Search results for: new social democracy

Authors: Hyun-Ji Choi

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This paper aims to examine the meaning of ‘state’ as a monopoly of violence, in regard with South Korean democratic transition. Since institutional democratization in 1987, it is conventionally known that governmental authority has exercised its power through law and police force, rather than inclusive or private violence. In other words, 1987 pro-democracy movement has been a critical juncture for a step towards democratic consolidation. However, state coercion may continually be exerted despite institutional specification by law in South Korean context. Explicit case would be amendment of ‘the Law on Assembly and Demonstration’ which determines citizens’ right to take collective action mostly against government actions. This paper investigates amendment process of the law along with social reality since 1987 until 2015 to see how effectively institutionalization has progressed.

Keywords: democratic transition, historical institutionalism, state coercion, the law on Assembly and Demonstration

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Authors: Alphan Telek

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Political secularism is different from philosophical secularism in terms of its inclusionary, peaceful, liberal and democratic aspects. Secularism as a political principle not only takes the separation of state and religion as a basis but also it aims to exclude any kind of ethnic, religious, racial, gender domination at the state level. Thus, although political secularism does not see any problem with the visibility and implementation of religious views and symbols in the public sphere, it stands against the fusion of political power and religious views or more generally any kind of identity. Iranian context especially the post-reformist period, which starts in 2005, shows religious and/or reformist intellectuals try to put forward the political secularism and make it attractable to the large masses. Three prominent figures of reformist intellectualism Abdolkarim Soroush, Mohsen Kadivar and Akbar Ganji form the basic vocabulary of political secularism in the post-reformist period of Iran. Their intellectual and political struggle against the Islamic regime’s anti-democratic policies and actions do carry significance not only for Iranian democracy but also for all Muslim people around the world that demand a more equal, free, and just society. The political and intellectual discourses of Iranian intellectuals indicate that political secularism is a requirement of democratic state and society. In this paper, it is discussed the relationship between political secularism, state, society, and Islam. Thus, it will be argued that secularism as a political principle is increasingly held by Iranian intellectuals to show the relation between secularism and democracy.

Keywords: political secularism, Iranian intellectuals, democracy, Middle East

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Authors: Najmuddin Rasul

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The purpose of this study is to determine whether media usage and change of citizenship norms influence trends of change of political participation of young voters in Indonesia. The focus of this study is to examine citizenship norms in the context of the development of information and communication technology influence political participation in the context of Indonesia's transition to democracy. The main theoretical framework is media and political participation. For data gathering, 384 young voters between the ages of 17 to 40 years were interviewed in Padang, West Sumatra, Indonesia. The results of this study reveal that gender, age and educational background of respondents did not influence significantly media usage and citizenship norms. The results also show that educational background is not a factor that distinguishes media usage but it becomes differentiating factor in citizenship norms. The results further show that media usage has a significant correlation with citizenship norms and citizenship norms has a significant relationship with political participation. In addition, media usage and citizenship norm significantly influence political participation. The sub-dimensions the citizenship norms (compliance, duty, and engaged citizenship) provides a significant contribution to the sub-dimensions of political participation (traditional political participation, modern political participation, civic political participation). Based on the findings it can be concluded that the political euphoria in the era of transition to democracy has changed pattern of media usage and citizenship norms among the young generation in Indonesia.

Keywords: political participation, media, citizenship norms, democracy, young voters, Indonesia

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Authors: Suneet Jagdev

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Rapid urbanization has resulted in informal settlements on the periphery of nearly all big cities in the developing world due to lack of affordable housing options in the city. Residents of these communities have to travel long distances to get to work or search for jobs in these cities, and women, children and elderly people are excluded from urban opportunities. Affordable and safe public transport facilities can help them expand their possibilities. The aim of this research is to identify social capital as another important element of livable cities that can be protected and nurtured through transit-oriented development, as a tool to provide real resources that can help these transit-oriented communities become self-sustainable. Social capital has been referred to the collective value of all social networks and the inclinations that arise from these networks to do things for each other. It is one of the key component responsible to build and maintain democracy. Public spaces, pedestrian amenities and social equity are the other essential part of Transit Oriented Development models that will be analyzed in this research. The data has been collected through the analysis of several case studies, the urban design strategies implemented and their impact on the perception and on the community´s experience, and, finally, how these focused on the social capital. Case studies have been evaluated on several metrics, namely ecological, financial, energy consumption, etc. A questionnaire and other tools were designed to collect data to analyze the research objective and reflect the dimension of social capital. The results of the questionnaire indicated that almost all the participants have a positive attitude towards this dimensions of building a social capital with the aid of transit-oriented development. Statistical data of the identified key motivators against against demographic characteristics have been generated based on the case studies used for the paper. The findings suggested that there is a direct relation between urbanization, transit-oriented developments, and social capital.

Keywords: better opportunities, low-income settlements, social capital, social inclusion, transit oriented development

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Authors: Xiwu Feng

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The paper is to analyze research ethics in social and behavioral sciences from a cross-cultural perspective. A multi-phase study investigated implementations of ethical standards and guidelines in higher institutions in China. Institutional policies and procedures on human subject research and perceptions of human subject protection were assessed in the Chinese research universities from different regions. The findings of the study indicate that the implementations of ethical standards and guidelines vary from institution to institution and from region to region. Education and cultural backgrounds of the participants influence their perceptions of the welfare and privacy of human subjects. The results of the study reveal great differences and complexities in ethical standards for the protection of human subjects of research in contrast to the Western world. The Chinese collectivistic values and the cooperative-harmonious democracy play a significant role in perceiving and implementing ethical guidelines. Chinese researchers find themselves a long way to go before seeing implementations of regulations and guidelines on human subject research in social and behavioral sciences.

Keywords: ethical standards, human subjects, research ethics, social and behavioral research

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Authors: Ridho Al-Hamdi, Sakir, Tanto Lailam

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During the democratic period of 1999-present, Indonesia has consistently applied a List Proportional Representation (List PR) system in the parliamentary election. Between 1999 and 2004, it adopted a closed-list proportional representation (CLPR) system. In the meantime, it employed open-list proportional representation (OLPR) system from 2009 to 2019. Recently, some parties intended to propose the application of CLPR while others are still consistent in adopting OLPR. An unfinished debate is taking place. Thus, this article aims to evaluate the application of CLPR in Indonesia and, in turn, analyze its compatibility in contemporary parliamentary election system. From a methodological standpoint, it is qualitative research by applying a case study approach. Data-gathering relies on field data, mainly focus group discussion (FGD) and in-depth interviews with political parties, electoral management bodies (EMBs), NGO activists, and scholars spread in six provinces and nine regencies/cities across the country. Using SWOT analysis and the compatibility of CLPR and embedded democracy framework, the finding demonstrates that CLPR is no longer relevant for contemporary Indonesian elections. This paper recommends OLPR by considering that CLPR has numerous weaknesses and threats that can jeopardize embedded democracy. More importantly, CLPR can remove inclusive suffrage significantly.

Keywords: closed-list proportional representation, embedded democracy, Indonesia, parliamentary election

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Authors: Kechikeche Nabil

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The MENA region has undergone many mutations throughout history. The most significant one was, yet, to happen during the colonial era, where the Arab Muslim ‘cosmic’ clock was recalibrated to match a more or less modern perception of time. As for modern civic and political experiences of life, they were left in a state of inertia. This article considers the problematic amalgam of traditional Islam, modernity and democratization in the Arab world, as well as the effects on the configuration of recent progressive endeavours. It is argued that the assimilation of democratic ethos - as a requisite for modernity - depends on the assimilation of power, progress and time, by what is referred to as the Umma. Drawing on postmodern and political literature, it is suggested that because of a conceptualization which draws mainly on traditional Islam, the Umma and the state in the Arab world remain in conflict while, at times, they appear to act collaboratively, either to embrace modernity or to obstruct democratization.

Keywords: Islam, democracy, Arab world, modernity

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Authors: Tunde Ope-Davies

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Transmediality and platformization as online content-sharing protocols have continued to accentuate the growing impact of the unprecedented digital revolution across the world. The rapid transformation across all sectors as a result of this revolution has continued to spotlight the increasing importance of new media technologies in redefining and reshaping the rhythm and dynamics of our private and public discursive practices. Equally, social and political activities are being impacted daily through the creation and transmission of political discourse content through multi-channel platforms such as mobile telephone communication, social media networks and the internet. It has been observed that digital platforms have become central to the production, processing, and distribution of multimodal social data and cultural content. The platformization paradigm thus underpins our understanding of how digital platforms enhance the production and heterogenous distribution of media and cultural content through these platforms and how this process facilitates socioeconomic and political activities. The use of multiple digital platforms to share and transmit political discourse material synchronously and asynchronously has gained some exciting momentum in the last few years. Nigeria’s 2023 general elections amplified the usage of social media and other online platforms as tools for electioneering campaigns, socio-political mobilizations and civic engagement. The study, therefore, focuses on transmedia and platformed political discourse as a new strategy to promote political candidates and their manifesto in order to mobilize support and woo voters. This innovative transmedia digital discourse model involves a constellation of online texts and images transmitted through different online platforms almost simultaneously. The data for the study was extracted from the 2023 general elections campaigns in Nigeria between January- March 2023 through media monitoring, manual download and the use of software to harvest the online electioneering campaign material. I adopted a discursive-analytic qualitative technique with toolkits drawn from a computer-mediated multimodal discourse paradigm. The study maps the progressive development of digital political discourse in this young democracy. The findings also demonstrate the inevitable transformation of modern democratic practice through platform-dependent and transmedia political discourse. Political actors and media practitioners now deploy layers of social media network platforms to convey messages and mobilize supporters in order to aggregate and maximize the impact of their media campaign projects and audience reach.

Keywords: social media, digital humanities, political discourse, platformized discourse, multimodal discourse

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Authors: Rafat Fazeli, Reza Fazeli

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This paper focuses on the study of the welfare state and social wage in the leading liberal economy of the United States. The welfare state acquired a broad acceptance as a major socioeconomic achievement of the liberal democracy in the Western industrialized countries during the postwar boom period. The modern and modified vision of capitalist democracy offered, on the one hand, the possibility of high growth rate and, on the other hand, the possibility of continued progression of a comprehensive system of social support for a wider population. The economic crises of the 1970s, provided the ground for a great shift in economic policy and ideology in several Western countries, most notably the United States and the United Kingdom (and to a lesser extent Canada under Prime Minister Brian Mulroney). In the 1980s, the free market oriented reforms undertaken under Reagan and Thatcher greatly affected the economic outlook not only of the United States and the United Kingdom, but of the whole Western world. The movement which was behind this shift in policy is often called neo-conservatism. The neoconservatives blamed the transfer programs for the decline in economic performance during the 1970s and argued that cuts in spending were required to go back to the golden age of full employment. The agenda for both Reagan and Thatcher administrations was rolling back the welfare state, and their budgets included a wide range of cuts for social programs. The question is how successful were Reagan and Thatcher’s efforts to achieve retrenchment? The paper involves an empirical study concerning the distributive role of the welfare state in the two countries. Other studies have often concentrated on the redistributive effect of fiscal policy on different income brackets. This study examines the net benefit/ burden position of the working population with respect to state expenditures and taxes in the postwar period. This measurement will enable us to find out whether the working population has received a net gain (or net social wage). This study will discuss how the expansion of social expenditures and the trend of the ‘net social wage’ can be linked to distinct forms of economic and social organizations. This study provides an empirical foundation for analyzing the growing significance of ‘social wage’ or the collectivization of consumption and the share of social or collective consumption in total consumption of the working population in the recent decades. The paper addresses three other major questions. The first question is whether the expansion of social expenditures has posed any drag on capital accumulation and economic growth. The findings of this study provide an analytical foundation to evaluate the neoconservative claim that the welfare state is itself the source of economic stagnation that leads to the crisis of the welfare state. The second question is whether the increasing ideological challenges from the right and the competitive pressures of globalization have led to retrenchment of the American welfare states in the recent decades. The third question is how social policies have performed in the presence of the rising inequalities in the recent decades.

Keywords: the welfare state, social wage, The United States, limits to growth

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Authors: Chan Eang Teng, Tang Mui Joo

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With the viral factor on social media, the sense of persuasion is generated by repetition and popularity. When users’ interest is captured, political awareness increases to spark political enthusiasm, but, the level of user’s political participation and political attitude of those active users is still questionable. An online survey on 250 youth and in-depth interview on two politicians are conducted to answer the main question in this paper. The result shows that Facebook significantly increases political awareness among youths. Social media may not be the major trigger to political activism among youths as most respondents opined that they would still vote without Facebook. Other factors could be political campaigning, political climate, age, peer pressure or others. Finding also shows that majority of respondents did not participate in online political debates or political groups. Many also wondered if the social media was the main power switch that triggers the political influx among young voters. The research finding is significant to understand how the new media, Facebook, has reshaped the political landscape in Malaysia, creating the Social Media Election that changed the rules of the political game. However, research finding does not support the ideal notion that the social media is the major trigger to youth’s political activism. This research outcome has exposed the flaws of the Social Media Election. It has revealed the less optimistic side of youth political activism. Unfortunately, results fall short of the idealistic belief that the social media have given rise to political activism among youths in the 13^th General Election in Malaysia. The research outcome also highlights an important lesson for the democratic discourse of Malaysia which is making informed and educated decisions takes more commitment, proactive and objective attitude.

Keywords: social media, political participation, political activism, democracy, political communication

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Authors: Rasim Alguliev, Farhad Yusifov

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Considering the international experience, conceptual and architectural principles of forming of electron government are researched and some suggestions were made. The assessment of monitoring of forming processes of electron government, intellectual analysis of web-resources, provision of information security, electron democracy problems were researched, conceptual approaches were suggested. By taking into consideration main principles of electron government theory, important research directions were specified.

Keywords: electron government, public administration, information security, web-analytics, social networks, data mining

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Authors: Pradeep Peiris, Hasini Lecamwasam

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The fluid, ambiguous, and often elusive existence of caste among the Sinhalese in Sri Lanka has inspired many scholarly endeavours. Originally, Sinhalese caste was organized according to the occupational functions assigned to various groups in society. Hence cultivators came to be known as Goyigama, washers Dobi, drummers Berava, smiths Navandanna and so on. During pre-colonial times the specialized services of various groups were deployed to build water reservoirs, cultivate the land, and/or sustain the Buddhist order by material means. However, as to how and why caste prevails today in Sinhalese society when labour is in ideal terms free to move where it wants, or in other words, occupation is no longer strictly determined or restricted by birth, is a question worth exploring. Hence this paper explores how, and perhaps more interestingly why, when the nexus between traditional occupations and caste status is fast disappearing, caste itself has managed to survive and continues to be salient in politics in Sri Lanka. In answer to this larger question, the paper looks at caste from three perspectives: 1) Buddhism, whose ethical project provides a justification of social stratifications that transcends economic bases 2) Capitalism that has reactivated and reproduced archaic relations in a process of 'accumulation by subordination', not only by reinforcing the marginality of peripheral caste groups, but also by exploiting caste divisions to hinder any realization of class interests and 3) Democracy whose supposed equalizing effect expected through its ‘one man–one vote’ approach has been subverted precisely by itself, whereby the aggregate ultimately comes down to how many such votes each ‘group’ in society has. This study draws from field work carried out in Dedigama (in the District of Kegalle, Central Province) and Kelaniya (in the District of Colombo, Western Province) in Sri Lanka over three years. The choice of field locations was encouraged by the need to capture rural and urban dynamics related to caste since caste is more apparently manifest in rural areas whose material conditions partially warrant its prevalence, whereas in urban areas it exists mostly in the ideological terrain. In building its analysis, the study has employed a combination of objectivist and subjectivist approaches to capture the material and ideological existence of caste and caste politics in Sinhalese society. Therefore, methods such as in-depth interviews, observation, and collection of demographical and interpretive data from secondary sources were used for this study. The paper has been situated in a critical theoretical framework of social inquiry in an attempt to question dominant assumptions regarding such meta-labels as ‘Capitalism’ and ‘Democracy’, and also the supposed emancipatory function of religion (focusing on Buddhism).

Keywords: Buddhism, capitalism, caste, democracy, Sri Lanka

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Authors: Waseem Makai

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The term ‘political Islam’ now seem to have gained the centre stage in every discourse pertaining to Islamic legitimacy and compatibility in modern civilisations. A never ceasing tradition of the philosophy of caliphate that has kept overriding the options of any alternate political institution in the Muslim world still permeates a huge faction of believers. Fully accustomed with the proliferation of changes and developments in individual, social and natural dispositions of the world, Islamic theologians retaliated to this flux through both conventional and modernist approaches. The so-called conventional approach was quintessential of the interpretations put forth by Syed Maududi, with new comprehensive, academic and powerful vigour, as never seen before. He generated the avant-garde scholarship which would bear testimony to his statements, made to uphold the political institution of Islam as supreme and noble. However, it was not his trait to challenge the established views but to codify them in such a bracket which a man of the 20th century would find captivating to his heart and satisfactory to his rationale. The delicate microcosms like selection of a caliph, implementation of Islamic commandments (Sharia), interest free banking sectors, imposing tax (Jazyah) on non-believers, waging the holy crusade (Jihad) for the expansion of Islamic boundaries, stoning for committing adulteration and capital punishment for apostates were all there in his scholarship which he spent whole of his life defending in the best possible manner. What and where did he went wrong with all this, was supposedly to be notified later, by his once been disciple, Javed Ahmad Ghamidi. Ghamidi is being accused of struggling between Scylla and Charybdis as he tries to remain steadfast to his basic Islamic tenets while modernising their interpretations to bring them in harmony with the Western ideals of democracy and liberty. His blatant acknowledgement of putting democracy at a high pedestal, calling the implementation of Sharia a non-mandatory task and denial to bracket people in the categories of Zimmi and Kaafir fully vindicates his stance against conventional narratives like that of Syed Maududi. Ghamidi goes to the extent of attributing current forms of radicalism and extremism, as exemplified in the operations of organisations like ISIS in Iraq and Syria and Tehreek-e-Taliban in Pakistan, to such a version of political Islam as upheld not only by Syed Maududi but by other prominent theologians like Ibn-Timyah, Syed Qutub and Dr. Israr Ahmad also. Ghamidi is wretched, in a way that his allegedly insubstantial claims gained him enough hostilities to leave his homeland when two of his close allies were brutally murdered. Syed Maududi and Javed Ghamidi, both stand poles apart in their understanding of Islam and its political domain. Who has the appropriate methodology, scholarship and execution in his mode of comprehension, is an intriguing task, worth carrying out in detail.

Keywords: caliphate, democracy, ghamidi, maududi

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Authors: Veronika Antoniou, Rene Carraz, Yiorgos Hadjichristou

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The Green Urban Lab took the form of public installations that were placed at various locations in four cities in Cyprus. These installations - through which a series of events, activities, workshops and research took place - were the main tools in regenerating a series of urban public spaces in Cyprus. The purpose of this project was to identify issues and opportunities related to public space and to offer guidelines on how design and participatory democracy improvements could strengthen civil society, while raising the quality of the urban public scene. Giant inflatable structures were injected in important urban fragments in order to accommodate series of events. The design and playful installation generated a wide community engagement. The fluid presence of the installations acted as a catalyst for social interaction. They were accessed and viewed effortlessly and surprisingly, creating opportunities to rediscover public spaces.

Keywords: bottom-up initiatives, creativity, public space, social innovation, urban environments

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Authors: P. Mbecke

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The role of the government to tangibly alleviate poverty, improve and sustain the quality of people’s lives remains a “work in progress” twenty-two years after the dawn of democracy in South Africa despite a host of socio-economic programs and pro-poor policies and legislations. This paper assesses the development process and the implementation of the White Paper on Families in South Africa as one of the pro-poor policies intended to curb poverty and redress the imbalances of the apartheid regime. The paper is the result of a qualitative implementation research theory facilitated through in-depth interviews with social work managers complemented by literature and policy review techniques. It investigates the level of basic knowledge and understanding as well as the implementation challenges of the White Paper on Families as causes of its failure. The paper emphasizes the importance of the family-centered approach in the implementation of pro-poor policies. To facilitate the understanding of the White Paper on Families by its users, the Department of Social Development needs take stock of the identified challenges of its implementation so as to facilitate its success in fostering positive family well-being that will directly contributes to the overall socio-economic development of South Africa.

Keywords: poverty alleviation, pro-poor policy, social development, social welfare, South Africa

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Authors: Peter Jin

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Ever since the recent resurgence of interest in political theorist Carl Schmitt’s work, much of the current analysis on Schmitt has fo-cused on evaluating Schmitt’s legacy by exposing contradictions in his rationale. Rather than condemn such contradictions, this paper instead seeks to analyze these contradictions in an effort to better understand the radical shift in Schmitt’s intellectual trajectory from an astute critic of liberal democracy to a fascist apologist towards the end of the Weimar period. An essential part of this change is his interest in what Schmitt called ‘the emergence of aesthetics.’ Schmitt diagnosed the underlying issue with the aesthetic in the political sphere to be its irrationalism, indifference, and indeci-siveness. For Schmitt, the latter two of these were especially prob-lematic for two of his key concepts: the ‘political’ and ‘the shared historical reality.’ Schmitt’s radical depiction of ‘the political’ as an existential opposition of allegiances that necessitated a state of emergency and a decisionist sovereign political struggle required an equally radical justification, or Schmitt’s call for ‘a shared his-torical reality’ not based in historical fact yet able to mobilize the masses. In this way, Schmitt clearly condemns the indifferent, indecisive aesthetic that runs against his decisionist, action-oriented political theory. Yet despite his firm stance against aestheticism, Schmitt himself used the evocative and irrational power of aesthet-icism as a tool to present his own ‘political myth’ that compelled believers to join in decisive unity against a common enemy. In short, Schmitt’s contradictions on aestheticism and his creation of a ‘political myth’ suggest that Schmitt’s underlying conflict with aestheticism was not as much of an issue of irrationality as it was a chronic preoccupation with coercing concrete action at the expense of rational deliberation.

Keywords: aesthetics of the political, Carl Schmitt, political myth, Weimar democracy

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Authors: Tulasi Acharya

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The paper is a qualitative analysis of status of women and women in politics and administration in Nepal Himalaya. The paper reviews data of women in civil service and in administrative levels. Looking at the Nepali politics and administration from the social constructivist perspective, the paper highlights some social and cultural issues that have othered women as “second sex.” As the country is heading towards modernity, gender friendly approaches are being instituted. Although the data reflects on the progress on women’s status and on women’s political and administrative participation, the data is not enough to predict the democratic gender practices in political and administrative levels. The political and administrative culture of Nepal Himalaya should be changed by promoting gender practices and deconstructing gender images in administrative culture through representative bureaucracy and by introducing democratic policies.

Keywords: politics, policy, administration, culture, women, Nepal, democracy

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Authors: Yotaro Natani

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In his recent works, Frankfurt School theorist Axel Honneth elucidates an intersubjective notion of social freedom and outlines a vision of socialism as the realization of social freedom in the family, market economy, and public sphere. These arguments are part of his broader project of defending the tradition of immanent critique and normative reconstruction. In contrast, American Marxist sociologist Erik Olin Wright spells out a vision of socialism in terms of building real utopias -democratic, egalitarian, alternative institutions- through the exercise of civil society’s social power over the economy and state. Wright identifies ‘eroding capitalism’ as the framework for thinking about the strategic logics of gradually diminishing the dominance of capitalism. Both thinkers envision the transition toward socialism in terms of democratic experimentation; Honneth is more attentive to the immanent norms of social life, whereas Wright is better aware of the power of antagonistic structures. This paper attempts to synthesize the ideas of Honneth and Wright. It will show that Honneth’s critique of capitalism suffers from certain ambiguities because he attributes normative legitimacy to existing institutions, resulting in arguments that do not problematize aspects of capitalist structures. This paper will argue that incorporating the notion of power and thematizing the erosion of capitalism as a long-term goal for socialist change will allow Honneth to think more precisely about the conditions for realizing social freedom, in a manner that is still consistent with the immanent critique tradition. Such reformulation will result in a concept of social freedom that is less static and rooted in functional teleology and more oriented toward creative agency and experimental democracy.

Keywords: Axel Honneth, immanent critique, real utopias, social freedom, socialism

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Authors: Arash Heydarian Pashakhanlou

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The security dilemma is one of the key concepts in International Relations (IR), and the numerous engagements with it have created a great deal of confusion regarding its essence. That is why this article seeks to dissect the security dilemma and rebuild it from its foundational core. In doing so, the present study highlights that the security dilemma requires interaction among actors that seek to protect themselves from other's capacity for harm under the condition of uncertainty to operate. In this constellation, actors are confronted with the dilemma of motives, power, and action, which they seek to resolve by acquiring information regarding their opponents. The relationship between the parties is shaped by the harm-uncertainty index (HUI) consisting of geographical distance, MAD, and joint democracy that determines the intensity of the security dilemma. These elements define the unified theory of the security dilemma (UTSD) developed here. UTSD challenges the prevailing view that the security dilemma is a unidimensional paradoxical concept, regulated by the offense-defense balance and differentiation that only occurs in anarchic settings with tragic outcomes and is equivalent to the spiral model.

Keywords: security dilemma, revisionism, status quo, anarchy, uncertainty, tragedy, spiral, deterrence

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Authors: Monia Hejaiej

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The fable has lent itself to memorable imitations and reinventions. The writing of fables, in prose and verse, was widely cultivated not only in pre-Islamic Arabia but also in the middle ages, reaching its culmination with the Egyptian poet and man of letters Ahmad Shawqī (1989-1932), who revived the ancient tradition, a relatively minor and unexploited genre in the modern era, and re-wrote rimed fables with an Arab Islamic flavor, articulating a set of modern ethico-political concepts and sensibilities such as a belief in good judgment in governance, individual liberty, democracy, a sense of the brotherhood of man and justice. This essay aims to restore the 20th Century poet to his rightful place in the international pantheon of literary achievement, and offers an examination of the Arabian fabulist tradition as it appears in Arabic literature, and a treatment of this genre re-visiting a few representative samples of Ahmad Shawqī collection of fables and their implications for contemporary politics in the Middle East.

Keywords: fable, politcs, governace, democracy, ethics of care

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Authors: Pinqiao Wang

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Mindfulness, derived from Buddhism, has been developed to improve individuals' well-being, first in the West and then gaining growing popularity in Asia. Numerous research studies have proven the effectiveness of mindfulness among clinical groups and the public all over the world. However, as enthusiasm surges, reflections on mindfulness and its commodification and instrumentalization arise. Hong Kong was seen as the model of a free market by neoliberal economists. The relationships between its socioeconomic neoliberalism, Western-inspired democracy aspiration, and political harmonization with China Mainland have been fraught with tensions, which have been further exacerbated by socio-political changes since the 2010s. Under such circumstances, mental health problems have come into the spotlight in Hong Kong recently. Mindfulness has gained growing popularity in Hong Kong, with its influence reaching from primary schools to corporate settings. A more comprehensive socio-political analysis of mindfulness within the Hong Kong context warrants further exploration. Drawing on interview responses from mindfulness practitioners, we examine the connections between the ideologies underlying mindfulness and contemporary capitalist society. On the one hand, mindfulness focuses on the present moment and self-improvement, representing neoliberal capitalist spirituality and reinforcing existing power relations. On the other hand, mindfulness fosters the acceptance of difference, which is argued to demonstrate the potential for advancing democracy at both the individual and community levels. Academically, this research provides empirical evidence to advance the current discussions and debates surrounding the socio-political potential of mindfulness. Practically, it serves as a reflection on mindfulness practices to optimize their impact on individuals and society.

Keywords: neoliberal subjectivity, qualitative analysis, social construction, technologies of the self, therapeutic culture

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Authors: Rai Mansoor Imtiaz

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Guardians in hybrid regimes fragment opposition parties and ban their political leaders, and disenfranchise their voters' political participation. When guardians in hybrid regimes are so powerful that they remain decisive on electoral politics of states, and have powers to ban political parties and their leadership, then "why do political parties backed by those powerful guardians lose elections" and "how do anti-establishment parties make electoral inroads at the local and national levels." These two questions are interrelated with the key research question of my research "why do people vote for political parties rejected by powerful guardians in establishmentarian democracies." Furthermore, this research question is important to be explored for two reasons. First, existing literature only reflects the electoral victories of opposition parties or defeats of military-sponsored parties (see Thailand and Turkey) but remains silent on political change that led the anti-military parties to win the elections. Second, why is it a case that people belonging to the countries where militaries remain popular among the public (see Turkey and Pakistan) have started putting their trust in anti-establishment politicians who criticise the military against their intervention in politics? For instance, in Pakistan, where commenting against the military is meant to comment against the state –– an anti-military narrative is getting popular support. The conceptual framework of hybrid states in this research relies on the concept of a 'reserved domain/tutelary body' (guardians of hybrid states). However, this research makes a case that hybrid states are not consolidated separate political entities but rather vacillated states that fluctuate between democratic and authoritarian practices. This paper, therefore, uses the term establishmentarian democracy as a subtype of the hybrid regime, which is more consolidated than a hybrid democracy.

Keywords: Guardians, Hybrid Regimes, Voters, Elections, Democracy, South Asia

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Authors: Andhika Danesjvara, Nur Widyastanti

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The constitution regulates the forms, types, and powers of sState organs in a government. The powers of the organs are then regulated in more detail in the legislation. One of these organs is a government organ, headed by a president or by another name that serves as the main organizer of government. The laws and regulations will govern how the organs of government shall exercise their authority and functions. In a modern state, the function of enacting laws or called executive power does not exercise the functions of government alone, but there are other organs that help the government run the country. These organs are often called government agencies, government accelerating bodies, independent regulatory bodies, commissions, councils or other similar names. The legislation also limits the power of officials within the organs to keep from abusing its authority. The main question in this paper is whether organs are the implementation of a democratic country, or as a form of compromise with the power of stakeholders. It becomes important to see how the administrative organs perform their functions. The administrative organs that are bound by government procedures work in the public service; therefore the next question is how far the function of public service is appropriate and not contradictory to the constitution.

Keywords: administrative organs, constitution, democracy, government

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Authors: Elina Vroblevska, Toms Ratfelders

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This paper examines the impact of international status-seeking aspirations on great power behavior within the international system. In particular, we seek to test the assumption advanced by the proponents of the Social Identity Theory (SIT) that the inability to achieve social mobilization through joining perceived higher-status social groups (of states) leads great powers to adopt the approach of social competition in which they aim to equal or outdo the dominant group in the area on which its claim to superior status rests. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia has struggled to be accepted as a great power by the group of Western states that had created the dominant international system order, while the Soviet states were isolated. While the 1990s and the beginning of the 21st century can be characterized by striving to integrate into the existing order, the second decade has seen a rather sharp turn towards creating a new power center for Russia through the realization of ideas of multipolarity rivalry and uniqueness of the state itself. Increasingly, we have seen the Kremlin striving to collaborate and mobilize groups of states that fall outside of the categories of democracy, multiculturalism, and international order, the way that is perceived by the dominant group, which can be described as the West. Instead, Russia builds its own narrative where it creates an alternative understanding of these values, differentiating from the higher-status social group. The Global South, from a Russian perspective, is the group of states that can still be swayed to create an alternative power center in the international system - one where Russia can assert its status as a great power. This is based on a number of reasons, the most important being that the global north is already highly institutionalized in terms of economy (the EU) and defense (NATO), leaving no room for Russia but to integrate within the existing framework. Second, the difference in values and their interpretation - Russia has been adamant, for the last twenty years, on basing its moral code on traditional values like religion, the heterosexual family model, and moral superiority, which contradict the overall secularism of the Global North. And last, the striking difference in understanding of state governance models - with Russia becoming more autocratic over the course of the last 20 years, it has deliberately created distance between itself and democratic states, entering a “gray area” of alternative understanding of democracy which is more relatable to the global South countries. Using computational text analysis of the excerpts of Vladimir Putin’s speeches delivered from 2000-2022 regarding the areas that fall outside the immediate area of interest of Russia (the Global South), we identify 80 topics that relate to the particular component of the great power status - interest to use force globally. These topics are compared across four temporal frames that capture the periods of more and less permissible Western social boundaries. We find that there exists a negative association between such permissiveness and Putin’s emphasis on the “use of force” topics. This lends further support to the Social Identity Theory and contributes to broadening its applicability to explaining the questions related to great power assertiveness in areas outside of their primary focus regions.

Keywords: Russia, Global South, great power, identity

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Authors: Laura Irimies, Cosmin Irimies

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The public space all over the world is currently confronted with the aggressive assault of fake news that have lately impacted public agenda setting, collective decisions and social attitudes. Top leaders constantly call out most mainstream news as “fake news” and the public opinion get more confused. "Fake news" are generally defined as false, often sensational, information disseminated under the guise of news reporting and has been declared the word of the year 2017 by Collins Dictionary and it also has been one of the most debated socio-political topics of recent years. Websites which, deliberately or not, publish misleading information are often shared on social media where they essentially increase their reach and influence. According to international reports, the exposure to fake news is an undeniable reality all over the world as the exposure to completely invented information goes up to the 31 percent in the US, and it is even bigger in Eastern Europe countries, such as Hungary (42%) and Romania (38%) or in Mediterranean countries, such as Greece (44%) or Turkey (49%), and lower in Northern and Western Europe countries – Germany (9%), Denmark (9%) or Holland (10%). While the study of fake news (mechanism and effects) is still in its infancy, it has become truly relevant as the phenomenon seems to have a growing impact on democratic systems. Studies conducted by the European Commission show that 83% of respondents out of a total of 26,576 interviewees consider the existence of news that misrepresent reality as a threat for democracy. Studies recently conducted at Arizona State University show that people with higher education can more easily spot fake headlines, but over 30 percent of them can still be trapped by fake information. If we were to refer only to some of the most recent situations in Romania, fake news issues and hidden agenda suspicions related to the massive and extremely violent public demonstrations held on August 10th, 2018 with a strong participation of the Romanian diaspora have been massively reflected by the international media and generated serious debates within the European Commission. Considering the above framework, the study raises four main research questions: 1. Is fake news a problem or just a natural consequence of mainstream media decline and the abundance of sources of information? 2. What are the implications for democracy? 3. Can fake news be controlled without restricting fundamental human rights? 4. How could the public be properly educated to detect fake news? The research uses mostly qualitative but also quantitative methods, content analysis of studies, websites and media content, official reports and interviews. The study will prove the real threat fake news represent and also the need for proper media literacy education and will draw basic guidelines for developing a new and essential skill: that of detecting fake in news in a society overwhelmed by sources of information that constantly roll massive amounts of information increasing the risk of misinformation and leading to inadequate public decisions that could affect democratic stability.

Keywords: agenda setting democracy, fake news, journalism, media literacy

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Authors: Israel Oguche

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Journalism practice has faced several challenges across the globe, particularly in developing countries such as Nigeria. While Nigeria has thrived under democratic experiment for twenty years since the return to democracy in 1999, there is still a great lacuna in freedom of expression, such that the presidents, though elected democratically, have had the tendencies to use military might in clamping down on journalism practices across the country. Under Muhammadu Buhari, it seems Nigeria has returned to the military era when powers were used against who says what, on a media, so today, in Nigeria, there are obvious cases of outright human rights violations and detention of journalists whose offenses were not spelled out. From Abiri Jones to Abba Jalingo and Omoyele Sowore, Nigeria journalists have been placed under the cocoon of the tyrannical administration of Muhammadu Buhari, the president, with subsequent clamping down on the instruments of freedoms such as access to justice and fair hearing. This paper gave vivid analytical and empirical perspectives of journalism practice under the dark days of Muhammadu Buhari as Nigeria’s president. The objectives include; examining the core cases of attacks on journalists since 2015 to date, determining the burden of practicing journalism in a tyrannical government, reeling out the effects of restrictive practices of journalism on freedom of expression among Nigerians and proffering solutions for improvement in the years ahead. Using the cognitive dissonance theory, the survey method was used for the study, with qualitative research analysis as a tool for data presentation. In the findings, the number of journalists in jail for publishing objectively under the Buhari administration remains high while the government has clamped down on freedom of expression among the people. The study concluded that there is a need for repelling of laws made by the Nigeria government in order to save the Nigerian journalism industry from total collapse.

Keywords: communication, developing democracy, press freedom, journalism practices

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Authors: Michael F. Mascolo

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Western democratic traditions are being strained. Western nations are losing the common agonistic ground needed to engage in traditional forms of democracy – adversarial debate, voting, and the peaceful transfer of power. Political polarization among party elites has become commonplace. Because it seeks to resolve conflict through the integration of opposites, a dialectical approach to resolving partisan conflict offers the promise of helping political partisans bridge ideological divides. This paper contains an analysis of dialectical engagement as a collaborative alternative to adversarial politics. Dialectical engagement involves two broad phases: collaborative political problem-solving and dialectical problem-solving. The paper contains a description of an 18-month longitudinal study assessing the effectiveness of dialectical engagement as a method for bridging divides on contentious socio-political issues. The study shows how dialectical engagement produced dramatic consensus among a small group of individuals from different political orientations as they worked together to resolve the issue of capital punishment.

Keywords: collaborative democracy, dialectical thinking, capital punishment, partisan conflict

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Authors: Elisavet Anastasiadou

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Global citizenship refers to an economic, social, political, and cultural interconnectedness, and it is inextricably intertwined with social justice, respect for human rights, peace, and a sense of responsibility to act on a local and global level. It aims to be transformative, enhance critical thinking and participation with pedagogical approaches based on social justice and democracy. The purpose of this study is to explore how Global Citizenship Education (GCE) is presented and implemented in two educational contexts, specifically in the curricula and pedagogical practices of primary education in Finland and Scotland. The impact of GCE is recognized as means for further development by institution such as and Finnish and Scottish curricula acknowledge the significance of GCE, emphasizing the student's ability to act and succeed in diverse and global communities. This comparative study should provide a good basis for further developing teaching practices based on informed understanding of how GCE is constrained or enabled from two different perspectives, extend the methodological applications of Practice Architectures and provide critical insights into GCE as a theoretical notion adopted by national and international educational policy. The study is directly connected with global citizenship aiming at future and societal change. The empirical work employs a multiple case study approach, including interviews and analysis of existing documents (textbook, curriculum). The data consists of the Finnish and Scottish curriculum. A systematic analysis of the curriculum in relation to GCE will offer insights into how the aims of GCE are presented and framed within the two contexts. This will be achieved using the theory of Practice Architectures. Curricula are official policy documentations (texts) that frame and envisage pedagogical practices. Practices, according to the theory of practice architectures, consist of sayings, doings, and relatings. Hence, even if the text analysis includes the semantic space (sayings) that are prefigured by the cultural-discursive arrangements and the relating prefigured by the socio-political arrangements, they will inevitably reveal information on the (doings) prefigured by the material-economic arrangements, as they hang together in practices. The results will assist educators in making changes to their teaching and enhance their self-conscious understanding of the history-making significance of their practices. It will also have a potential reform and focus on educationally relevant to such issues. Thus, the study will be able to open the ground for interventions and further research while it will consider the societal demands of a world in change.

Keywords: citizenhsip, curriculum, democracy, practices

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Authors: Joy Olayemi Gbala, Fatai Olatokunbo, Philip Cloud

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Catastrophic dictatorship has been discovered to be the major leadership challenge that orchestrates stagnated and contrasted economy with dysfunctional democracy in Africa through willful misappropriation of resources and egregious subversion of the rule of law. Almost invariably, most African leaders inexplicably often become power drunk and addicted which usually leads to abuse of state power, abdication of constitutional duties, unjustly withdrawal of business license of operation, human right violation, election malpractices, financial corruption, disruptions of policies of democratic government transition, annulment of free and fair election, and disruptions of legal electoral procedures and unachievable dividends of democracy and many more. Owing to this, most African nations have gone and still go through political unrest and insurgencies leading to loss of lives and property, violent protests, detention of detractors and political activists and massive human displacement. This research work is concerned with, and investigates the causes, menace, consequences and impacts of subverting the rule of law in Africa on the economy and the development of the continent with a suggested practical solution to the plights.

Keywords: corruption, law, leadership, violation

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Authors: Drazen Simlesa, Jelena Pudjak, Anita Tonkovic Busljeta

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Regarding social economy (SE), Croatia is, on general level, considered as ex-communist country with good tradition, bad performance in second part of 20th Century because of political control in the business sector, which has in transition period (1990-1999) became a problem of ignorance in public administration (policy level). Today, social economy in Croatia is trying to catch up with other EU states on all important levels of SE sector: legislative and institutional framework, financial infrastructure, education and capacity building, and visibility. All four are integral parts of Strategy for the Development of Social Entrepreneurship in the Republic of Croatia for the period of 2015 – 2020. Within iPRESENT project, funded by Croatian Science Foundation, we have mapped social economy actors and after many years there is a clear and up to date social economy base. At the ICSE 2016 we will present main outcomes and results of this process. In the second year of the project we conducted a field research across Croatia carried out 19 focus groups with most influential, innovative and inspirational social economy actors. We divided interview questions in four themes: laws on social economy and public policies, definition/ideology of social economy and cooperation on SE scene, the level of democracy and working conditions, motivation and existence of intrinsic values. The data that are gathered through focus group interviews has been analysed via qualitative data analysis software (Atlas ti.). Major finding that will be presented in ICSA 2016 are: Social economy actors are mostly unsatisfied with legislative and institutional framework in Croatia and consider it as unsupportive and confusing. Social economy actors consider SE to be in the line with WISE model and as a tool for community development. The SE actors that are more active express satisfaction with cooperation amongst SE actors and other partners and stakeholders, but the ones that are in more isolated conditions (spatially) express need for more cooperation and networking. Social economy actors expressed their praise for democratic atmosphere in their organisations and fair working conditions. And finally, they expressed high motivation to continue to work in the social economy and are dedicated to the concept, including even those that were at the beginning interested just in getting a quick job. It means that we can detect intrinsic values for employees in social economy organisations. This research enabled us to describe for the first time in Croatia the view from the inside, attitudes and opinion of employees of social economy organisations.

Keywords: employees, focus groups, mapping, social economy

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