accountability) were espoused as sacrosanct to implementing Islamic theocracy as an alternative system of government in Nigeria. The paper concluded by being flexible on the nomenclature of the suggested political system, considering the multi-religious nature of the country as a political entity. Among other recommendations, infusion of politics into our moral/religious system and not the other way round was considered a good step in the direction of a political paradigm shift for ensuring good governance and guaranteeing its sustainability in Nigeria.

Keywords: Nigerian nation, democracy, good governance, Islamic theocracy, paradigm shift

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Authors: Sajid Iqbal Sheikh

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From almost last 100 years 'political islam' has diversity in its usage as terminology in the speculative works of both muslim and non-muslims theorists. 'Political islam' as a term was coined consciously as equal to the 'militant islam' and “Terrorist Islam” vs “Plain Islam” and “Modern Islam” etc. Many paradigm shifts tamed the term into one of the hottest debate of the day. This research paper aims to categorize historical linkage of its coinage, development phases and present status. Based on content analysis, Narrative approach has been utilized for the sake of dexterous conclusion. The paper treasures out that Western dominance on civilizational and political spheres of the holistic world considers 'political islam' a gigantic threat and plans to resist it in theoretic and practical fields simultaneously. Despite minor strategic variances, the ideological followers of Syed Qutab, Mulana Mudoodi and Hasan Al-Bana, are struggling hard for the achievement of their ultimate goal of Political change, specifically in the Muslim World in the prior phase. The paper concludes that Resistance to Islamic resurgence and its Political goals is being observed in most of the Muslim world, especially in the Turkey, Algeria, Egypt, Tsunia and Yeman etc, which is a basic cause of contrary reaction in the Muslim World.

Keywords: electoral process, islamic resurgence, islamic political theory, muslim response, resistance, western hegemony

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Authors: Maria Krambia-Kapardis, Andreas Kapardis

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The relevant literature has been inundated with arguments for ethics, moral values, honesty, resilience, trust in leadership as well as responsible leadership. In many countries around the globe, and as shown by some recent reports, many political leaders are not role models and do not show best practices by being ethical, responsible, compassionate, and resilient. Journalists, whistleblowers, WikiLeaks, Al Jazeera, and the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) have been brought out from the shadow of political leaders who lack the virtues/attributes outlined above by the UN Global Compact. A number of political leaders who lack ethical and responsible leadership skills will continue to find loopholes to enrich themselves and their close friends and relatives. Some researchers use the Millon Inventory of Diagnostic; however, this test, while it provides helpful and useful insights into the personality of a person who leads or inspire his/her people but does not show if that person is ethical, motivating, and empowers his people with trust and honesty. Thus, it is recommended that political leaders ought to undergo training that encompasses Aristotelian Ethics by embedding the appropriate values and behaviours in their strategies, policies, and decisions, enhancing the change factors that will help in the implementation of a more sustainable development model. Finally, there is a need to develop a pedagogy and a curriculum which enables the development of responsible political leaders.

Keywords: political leaders, corruption, anti-corruption, political corruption

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Authors: Nadia Elouaer

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Tax revenue is the main state resource and one of the important variables in tax policy. Nevertheless, this resource is continually decreasing, so it is important to focus on the reasons for this decline. Several studies show that the taxpayer is reluctant to pay taxes, especially in countries at risk or in countries in transition, including Tunisia. This study focuses on the tax evasion behavior of a Tunisian taxpayer under the influence of his political beliefs, as well as the influence of different tax compliance variables. Using a questionnaire, a sample of 500 Tunisian taxpayers is used to examine the relationship between political beliefs and taxpayer affiliations and tax compliance variables, as well as the study of the causal link between political beliefs and fraudulent behavior. The data were examined using correlation, factor, and regression analysis and found a positive and statistically significant relationship between the different tax compliance variables and the tax evasion behavior. There is also a positive and statistically significant relationship between tax evasion and political beliefs and affiliations. The study of the relationship between political beliefs and compliance variables shows that they are closely related. The conclusion is to admit that tax evasion and political beliefs are closely linked, and the government should update its tax policy and modernize its administration in order to strengthen the credibility and disclosure of information in order to restore a relationship of trust between public authorities and the taxpayer.

Keywords: fiscal policy, political beliefs, tax evasion, taxpayer behavior

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Authors: Ola Hafez

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This study examines the way selected Egyptian digitally mediated memes utilize intertextuality as a means of expression. It is motivated by the emerging digital socio-political humorous practice using various forms of political commentary in Egyptian social media. One of these forms involves the use of memes incorporating (often doctored) video frames taken from Egyptian plays, films and songs, and relocated in a different socio-political context, often with a caption that re-appropriates the frame for the purpose of critical commentary, thus juxtaposing the socio-political phenomena being addressed and the Egyptian artistic and cultural heritage. The paper presents a discourse study of a convenience sample of a recent social media campaign and carries out two levels of analysis. At the micro level, the study pinpoints the various modes of intertextuality employed, including verbal as well as visual intertextuality in the light of the work of social semiotics by Kress and van Leeuwen. At the macro level, the paper sheds light on the socio-political implications of such practice in the light of Political Discourse Analysis.

Keywords: digitally mediated discourse, discourse analysis, Egyptian Arabic, intertextuality, memes, multimodality, political discourse analysis

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Authors: Peter Jin

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Ever since the recent resurgence of interest in political theorist Carl Schmitt’s work, much of the current analysis on Schmitt has fo-cused on evaluating Schmitt’s legacy by exposing contradictions in his rationale. Rather than condemn such contradictions, this paper instead seeks to analyze these contradictions in an effort to better understand the radical shift in Schmitt’s intellectual trajectory from an astute critic of liberal democracy to a fascist apologist towards the end of the Weimar period. An essential part of this change is his interest in what Schmitt called ‘the emergence of aesthetics.’ Schmitt diagnosed the underlying issue with the aesthetic in the political sphere to be its irrationalism, indifference, and indeci-siveness. For Schmitt, the latter two of these were especially prob-lematic for two of his key concepts: the ‘political’ and ‘the shared historical reality.’ Schmitt’s radical depiction of ‘the political’ as an existential opposition of allegiances that necessitated a state of emergency and a decisionist sovereign political struggle required an equally radical justification, or Schmitt’s call for ‘a shared his-torical reality’ not based in historical fact yet able to mobilize the masses. In this way, Schmitt clearly condemns the indifferent, indecisive aesthetic that runs against his decisionist, action-oriented political theory. Yet despite his firm stance against aestheticism, Schmitt himself used the evocative and irrational power of aesthet-icism as a tool to present his own ‘political myth’ that compelled believers to join in decisive unity against a common enemy. In short, Schmitt’s contradictions on aestheticism and his creation of a ‘political myth’ suggest that Schmitt’s underlying conflict with aestheticism was not as much of an issue of irrationality as it was a chronic preoccupation with coercing concrete action at the expense of rational deliberation.

Keywords: aesthetics of the political, Carl Schmitt, political myth, Weimar democracy

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Authors: Abdulsalami M. Deji

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Prolonged military incursion in Nigeria politics which favored the oligarchy brought agitation for democratic rule it exacerbated ethnicity integration of minority for fear of domination. The advent of democracy ushered in new breath of life to Nigerians from the shackle of military oppression to democratic governance. Democratic rule became a mirage as a result of prevalent insecurity in Nigeria; effort to bring lasting peace to all sections of the country had not yielded positive result till date. In the process of struggling for democracy among ethnic groups in Nigeria, they had instituted various militia groups defending the interest of their identity due to unequal distribution of wealth by military junta. When democracy came on board, these various militia groups became demons hunting democratic institutions. Quest by the successful government to find lasting solution has proved abortive. The security of politics which guaranteed stability is not visible in Nigeria, what we have now is politics of security. The unrest in Nigeria today has cripple socio-political and economy of the nation; the growth of economy favored elites without meaningful impact on the common man. This paper focus on the effects of democracy on Nigerians and, how security under democratic rule has hindered dividends of democracy since 1999-till date and way forward. The source is strictly base on secondary source from textbook, newspapers, internet, and journals.

Keywords: democracy, interest, militia, security

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Authors: Ibrahim Baba

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The work examines the nature and causes of differential politics in Africa with particular reference to the sub-Saharan region of the continent. It also among other objectives provides alternative panacea to gender discrimination in African politics and offers solutions on how to promote political inclusion of all citizens in respect of gender differences in Africa. The work is conducted using library base documentation analysis.

Keywords: gender, political, participation, differential politics, sub-Saharan Africa

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Authors: El-Said I. El-Shafey, Syeda Naheed F. Ali, Saleh S. Al-Busafi, Haider A. J. Al-Lawati

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Date palm leaflets were utilized as a precursor for activated carbon (AC) preparation using KOH activation. AC produced was oxidized using nitric acid producing oxidized activated carbon (OAC). OAC that possesses acidic surface was surface functionalized to produce basic activated carbons using linear diamine compounds (ethylene diamine and propylene diamine). OAC was also functionalized to produce hydrophobic activated carbons using ethylamine (EA) and aniline (AN). Dehydrated carbon was also prepared from date palm leaflets using sulfuric acid dehydration/ oxidation and was surface functionalized in the same way as AC. Nitric acid oxidation was not necessary for DC as it is acidic carbon. The surface area of AC is high (823 m2/g) with microporosity domination, however, after oxidation and surface functionalization, both the surface area and surface microporosity decrease tremendously. DC surface area was low (15 m2/g) with mesoporosity domination. Surface functionalization has decreased the surface area of activated carbons. FTIR spectra show that -COOH group on DC and OAC almost disappeared after surface functionalization. The surface chemistry of all carbons produced was tested for pHzpc, basic sites, boehm titration, thermogravimetric analysis and zeta potential measurement. Scanning electron microscopy and energy dispersive spectroscopy in addition to CHN elemental analysis were also carried out. DC and OAC possess low pHzpc and high surface functionality, however, basic and hydrophobic carbons possess high pHzpc and low surface functionality. The different behavior of carbons is related to their different surface chemistry. Methylene blue adsorption was found to be faster on hydrophobic carbons based on AC and DC. The Larger adsorption capacity of methylene blue was found for hydrophobic carbons. Dominating adsorption forces of methylene blue varies from carbon to another depending on its surface nature. Sorption forces include hydrophobic forces, H-bonding, electrostatic interactions and van der Waals forces.

Keywords: carbon, acidic, basic, hydrophobic

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Authors: Havva Nur Tarakci, Bahar Urhan Torun

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The transformation that is seen in every area of life by technology, especially internet technology changes the structure of political communications too. Internet, which is at the top of new communication technologies, affects political communications with its structure in a way that no traditional communication tools ever have and enables interaction and the channel between receiver and sender, and it becomes one of the most effective tools preferred among the political communication applications. This state as a result of technological convergence makes Internet an unobtainable place for political communication campaigns. Political communications, which means every kind of communication strategies that political parties called 'actors of political communications' use with the aim of messaging their opinions and party programmes to their present and potential voters who are a target group for them, is a type of communication that is frequently used also among social media tools at the present day. The electorate consisting of different structures is informed, directed, and managed by social media tools. Political parties easily reach their electorate by these tools without any limitations of both time and place and also are able to take the opinions and reactions of their electorate by the element of interaction that is a feature of social media. In this context, Facebook, which is a place that political parties use in social media at most, is a communication network including in our daily life since 2004. As it is one of the most popular social networks today, it is among the most-visited websites in the global scale. In this way, the research is based on the question, “How do the political parties use Facebook at the campaigns, which they conduct during the election periods, for informing their voters?” and it aims at clarifying the Facebook using practices of the political parties. In direction of this objective the official Facebook accounts of the four political parties (JDP–AKParti, PDP–BDP, RPP-CHP, NMP-MHP), which reach their voters by social media besides other communication tools, are treated, and a frame for the politics of Turkey is formed. The time of examination is constricted with totally two weeks, one week before the mayoral elections and one week after the mayoral elections, when it is supposed that the political parties use their Facebook accounts in full swing. As a research method, the method of content analysis is preferred, and the texts and the visual elements that are gotten are interpreted based on this analysis.

Keywords: Facebook, political communications, social media, electrorate

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Authors: Seyed Salahedin Naghshbandi, Mahnaz Ahmadikhatir, Siavash Hamidzadeh

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The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between organizational political behavior and ethical values with the job enthusiasm of the sport personnel of the National Iranian Gas Company. The population of this research included all personnel of the National Iranian Gas Company's sports personnel (150 people). For collecting information, library resources and three questionnaires, organizational political behavior by Kaspar and Carlsen (1997), Lewall's moral values questionnaire (1986) and job enthusiasm questionnaire Schaufeli & Bekker (2003) have been used. Validity of the questionnaires was confirmed by university professors. Using Cronbach alpha correlation coefficient, the reliability of the organizational political behavior questionnaire was 0.92, the moral values questionnaire was 0.86 and the Schaufeli & Baker job enthusiasm questionnaire was 0.91-0.96. The results of this research show a significant, direct and positive relationship between the components of job aspiration with political behavior and ethical values. Therefore, managers of organizations should, as far as possible, remove political behaviors from the organization and be able to institutionalize ethical values in their organization so that they can increase employee eagerness.

Keywords: political behavior, ethical values, job enthusiasm, staff, national Iranian gas company

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Authors: Mathinee Khongsatid, Phusit Phukamchanoad, Sakapas Saengchai

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This research aims to study the democratic political socialization of the 5th and 6th Graders under the Authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok by using stratified sampling for probability sampling and using purposive sampling for non-probability sampling to collect data toward the distribution of questionnaires to 300 respondents. This covers all of the schools under the authority of Dusit District Office. The researcher analyzed the data by using descriptive statistics which include arithmetic mean and standard deviation. The result shows that 5th and 6th graders under the authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok, have displayed some characteristics following democratic political socialization both inside and outside classroom as well as outside school. However, the democratic political socialization in classroom through grouping and class participation is much more emphasized.

Keywords: democratic, political socialization, students grades 5-6, descriptive statistics

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Authors: Hossein Sabouri

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News stories as one of the branches of political discourse has always been regarded a sensitive and challenging area. Political translators often encounter some struggles that are vitally important when it comes to deal with the political tension between the source culture and the target one. Translating news stories is of prime importance since it has widespread availability and power of defining or even changing the facts. News translation is usually more than straight transfer of source text. Like original text endeavoring to manipulate the readers’ minds with imposing their ideologies, translated text seeking to change these ideologies influenced by ideological power. In other words, translation product is not considered more than a recontextualisation of the source text. The present study examines possible criteria for occurring changes in the translation process of news stories based on the ideological and political stance of translator using theories of ‘critical discourse analysis’and ‘translation and power. Fairclough investigates the ideological issues in (political) discourse and Tymoczko studies the political and power-related engagement of the translator in the process of translation. Incorporation of Fairclough and Gentzler and Tymoczko’s theories paves the way for the researcher to looks at the ideological power position of the translator. Data collection and analysis have been accomplished using 17 political-text samples taken from online news agencies which are related to the ‘Iran’s Nuclear Program’. Based on the findings, recontextualisation is mainly observed in terms of the strategies of ‘substitution, omissions, and addition’ in the translation process. The results of the study suggest that there is a significant relationship between the translation of political texts and ideologies of target culture.

Keywords: news translation, recontextualisation, ideological power, political discourse

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Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Mohammad Saif

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In the post-Westphalianworld order, the concept of sovereignty has been a fundamental area of inquiry in Political Science, International Relations, and International Law. Modern Islamic political thought has also dedicated a fair share of debate on the subject. The debate fundamentally revolves around the ‘ontological differentiation’ between western and Islamic political thought. While the centrality of the individual in western political thought regards the individual as the center of universe, Islamic Political thought provides that space to God. The modern liberal democratic principles suggest sovereignty as one of the major attributes of modern nation state; Islamists regard sovereignty as an attribute of God. However, the position regarding God’ssovereignty in Islamic political thought is not coherent in conception. Some scholars regard such a position as ‘the political interpretation of Islam’. This paper is an attempt to first analyze the fundamental discord between two rival political ideologies (western and Islamic), and then forward a debate on the subject of sovereignty in South Asian Islamic Political thought, particularly between Syed Abul Ala Maududi (ideological father of modern islamist movements) andHifzurrahmanSeoharvi (lesser known in Academia but highly influential in shaping Deobandi position of principles related to political nature of Islamic theology). Maududi regardssovereignty as an attribute of God and the rulers as subservient to Gods will, Seoharvi suggests that God's sovereignty does not entail that the caliph or amir cannot be a ruler or hakim, nor can his command or hukum be an order. Certain references have also been made to contemporary scholars like Sayidd Qutub, Rashid al Ghanouchi, who in one way or the other have contributed to the debate on ‘sovereignty in Islamic thought’.

Keywords: nation state, sovereigty, sovereignty of God (Hakimmiyah), deoband

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Authors: Djehich Mohamed Yousri

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With the advent of social media, political communication scholars have systematically reviewed theories and empirical findings that revolve around media use and democracy. It is interesting that around the same time period, there has been a trend towards revitalization of political populism in different latitudes around the world. This wide-ranging populist movement has expanded regardless of whether these political systems are established democracies, emerging democracies, or societies mired in endangered political contexts. This article serves as an introductory piece to a special issue on populism. First, it highlights the ways in which "populism", as an ancient phenomenon, has transmigrated into the political sphere in the age of social media. Second, the article seeks to better define the populist context and how it has evolved in today's hybrid media society. Finally, this introduction also lays the groundwork for six data-driven theoretical core papers that cover many of the important issues revolving around the phenomenon of populism today.

Keywords: democracy, facebook, populism, social media, twitter

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Authors: Songul Miftakhov

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This study explores political representation and engagement of Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions, known to have dense Kurdish population and referred further to as Eastern region, in the Turkish parliament between 1946 and 1980. Traditional local notables had most of the privileges to be represented given their connectedness with political parties. Traditional local notables integrated into right-wing parties considering political and economic aspects. At the same time, they kept control over local political involvement channels. As a result, political representation and presence were monopolized at central, local and civil society levels. One part of Kurdish intellectuals was marginalized from the parliament after addressing issues in Eastern Anatolia and trying to develop solutions apart from the mainstream. Some of them took part in Kurdish oppositional left wing in the 1960s and jounced power of settled notables in 1970s in local administrations or as independent members of the parliament.

Keywords: Kurdish representation, parliament, local nobles, Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia

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Authors: Vilasinee Jintalikhitdee, Phusit Phukamchanoad, Sakapas Saengchai

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This research aims to study the level of democratic political culture and the factors that affect the democratic political culture of 5th and 6th graders under the authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok by using stratified sampling for probability sampling and using purposive sampling for non-probability sampling to collect data toward the distribution of questionnaires to 300 respondents. This covers all of the schools under the authority of Dusit District Office. The researcher analyzed the data by using descriptive statistics which include arithmetic mean, standard deviation, and inferential statistics which are Independent Samples T-test (T-test) and One-Way ANOVA (F-test). The researcher also collected data by interviewing the target groups, and then analyzed the data by the use of descriptive analysis. The result shows that 5th and 6th graders under the authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok have exposed to democratic political culture at high level in overall. When considering each part, it found out that the part that has highest mean is “the constitutional democratic governmental system is suitable for Thailand” statement. The part with the lowest mean is “corruption (cheat and defraud) is normal in Thai society” statement. The factor that affects democratic political culture is grade levels, occupations of mothers, and attention in news and political movements.

Keywords: democratic, political culture, political movements, democratic governmental system

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Authors: Fahimeh Hooshyar, Seyyed Mojtaba Abtahi

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Democracy which is, in its greek roots, consisted of “Demo” (People) and “Kratic” (people) is referring to governing of the people or governing by the people. in its widest definition it refers to a common lifestyle in which all the people has the equal potentials for social participating. But in political perspective, democracy is looking for the equal participation right of the citizens in political decision-making process. in this viewpoint, the democracy is solely a political construct or a social-political style in which all the values are relative. In this definition of the democracy emphasis is on equality of the people based on the governing rule and the natural social and political rights of every member of humankind. This notion of democracy by no means is a self reliant idea and the need of an ideological basis for approaching to this idea is inevitable. In this paper we are trying to define the inter-relations of democracy and its philosophical basis to Islamic fundamental ideas. Our approach to this topic would be a philosophical ideological one.

Keywords: Islam, democracy, democracy’s philosophical basis, secularism, fundamentalism

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Authors: Vesile Evrim, Aliyu Awwal

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Today as in the other domains, there are an enormous number of political transcripts available in the Web which is waiting to be mined and used for various purposes such as statistics and recommendations. Therefore, automatically determining the political orientation on these transcripts becomes crucial. The methodologies used by machine learning algorithms to do the automatic classification are based on different features such as Linguistic. Considering the ideology differences between Liberals and Conservatives, in this paper, the effect of Personality Traits on political orientation classification is studied. This is done by considering the correlation between LIWC features and the BIG Five Personality Traits. Several experiments are conducted on Convote U.S. Congressional-Speech dataset with seven benchmark classification algorithms. The different methodologies are applied on selecting different feature sets that constituted by 8 to 64 varying number of features. While Neuroticism is obtained to be the most differentiating personality trait on classification of political polarity, when its top 10 representative features are combined with several classification algorithms, it outperformed the results presented in previous research.

Keywords: politics, personality traits, LIWC, machine learning

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Authors: Gohar Madoyan, Kristine Harutyunyan, Gevorg Barseghyan

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It is common knowledge that linguistic manipulation is and has always been a powerful instrument of political discourse. Politicians from different countries and through centuries have successfully used linguistic means to persuade the public. Yet, this persuasion should be linguistically unobtrusive. Small changes in wording may result in a huge difference in perception by the audience. Thus, manipulation is a strategy that is mostly used to convey a certain message to the manipulators, who should be aware of the vulnerabilities of their audience and who must use them to achieve control. Political manipulation, though commonly observed in the 21st century, can easily be traced back to ancient rhetoric, which warns us to choose words carefully while addressing the audience. On the other hand, modern manipulative techniques have become more sophisticated, making use of all scientific advances.

Keywords: manipulators, politics, persuasion, political discourse, linguo-stylistic analysis, rhetoric

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Authors: Majority Oji

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The print media played a major role in the agitation for self-rule in Nigeria in the 1950s. It remains as a bastion of hope in the dark days of military rule in the country. But in the troubled waters of Nigeria’s politics, accusing fingers are pointed in the direction of the print media as problematic to the political development of the nation. Thus, Nigeria as a nation is torn between the paralyzing forces of political instability and the building powers of political stability. The press assigned a constitutional role to hold everyone, especially government officials accountable to the public, appears to be at the center of these forays. The paper takes a look at the strength and weakness of the print media as a stabilizing or destabilizing agent to the political development of Nigeria. Engaging in this study is essential and the findings fundamental to the sustainability of Nigeria’s nascent democracy. The study draws on the content analysis method. News items from major newspapers across the country were content analyzed to test the validity of the claims that the press serve as agent of political stability or political instability, and whether to accept or reject such claims. The study found that the press has published more stories that unite the people politically as found in the tested hypothesis which shows that P>0.05 implying that media publications are not significant to political instability of the nation regardless of the number of published news stories. The study recommends that all issues relating to professional and ethical standards that affect the practice of journalism in the print media should be addressed by regulatory bodies to starve of chances of information that could lead to intolerance being peddled in the print media.

Keywords: Nigeria, political instability, political stability, print media

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Authors: Talita Cavaignac

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Adorno's critique of totality, especially in a split society marked by reification, also rests on the impossibility of generalizing normative principles. Given the unfeasibility of normative universalizations, which conditions can justify the possibility of criticism and normativity in Adorno's thought? If reason itself is still entangled in alienation from the model of the domination of nature, how could be possible a critical theory? In political terms, if the notion of totality is challenged by the critique of identity, how can Adorno maintain the ideal of liberation and reconciliation between private interests and the possibility of some sort of ethics without giving up a materialist theory of society and without betting in a necessary link between redemption and history? Faced with this complex of questions, it is intended to reflect on the sense in which the notion of ‘suffering’ could throw help to the epistemological problem of the foundations of criticism in Adorno's work. The idea is that, in contrast to a universalizable model of justice, Adorno mobilizes in the notion of ‘suffering’ a gateway to the critical reflection of society. He would thus develop an approach to moral problems through the sensual-bodily perspective, fear, pain, and somatic factors. Nevertheless, due to the attention to the damaged experience and to the constitution of subjectivity -a sense in which the concept of mimesis continues to stand out- we understand suffering as an expression of an objective reification. Following the statement of other authors, the intention is to think how the resources linked to the idea of ‘suffering’ in Adorno's writings are engaged in the reflection of the problem of morality and of the contradictions between universal and particular (articulated in Hegel's tradition).

Keywords: ethics, morality, sensitive, Theodor Adorno

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Authors: Temitope Abiodun Balogun

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Political interviews are one of the ways by which political office-seekers in Nigeria sell themselves to the electorates. Extant studies have examined the discourse of political interviews from conversational, philosophical, rhetorical, stylistic and pragmatic perspectives with insufficient attention paid to grammatical forms and communicative intentions of the interviews granted by the two presidential aspirants in the 2015 Nigerian general election. This study fills this scholarly gap to unmask their grammatical forms and communicative styles, intention and credibility. The paper adopts Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar, specifically interpersonal function coupled with Searle’s Model of Speech Acts Theory as a theoretical framework. A total of six interviews granted by the two presidential aspirants in media serve as the source of data. It is discovered that, in most cases, politicians’ communicative intention is to “pull-down” their political opponents. While declarative and interrogatives are simple, direct and straightforward, the intention is to condemn, lambast and castigate their opponents. This communicative style does not allow the general populace to decipher the political manifestoes of the political aspirants and the party they represent. The paper recommends that before Nigeria can boast of any sustainable growth and development, there is the need for her political office-seekers to adopt effective communication strategies and styles to unveil their intention and manifestoes so that electorates can evaluate their performance after their tenure of office.

Keywords: general election, grammatical forms and function, political interviews, presidential aspirants

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Authors: Thanny Noeem Taiwo

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The study is an attempt to gauge the way political parties advertised their candidates and parties during the 2015 presidential election. It examined the prominence given to political advertisement by newspapers and their patrons. It also looked at the campaign issues that the candidates emphasized in their campaign and also the appeals used in the advertisements. This research work is examined against the backdrop of the Framing Theory. The agenda setting and framing effects theories are media effects theories that explain how the media affects the people, events and situations in the society. Samples comprising of three daily newspapers were selected to represent the newspapers in the Nigeria. The Punch Newspaper, the Nation and the Vanguard will be used for population of this study. These newspapers were chosen because they are widely read national dailies and also because of its affiliation with some political parties. The study revealed that low prominence was given to political messages because most of the advertisements were in the inside pages of the newspapers. The media or the print medium could be a partner in a political setting as the fourth estate of the realm. While the press was trying hard to be professional, its operations were considerably inhibited by the political adventures of the patrons of the media. There is the need for strict professionalism to the ethics of journalism in the commercialization of political messages that would eventually rub off positively on the way the media is perceived.

Keywords: aAdvertisement, election, framing, newspaper

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Authors: Tsegyu Santas

Abstract:

The aim of this study was to examine the utilization of social media for political communication during the 2011 presidential election in Nigeria. The research design adopted for the study was survey; 294 copies of questionnaire were distributed to students of mass communication in three selected universities in North Central Nigeria. Simple random sampling technique was used to select the respondents for the study. The results of the descriptive statistics show that majority of the respondents choice of presidential candidates during the 2011 presidential election was influenced by the use of social media as indicated by high value of mean (1.5805). Similarly, a large number of respondents were of the opinion that the two selected presidential candidates were popular because they used social media in their political campaign (mean value of 1.5575). In addition, the respondents affirmed that their voting pattern during the 2011 presidential elections was influenced by social media usage. This was validated by a high mean value of (1.6667). Similarly, the result of the test of hypothesis indicated that voters’ choice of political candidates was influenced by political communication on social media. In view of the findings of this study, the study, therefore, concludes that social media have redefined the landscape of political communication in Nigeria. Based on the findings of the study, it was recommended that social media should be fully integrated in Nigeria political communication system.

Keywords: communication, election, politics, social media

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Authors: Justine Ugochukwu Osuagwu, Sazali Abd Wahab

Abstract:

The performance and operation of NNPC have faced series of attacks by all stakeholders as many have observed lots of inefficiency not only on the part of the management but the staff. This has raised questions of whether their operations and performance are being seriously affected by lack of transformational leadership, and the political competition prevalent in the country. The author has applied the administrative leadership theory and institutional theory as a guide to this study and empirically relates such theories to the study. The study also has utilized the quantitative approach where questionnaires were distributed to 370 participants, and the correctly filled and returned questionnaires were used for the analysis using structural equation modeling. The path coefficient of transformational leadership to performance is strong and positive with β = 0.672; t-value = 14.245; p-value = 0.000. Also, the result found that political competition does not mediate the relationship between transformational leadership and performance of NNPC. (β = -0.008; t-value = -0.600; p- value > 0.05). However, the indirect path is all insignificant, meaning that transformational leadership has relationship with corporate performance.The study found that,while political competition does not serve as a mediator in the relationship between transformational leadership and corporate performance, these styles of leadership have a direct and positive impact on corporate performance. The direct relationship between transformational leadership and political competition was not discovered, despite the fact that political competition has a direct and significant impact, both positive and negative, on corporate performance. As a result, both political competition and transformational leadership have the potential to significantly alter corporate performance.

Keywords: performance, transformational leadership, political competition, corporation performance, Nigeria national petroleum corporation

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Authors: Zsolt Szabolcsi

Abstract:

Political communication in Hungary has undergone a significant change in the 2010s. One element of the transformation is the Flashnews. This media product was launched in March 2015 and since then 40-50 blocks are broadcasted, daily, on 5 channels. Flashnews blocks are condensed news sessions, containing the summary of political narratives. It starts with the introduction of the narrator, then, usually four news topics are presented and, finally, the narrator concludes the block. The block lasts only one minute and, therefore, it provides a blink session into the main narratives of political communication at the time. Beyond its rapid pace, what makes its avoidance difficult is that these blocks are always in the first position in the commercial break of a non-political media product. Although it is only one minute long, its significance is high. The content of the Flashnews reflects the main governmental narratives and, therefore, the Flashnews is part of the agenda-setting capacity of political communication. It reaches media consumers who have limited knowledge and interest in politics, and their use of media products is not politically related. For this audience, the Flashnews pops up in the same way as commercials. Due to its structure and appearance, the impact of Flashnews seems to be similar to commercials, imbedded into the break of media products. It activates existing knowledge constructs, builds up associational links and maintains their presence in a way that the recipient is not aware of the phenomenon. The research aims to examine the extent to which the Flashnews and the main news narratives are identical in their content. This aim is realized with the content analysis of the two news products by examining the Flashnews and the evening news during main sport events from 2016 to 2018. The initial hypothesis of the research is that Flashnews is a contribution to the news management technique for an effective articulation of political narratives in public service media channels.

Keywords: flashnews, political communication, political marketing, news management

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Authors: Alh Rauf Bello Bella

Abstract:

The main purpose of citizenship education if properly executed is to create awareness and enlightenment in the society to bring tolerance and political unity among the people. For the citizenry to have a meaningful participation for the achievement of this objective in a modern society where democracy thrives, all citizens should also have access to information on all matters affecting their lives and well-being. The paper therefore examines the scope of citizenship education and the complementary role of information providers in the quest for political socialization and national unity. It emphasizes some issues of national unity which should be addressed through proper enlightenment of the citizenry and access to relevant and timely information at the grassroots.

Keywords: citizenship education, national unity, political socialization, Nigeria

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Authors: Rasha Ali Dheyab, Edurad Vlad

Abstract:

Migration is associated with other important global issues, including development, poverty, and human rights. Migrants are often the most dynamic members of society; historically, migration has supported economic development and the rise of nations and enriched cultures. It also presents significant challenges. The word ‘racism’ is not just about beliefs or statements; it also contains the ability to force those beliefs or world views as hegemonic and as a basis for the refusal of rights or equality. For this reason, racism is embedded in power relations of different types. Racism is not only an awareness of distinction and groups, but it also has extremely practical roles in maintaining: First, inequitable social power arrangements; and second, racist behavioral manifestations such as verbal rejection, avoidance, discrimination, physical attack, and elimination. The focus is on aspects of racism in the media to deal with the migration phenomenon. The reproduction and promotion of racism by certain areas of the media is not a simple and straightforward process. It is important to see how the media serves in the reproduction of racism. This article shows attitudes to migration as they have appeared in British periodicals over the last few years. One might conclude that the reproduction of racism by the media is not a simple and straightforward process. It has become obvious that the role of the media in the reproduction of racism is inextricably linked to the general characteristics of racism and white domination in society, particularly the structural and ideological structuring of that kind of group power. This highlights the press's function as a business, social, and cultural institution. The press has to be examined in connection to the institutions of the economic and political as well.

Keywords: British periodicals, culture studies, migration, racism

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