Search results for: petitions

Authors: Seane Mabitsela

Abstract:

The Territory of Namibia was entrusted to South Africa as a Mandate under the League of Nations Covenant. After the dissolution of the League of Nations and the commencement of United Nations operations, South Africa's conception of its legal obligations under the mandate varied from those of other members of the United Nations. Because of that, the General Assembly requested the International Court of Justice for an Advisory Opinion on the international obligations of South Africa arising therefrom. The International Court of Justice declared that South West Africa was still a mandatory territory under the Covenant of the League of Nations. It also held that South Africa continued to transmit petitions from inhabitants of the territory, the supervisory functions to be exercised by the United Nations, to which the annual reports and the petitions were to be submitted. Subject to this judgement, the question of South West Africa remained a dispute relating to the mandate brought before the International Court of Justice against South Africa. The International Court of Justice and South Africa dispute reflected the nature of the Namibian inhabitants’ appeal for recognition at the United Nations.

Keywords: International Court of Justice, Namibia, petitions, United Nations

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Authors: Summer Isaacson

Abstract:

Research on gender differences in environmental behavior has long claimed that women engage less than men in environmental political participation (EPP) (protests, petitions), despite their higher levels of environmental concern and vulnerability. Using recent data from the ISSP’s 2020 Environment module including 28 countries, we revisit the gender gap in EPP. Arguing that increasing gender equality and socio-economic development can allow women to voice their environmental grievances, we use multi-level models to examine the effects of macro-level gender equality on gender differences in environmental protests, petitions, and boycotts. By distinguishing individual from collective and non-confrontational from confrontational engagement forms, this study offers an encompassing understanding of gendered patterns of participation. Women do participate more than men, but mainly in individual and non-confrontational EPP forms (petitions, boycotts) and with substantial variation across countries. Moreover, considering how women have historically been restrained from participating in politics, we argue that structural gender inequality remains an important limitation to women’s engagement. Cross-level interactions indicate that in more egalitarian countries, women are more likely to engage in several types of EPP than men. The study offers new perspectives and findings on gender differences in EPP, highlighting the impact of gender inequality on women’s participation.

Keywords: environmental activism, political participation, gender equality, pro-environmental behavior

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Authors: Nkatow Mafany Christian

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No other period in human history has offered such great opportunities for grievances not only to last long but also to be manifested across international boundaries. This state of affairs is likely a common feature of the advent of social media. The Anglophone Question in Cameroon has been a problem of poor constitutional arrangements that can be traced to 1961 when the former French Cameroon reunified with former British Southern Cameroons following a plebiscite in which the latter overwhelmingly voted to reunify with the former. Though Southern/Anglophone Cameroons complained of perceived marginalization and an attempt by the majority French section to assimilate them, the manifestation was subtle and took place only through protests, petitions, strikes movements and demonstrations. However, with the advent of social media, a new cream of leaders emerged in the diaspora, including the US, Canada, Europe, Asia and the Middle East, to champion the manifestations leading to violence and conflicts that have bedeviled the region since 2017. The feeling of political subjugation, economic exploitation, social suppression and cultural assimilation among Anglophone Cameroonians united them under diaspora leaders against the government of Cameroon, calling for the creation of a separate state for Anglophones. This paper draws from this lead-up to analyze the current Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon in the light of the Grievance Theory and Transnationalism. The paper makes an appeal to field experience, interviews, official sources, documentation, and the internet to succor its central thesis. From the fertility of its sources, the paper submits that social media is a potent source of conflicts and makes nonsense of the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity by its capacity to promote the transnational manifestation of grievances.

Keywords: grievance, transnationalism, anglophone crisis, Cameroon, crisis and social media

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Authors: Andrea Vega-Tinoco, Ana I. Gil-Lacruz, Marta Gil-Lacruz

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The main objective of this research is to acknowledge whether civic participation affects the well-being of the elderly, thus being a key activity of active aging. It is also of interest to recognize any differences among genders, generational cohorts or country of residence. If a positive relationship is found between civic participation and well-being, the actions that promote this participation will benefit the quality of life of senior citizens. Otherwise, independent action must be taken in the improvement of social and human capital. The sample consists of approximately 50.000 individuals from the European Social Survey (2002-2016). Only individuals born before 1965 in 15 European countries were considered. The sample was distributed according to gender, year of birth, country, level of studies and ESS wave to form pseudo-panel data cohorts, leaving a total of 1.318 observations. The data were analyzed through a Cross-Lagged Model using Fixed-Effects. A bidirectional association is observed between the civic participation and well-being variables. However, participating in the past seems to have a higher impact on today’s health, happiness and life satisfaction than the other way around. Furthermore, 26% of the respondents expressed to be satisfied with their life, 27% to be happy and 57% to have good health. On the other hand, 49% have participated civically in the last year, being the most common activities: signing petitions, boycotting products and volunteer work in non-political organizations. A slight trend of BabyBoomers and men towards greater participation can be observed, as well as a higher impact of this participation on their well-being. In addition, international differences exhibit a stronger relation for Nordic, East European and Mediterranean countries. The given results support the hypothesis that civic participation is a promoter of well-being for the elderly. This paper positively highlights the activity of involving in political and non-political organizations, as well as wearing badges. At any rate, almost all forms of civic participation show a positive relationship with well-being and should therefore be promoted, although differences between countries must be taken into consideration.

Keywords: active aging, civic participation, Europe, well-being

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Authors: Manvelidze irakli, Iashvili Genadi

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Research has shown that public institutions in Autonomous Republic of Ajara try their best to make their official electronic data (web-pages, social websites) more informative and improve them. Part of public institutions offer interesting electronic services and initiatives to the public although they are seldom used in communication process. The statistical analysis of the use of web-pages and social websites of public institutions for example their facebook page show lack of activity. The reason could be the fact that public institutions give people less possibility of interaction in official web-pages. Second reason could be the fact that these web-pages are less known to the public and the third reason could be the fact that heads of these institutions lack awareness about the necessity of strengthening citizens’ involvement. In order to increase people’s involvement in this process it is necessary to have at least 23 e-services in one web-page. The research has shown that 11 of the 16 public institutions have only 5 services which are contact, social networks and hotline. Besides introducing innovative services government institutions should evaluate them and make them popular and easily accessible for the public. It would be easy to solve this problem if public institutions had concrete strategic plan of public relations which involved matters connected with maximum usage of electronic services while interaction with citizens. For this moment only one governmental body has a functioning action plan of public relations. As a result of the research organizational, social, methodological and technical problems have been revealed. It should be considered that there are many feedback possibilities like forum, RSS, blogs, wiki, twitter, social networks, etc. usage of only one or three of such instruments indicate that there is no strategy of regional electronic governance. It is necessary to develop more mechanisms of feedback which will increase electronic interaction, discussions and it is necessary to introduce the service of online petitions. It is important to reduce the so-called “digital inequality” and increase internet access for the public. State actions should decrease such problems. In the end if such shortcomings will be improved the role of electronic interactions in democratic processes will increase.

Keywords: e-Government, electronic services, information technology, regional government, regional government

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Authors: Gina Longo

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Social media, internet technology, and affordable travel have created avenues like tourism and internet chatrooms for Western women to meet foreign partners without paid, third-party intermediaries in regions like the Middle East/North Africa (MENA) and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where men from mid-level developing countries meet and marry Western women and try to relocate. Foreign nationals who marry U.S. citizens have an expedited track to naturalization. U.S. immigration officials require that “green card” petitioning couples demonstrate that their relationships are “valid and subsisting” (i.e., for love) and not fraudulent (i.e., for immigration papers). These requirements are ostensibly gender- and racially-neutral, but migration itself is not; black and white women petitioners who seek partners from these regions and solicit advice from similar others about the potential obstacles to their petitions’ success online. Using an online ethnography and textual analysis of conversation threads on a large on-line immigration forum where U.S. petitioners exchange such information, this study examines how gendered and racialized standards of legitimacy are applied to family and sexuality and used discursively online among women petitioners differently to achieve “genuineness” and define “red flags” indicating potential marriage fraud. This paper argues that forum-women members police immigration requests even before cases reach an immigration officer, and use this social media platform to reconstruct gendered and racialized hierarchies of U.S. citizenship. Women petitioners use the formal criteria of U.S. immigration in ways that reveal gender and racial ideologies, expectations for conformity to a gendered hegemonic family ideal, and policing of women’s sexual agency, fertility, and desirability. These intersectional norms shape their online discussions about the suitability of marriages and of the migration of non-citizen male partners of color to the United States.

Keywords: marriage fraud, migration, online forums, women

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Authors: Zuzana Fišerová, Marie Paseková

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Debt relief (also labelled personal bankruptcy) is a bankruptcy settlement method which was implemented into Czech legislation by the Insolvency Act (Act No. 182/2006 Coll. on Insolvency and its Resolution) on 1 January 2008. The need to implement the institute of personal bankruptcy arose from the excessive over-indebtedness of many inhabitants of the Czech Republic after the crisis that arose around 2008 and 2009. The contribution analyses the development in the manner in which households approach personal bankruptcy and assesses and surveys the differences between indebtedness among men and women. The first section analyses the development in numbers of filed personal bankruptcy petitions and the successfulness thereof; it likewise analyses the impact of other economic influences (regional differences, unemployment etc.). The differences between debtors in dependency to gender are also surveyed. A survey of insolvency proceedings for 664 persons whose insolvency proceedings were commenced in 2008 was conducted, whilst the data were acquired from the publicly accessible insolvency register. The hypothesis on the equality of the average debt level of men and women was tested when comparing indebtedness in dependency to debtor gender. At a significance level of 0.05, the test confirmed that the mean value of debt level for women is lower than the mean value of debt level for men. Through analysis of further results, it was found that the average level of debt among women was CZK 537 thousand, while the average level of creditor satisfaction reached 46.2%. Men in the monitored sample had an average level of reported receivables of CZK 652 thousand, satisfaction of their creditors reached 58.8%. The main changes in the institute of personal bankruptcy are then evaluated in the closing discussion, and the impacts of these changes for households are assessed. The development of legislation in the Czech Republic and practice are shifting towards broader usage of personal bankruptcy, especially insofar as it can now also be used by entrepreneurs. Furthermore, the amendment of the Insolvency Act has enabled married couples to apply for joint debt relief, which has improved the position of the marriage partner with lower income and who would not get permission for debt relief on his/her own (mostly women are at issue). In current practice, the condition of adequate income is also solved by the fact that another person (usually a family member) undertakes to donate a certain monthly sum throughout the duration of the debt relief. Personal bankruptcy can thus be completed also by individuals to whom it would previously have been denied by the court.

Keywords: debtor, households, insolvency act, over-indebtedness, personal bankruptcy

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Authors: Peyton M. Provenzano

Abstract:

This paper draws primarily upon the framework of necropolitics and presents California as itself a former frontier, colony, and late-modern settler society. The convergence of these successive and overlapping regimes of state terror is actualized and traceable through an analysis of historical and contemporary police practices. At the behest of the Spanish Crown and with the assistance of the Spanish military, the Catholic Church led the original expedition to colonize California. The indigenous populations of California were subjected to brutal practices of confinement and enslavement at the missions. After the annex of California by the United States, the western-most territory became an infamous frontier where new settlers established vigilante militias to enact violence against indigenous populations to protect their newly stolen land. Early mining settlements sought to legitimize and fund vigilante violence by wielding the authority of rudimentary democratic structures. White settlers circulated petitions for funding to establish a volunteer company under California’s Militia Law for ‘protection’ against the local indigenous populations. The expansive carceral practices of Los Angelinos at the turn of the 19th century exemplify the way in which California solidified its regime of exclusion as a white settler society. Drawing on recent scholarship that queers the notion of biopower and names police as street-level sovereigns, the police murder of Kayla Moore is understood as the latest manifestation of a carceral regime of exclusion and genocide. Kayla Moore was an African American transgender woman living with a mental health disability that was murdered by Berkeley police responding to a mental health crisis call in 2013. The intersectionality of Kayla’s identity made her hyper-vulnerable to state-sanctioned violence. Kayla was a victim not only of the explicitly racial biopower of police, nor the regulatory state power of necropolitics but of the ‘asphyxia’ that was intended to invisibilize both her life and her murder.

Keywords: asphyxia, biopower, california, carceral state, genocide, necropolitics, police, police violence

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Authors: Samuel Gary Beckton

Abstract:

Ever since the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014, there has been a threat of a second referendum. However, if there was another referendum and the majority favoured independence, it is highly likely to be by a small majority. In this paper, it will look into the hypothetical situation of what could have happened if Scotland had voted in favour of independence in 2014. If this occurred, there would be many Unionists within Scotland, including devoted supporters of the Better Together campaign. There was a possibility of some Scottish Unionists not willing to accept the result of the Referendum unchallenged and use their right of self-determination through the UN Charter for their region to remain within the United Kingdom. The Shetland and Orkney Islands contemplated of opting out of an independent Scotland in 2013. This caught the attention of some politicians and the media, via confirming the possibility of some form of partition in Scotland and could have gained extra attention if partition quickly became a matter of ‘need’ instead of ‘want’. Whilst some Unionists may have used petitions and formed pressure groups to voice their claims, others may have used more hard-line tactics to achieve their political objectives, including possible protest marches and acts of civil unrest. This could have possibly spread sectarian violence between Scottish Unionists and Nationalists. Glasgow has a serious issue of this kind of sectarianism, which has escalated in recent years. This is due to the number communities that have been established from Irish Immigrants, which maintain links with Northern Irish loyalists and republicans. Some Scottish Unionists not only have sympathy towards Northern Irish loyalists but actively participate with the paramilitary groups and gave support. Scottish loyalists could use these contacts to create their own paramilitary group(s), with aid from remaining UK (RUK) benefactors. Therefore, this could have resulted in the RUK facing a serious security dilemma, with political and ethical consequences to consider. The RUK would have the moral obligation to protect Scottish Unionists from persecution and recognise their right of self-determination, whilst ensuring the security and well-being of British citizens within and outside of Scotland. This work takes into consideration the lessons learned from the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland. As an era of ‘Troubles’ could occur in Scotland, extending into England and Northern Ireland. This is due to proximity, the high number of political, communal and family links in Scotland to the RUK, and the delicate peace process within Northern Ireland which shares a similar issue. This paper will use British and Scottish Government documents prior to the Scottish referendum to argue why partition might happen and use cartography of maps of a potential partition plan for Scotland. Reports from the UK National Statistics, National Rail, and Ministry of Defence shall also be utilised, and use of journal articles that were covering the referendum.

Keywords: identity, nationalism, Scotland, unionism

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