Search results for: lobbying

Authors: Joanna Dzieńdziora

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Lobbying is an instrument of influence in various decision-making processes. It is also the underestimated issue as a research problem. The lack of research on the modern lobbyist competencies is the most crucial element. The paper presents attempts of finding answers to the following questions: Who should run the lobbying activity? What competencies should a lobbyist possess in order to implement lobbying activities effectively? Searching for answers for the mentioned above questions requires positioning the opportunity to change the image of lobbying in the area of competencies of entities that provide lobbying activities. The aim of the paper is presenting the lobbyist competencies profile in the framework of his professional role. The essence of lobbying activity and its significance in the modern economy as well as areas, the scope of lobbying activities, diagnosis of a modern lobbyist’s competences, lobbyist’s competencies profile that is focused on the professionalization of the lobbying activity, will have been presented in this paper. Indicated research tasks let emerge lobbyist’s competencies in the way that allows identifying and elaborating the lobbyist competencies profile. The profile lets improve lobbying activities. Its elaboration is based on the author’s research results analysis. Taking into consideration the shortages within the theory and research on the lobbying activity, the implementation of this research enables to fill the cognitive gap existing in the theory of management sciences.

Keywords: competencies, competencies profile, lobbying, lobbyist

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Authors: Krambia-Kapardis Maria, Neophytidou Christina

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Lobbying is an inherent aspect within the democratic regimes across the globe. Although it can provide decision-makers with valuable knowledge and grant access to stakeholders in the decision-making process, it can also lead to undue influence and unfair competition at the expense of the public interest if it not transparent. Given the multi-level governance structure of the EU, it is no surprise that the EU policy-making arena has become a place-to-be for lobbyists. However, in order to ensure that influence is legitimate and not biased of any business interests, lobbying must be effectively regulated. A comparison with the US and Canadian lobbying regulatory framework and utilising some good practices from EU countries it is apparent that lobbying is the Achilles’ heel to transparency in the EU. It is evident that EU institutions suffer from ineffective regulations and could in fact benefit from a more robust, mandatory and better implemented system of lobbying regulation.

Keywords: EU, lobbying regulation, transparency, democratic regimes

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Authors: Ellen A. Holtmaat

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Research on lobbying for immigration is limited and the influence of offshorability on lobbying for immigration has not extensively been assessed. This research focuses on the U.S. and argues that offshorable firms have an ‘outside-option’ when they are in need of labor, which makes them less likely to lobby for immigration in the lower-skilled sectors. Higher-skilled offshorable sectors settle often in the U.S., as the U.S. has a comparative advantage in these sectors. The companies compete globally and demand world’s best labor, which induces them to lobby for immigration. This relationship is assessed using lobby data available from the 1995 Lobby Disclosure Act. Some evidence of the relationship is found and the research suggests that offshorability might also in general influence lobbying.

Keywords: immigration, lobbying, non-tradable sector, offshoring

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Authors: Bilgehan Gültekin, Tuba Gültekin

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The first stage to procure peace communication is to construct a mutual accordance, which can be defined as: To constitute reconciliation ground in order to open and constitute the right peace and dialogue areas. For example: In Turkey’s EU entry process, in order to procure French public opinion, to constitute a communication frame is a must. For the constitution of this frame, the titles of discussion in which it will be moved and for which French public opinion will show its support must be determined. The most important title of this ground is Turkey’s peace potential for Europe with its strategic position. For this reason, it’s is so strategic for peace communication that Turkey’s contributions for Europe and World should be opened up for discussion in public opinion in France and be introduced as a strong accordance ground.Peace based diplomacy, peace communication strategies and peace lobbying in the example of Turkey-France relations presents a strong peace titles.

Keywords: intercultural communication, mediation education, common sense leaders, artistic sensitivity

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Authors: Mark McKeown

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Press articles opining on how China has become the West’s biggest threat have become so common as to feel like old news. Since the United States shifted diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to the People’s Republic of China in 1979 the relationship between the world’s two largest economies has been at best a brittle one. This coiled tension has grown as trade between the two countries snaked ever upwards. As a byproduct of globalization Apple have focused much of their production and assembly in China. This has left the U.S. Big Tech company with several challenges. This paper focusses on the tightrope Apple now has to traverse. The majority of the data and analysis within this paper is sourced from my current ongoing PhD research on the influence of Big Tech lobbying on U.S. foreign policy. One of the main conclusions from this analysis is Apple has to adopt a carefully nuanced strategy of appeasement to avoid friction, with both the governments of China and the United States.

Keywords: apple, China, Taiwan, war

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Authors: Emmy Kipsoi

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Kenya legalized the Sexual offence bill (2001), after vigorous campaigning and lobbying by feminist both in and out of parliament to ensure that the bill passed with minimal amendments. The sexual offense act provides for a good description on what constitutes sexual offences and the penalties that follow. It is from this context that the paper explores and interrogated the lived experiences of women living and working in Kenyan urban towns, who had experienced some form of sexual harassment. The study employed phenomenology to interpret the experiences of twenty (20) women in an urban town between the ages of 20 to 65 years women who had received at least some formal education and where engaged in some formal form of employment. The findings indicated that various forms of sexual harassment were experienced in the Kenyan town. Secondly, the knowledge about the contents of the bill wanting most of the women interviews were not aware of the protection accorded by law. The number of reported cases of sexual harassment shed light on the isolation, frustration and fear that women live despite a progressive law in print

Keywords: Kenya, phenomenology, sexual harassment, women

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Authors: Miyoko Taniguchi

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Conflict and violence have prevailed over the last four decades in conflict-affected areas in Muslim Mindanao, despite the signing of several peace agreements between the Philippine government and Islamic separatist insurgents (the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)), and peacebuilding activities on the ground. In the meantime, the peace talks had been facilitated and mediated by international actors such as the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and its member countries such as Indonesia, and Malaysia, and Japan. In 2014, both the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the MILF finally reached a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CAB) in 2014 under the Aquino III administration, though a Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) based on the CAB was not enacted at the Catholic-majority of the Philippine Congress. After a long process of deliberations at the Congress, Republic Act 11054, known as the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL), was enacted in 2018 under the Duterate administration. In the beginning, President Duterte adopted an 'inclusive approach' that involves the MILF, all factions of the MNLF, non-Islamized indigenous peoples, and other influential clan leaders to align all peace processes under a single Bangsamoro peace process. A notable difference from past administrations, there is an explicit recognition of all agreements and legislations based on the rights of each stakeholder. This created a new identity as 'Bangsamoro', the residents of Muslim Mindanao, enhancing political legitimacy. Besides, it should be noted an important role of 'insider mediators' -a platform for the Bangsamoro from diverse sectors attempting to work within their respective organizations in Moro society. Give the above background, this paper aims at probing the effectiveness of insider mediation as one of the alternative approaches for mediation in the peace process. For the objectives, this research uses qualitative methods such as process-tracing and semi-structured interviews from diverse groups of stakeholders at from the state to the regional level, including the government officials involved in peace process under the Presidential Office, rebels (MILF and MNLF), civil society organizations involved in lobbying and facilitating peace process, especially in the legislative process. The key outcomes and findings are that the Insider Mediators Group, formed in 2016, had taken on a significant role in facilitating the achievement of a wider consensus among stakeholders on major Moro issues such as BBL’s passing during the last administration to call for unity among the Bangsamoro. Most of its members are well-educated professionals affiliated with the MILF, the MNLF, and influential clans. One of the group’s biggest achievements has been the lobbying and provision of legal advice to legislators who were not necessarily knowledgeable about the peace process during the deliberation of the bicameral conference of the BBL, which eventually led to its passage. It can be concluded that in the long run, strengthening vertical and horizontal relations between the Moro society and the State and among the Moro peoples that can be viewed as a means to sustainable peace.

Keywords: insider mediation, Mindanao, peace process, Moro Islamic liberation front

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Authors: Olufemi Adedamola Oyedele

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Infrastructure provision in Nigeria is now at its lowest ebb in spite of its being critical to the socio-economic and political development of any nation. This is partly because the policy that will ensure its adequate provisioning is missing and partly because politics is affecting its provision. Policy is the basic principles by which a government is guided. Infrastructural development is the basis for measuring the performance of governments and it is the foundation of good governance. Demand for infrastructural development is higher and resources used in its provision are limited. Ethnic-interest agitation and lobbying for infrastructure provision are common things in multi-ethnic state like Nigeria. Most infrastructures are now decayed and need repair or replacement. Government is the system that organizes, control and sensitizes the people in a society in other for all to have an acceptable level of living. Governments have the power to put in place all measures that they deem fit will make an environment conducive for living for everybody. Infrastructure development in any environment requires needs assessment, feasibility and viability studies and carrying out physical development of the project. The challenge in Nigeria is largely carrying out development where they are not needed but where the people are loyal. There are numerous abandoned projects because they were started due to politics and not because they are feasible. Policies and politics greatly affect infrastructure provisioning in Nigeria and this is the premise of this paper.

Keywords: infrastructure challenges, infrastructure development, policy making, politics, project finance

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Authors: Dan Richard D. Fernandez

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This study determined the perspectives of community health workers’ perspectives in the sustainability of primary health care. Eight community health workers, two community officials and a rural health midwife in a rural community in the in the Philippines were enjoined to share their perspectives in the sustainability of primary health care. The study utilized the critical research method. The critical research assumes that there are ‘dominated’ or ‘marginalized’ groups whose interests are not best served by existing societal structures. Their experiences highlighted that the challenges of their role include unkind and uncooperative patients, the lack of institutional support mechanisms and conflict of their roles with their family responsibilities. Their most revealing insight is the belief that primary health care is within their grasp. Finally, they believe that the burden to sustain primary health care rests on their shoulders alone. This study establishes that Multi-stakeholder participation is and Gender-sensitivity is integral to the sustainability of Primary Health Care. It also observed that the ingrained Expert-Novice or Top-down Management Culture and the marginalisation of BHWs within the system is a threat to PHC sustainability. This study also recommends to expand the study and to involve the local government units and academe in lobbying the integration of gender-sensitivity and multi-stake participatory approaches to health workforce policies. Finally, this study recognised that the CHWs’ role is indispensable to the sustainability of primary health care.

Keywords: community health workers, multi-stakeholder participation, sustainability, gender-sensitivity

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Authors: Agodo Mugenyi Herbert

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Background: A high prevalence of both HIV infection and mental disorders exists in Sub-Saharan Africa, however there is little integration of care for mental health disorders among HIV-infected individuals. The study aimed at determining the management of common mental disorders among HIV/AIDS clients attending Antiretroviral clinic in Hoima regional referral hospital. Significancy of the study: The information generated by this study would help mental health advocates, ministry of health, Civil society organizations in HIV programming to advocate for enhanced mental health care for PLWHA. The result will be used in policy development and lobbying for integration of mental health care in HIV/AIDS care. Methods: This study applied a cross sectional design. It involved data collection from clients with HIV/AIDS attending ART clinic in Hoima regional referral hospital at one specific point in time. It aimed at providing data on the entire population under study. Data was collected from Hoima Regional Referral Hospital at the ART clinic. Data analysis was performed using SPSS version 24. Results: 66 HIV/AIDS clients and 10 health workers in the ART clinic who participated fully completed the study. The overall prevalence of at least one form of mental disorder was 83%. Majority of the health care practitioner do not use pharmacological, psychological, and social interventions to manage such disorders. Conclusion: These results are suggestive of a significant proportion of the HIV-infected patients experiencing psychological difficulty for which they do not receive treatment Recommendations: Current care practices applied to patients with HIV/AIDS should be integrated more generally to include treatment services to identify and manage common mental disorders.

Keywords: common mental disorders, mental health, mental illness, and severe mental illness

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Authors: D. I. Akintayo, C. O. Aje

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This study investigated the moderating influence of gender difference and conflict resolution strategy preference on managers` efficiency in managing industrial conflict in work organizations in South-Western Nigeria. This was for the purpose of ascertaining the relevance of gender difference and conflict resolution strategy preference to managerial efficiency towards ensuring sustainable industrial peace and harmonious labour-management relations at workplaces in Nigeria. Descriptive ex-post-facto research design was adopted for the study. A total of 185 respondents were selected for the study using purposive stratified sampling technique. A set of questionnaire titled ‘Rahim Organizational Conflict Inventory’ (ROCI) and Managerial Conflict Efficiency Scale (MCES) were adopted for the study. The three generated hypotheses were tested using Pearson Product Moment Correlation and t-test statistical methods. The findings of the study revealed that: A significant relationship exists between gender difference and conflict management preference of the managers(r = 0.644; P < 0.05). I t was also found that there was no significant difference between male and female managers’ conflict management strategy preference (t (181) = 11.08; P > 0.05).The finding reveals that there is no significant difference between female and male managers’ conflict management efficiency on the basis of conflict management preference of the managers (t (181) = 10.23; P > 0.05). Based on the findings of the study, it is recommended that collective bargaining strategy should be encouraged as conflict resolution strategy in order to guarantee effective management of industrial conflict and harmonious labour-management relations. Also, both male and female managers should be empowered to be appointed to managerial positions and should avoid the use of coercion, competition, aggressiveness and pro-task in the course of managing industrial conflict. Rather, persuasion, compromising, relational, lobbying and participatory approaches should be employed during collective bargaining process in order to foster effective management of conflict at workplaces.

Keywords: conflict management, gender difference, managerial studies, public organization and managers, strategy preference

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Authors: Noel Mariam George

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This paper explores the history of Tibetan citizenship, one of the primary non-partition refugee communities, and their negotiation of 'in-betweenness' as a mode of political and legal belonging in India. While South Asian citizenship histories have primarily centered around the 1947 and 1971 Partitions, this paper uncovers an often-overlooked period, spanning the 1950s, 60s, and 70s, when Tibetans began to assert their claims within the Indian state. This paper challenges the conventional teleological narrative of partition by highlighting a distinct period when the Indian state negotiated boundaries of belonging for non-partition refugees differently. It explores how Tibetans occupied an 'in-between' status, existing as both foreigners and potential citizens, thereby complicating the traditional citizen-refugee binary. Moreover, it underscores that citizenship during this era was not solely determined by legal frameworks. Instead, it was a dynamic process shaped by historical contexts, practices, and relationships. Tibetans pursued citizen-like claims through legal battles, lobbying, protests, volunteering, and collective solidarity, revealing citizenship as an 'act' embedded in their daily lives. Tibetan liminality is characterized by their simultaneous maintenance of exile identity and pursuit of citizen-like claims in India. The cautious Indian state, reluctant to label Tibetans as either 'refugees' or 'citizens,' has contributed to this liminal status. This duality has intensified Tibetans' precarity but has also led to creative and transformative practices that have expanded the boundaries of democracy and citizenship in India. Beyond traditional narratives of Indian benevolence, this paper scrutinizes the geopolitical factors driving Indian support for Tibetans. Additionally, it challenges 'common-sensical' narratives by demonstrating how Tibetans strategically navigated Indian citizenship. Using archival sources from the British Library and the National Archives in London and Delhi along with digitized materials, the paper reveals citizenship as a multi-faceted historical process. It examines how Tibetans exercised agency within the Indian state despite their liminal status.

Keywords: citizenship, borderlands, forced displacement, refugees in India

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Authors: Rogerio Vieira Dos Reis

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Countries like Brazil that despite fighting hard against corruption are not improving their corruption perception, especially due to systemic political corruption, should review their corruption prevention strategies. This thesis brings a case study based on an alternative way of preventing corruption: addressing the corruption drivers in public policies that lead to poor economic performance. After discussing the Brazilian industrial policies adopted recently, especially the measures towards the automotive sector, two corruption issues in this sector are analyzed: facilitating payment for fiscal benefits and buying the extension of fiscal benefits. In-depth interviews conducted with a policymaker and an executive of the automobile sector provide insights for identifying three main corruption drivers: excessive and unnecessary bureaucracy, a complex tax system and the existence of a closed market without setting performance requirements to be achieved by the benefited firms. Both the identification of the drivers of successful industrial policies and the proposal of anti-corruption strategies to ensure developmental outcomes are based on the economic perspective of industrial policy advocated by developmental authors and on the successful South Korean economic development experience. Structural anti-corruption measures include tax reform, the regulation of lobbying and legislation to allow corporate political contribution. Besides improving policymakers’ technical capabilities, measures at the ministry level include redesigning the automotive regimes as long-term policies focused on national investment with simple and clear rules and making fiscal benefits conditional upon performance targets focused on suppliers. This case study is of broader interest because it recommends the importance of adapting performance audits conducted by anti-corruption agencies, to focus not only on the delivery of public services, but also on the identification of potentially highly damaging corruption drivers in public policies that grant fiscal benefits to achieve developmental outcomes.

Keywords: Brazilian automotive sector, corruption, economic development, industrial policy, Inovar-Auto

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Authors: Bec Strating

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This paper examines the ways that domestic politics and pressure–generated through lobbying, public diplomacy campaigns and other tools of soft power-contributes to the formation of short-term and long-term national interests, priorities and strategies of states in their international relations. It primarily addresses the conceptual problems regarding the kinds of influence that lobby groups wield in foreign policy and how this influence might be assessed. Scholarly attention has been paid to influential foreign policy lobbies and interest groups, particularly in the areas of US foreign policy. Less attention has been paid to how lobby groups might influence the foreign policy of a middle power such as Australia. This paper examines some of the methodological complexities in developing and conducting a research project that can measure the nature and influence of lobbies on foreign affairs priorities and activities. This paper will use Australian foreign policy in the context of its historical bilateral relationship with Indonesia as a case study for considering the broader issues of domestic influences on foreign policy. Specifically, this paper will use the so-called ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ as an example of an interest group. The term ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ is used in media commentary and scholarship to describe an amorphous collection of individuals who have sought to influence Australian foreign policy in favour of Indonesia. The term was originally applied to a group of Indonesian experts at the Australian National University in the 1980s but expanded to include journalists, think tanks and key diplomats. The concept of the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ was developed largely through criticisms of Australia’s support for Indonesia’s sovereignty of East Timor and West Papua. Pro-Independence supporters were integral for creating the ‘lobby’ in their rhetoric and criticisms about the influence on Australian foreign policy. In these critical narratives, the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ supported a realist approach to relations with Indonesia during the years of President Suharto’s regime, which saw appeasement of Indonesia as paramount to values of democracy and human rights. The lobby was viewed as integral in embedding a form of ‘foreign policy exceptionalism’ towards Indonesia in Australian policy-making circles. However, little critical and scholarly attention has been paid to nature, aims, strategies and activities of the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby.' This paper engages with methodological issues of foreign policy analysis: what was the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’? Why was it considered more successful than other activist groups in shaping policy? And how can its influence on Australia’s approach to Indonesia be tested in relation to other contingent factors shaping policy? In addressing these questions, this case study will assist in addressing a broader scholarly concern about the capacities of collectives or individuals in shaping and directing the foreign policies of states.

Keywords: foreign policy, interests groups, Australia, Indonesia

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Authors: Purushottam P. Khatiwada, Bikash Paudel, Ram B. Rana, Parshuram Biswakarma, Roshan Pudasaini

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Nepal has been putting its efforts into securing food and nutrition security for its citizens adopting different models and approaches. Home Garden approach, that integrates vegetables, fruits, small livestock, poultry along with other components like fish, honeybee, mushroom, spices for the promotion of nutritional security of resource-poor and disadvantaged groups was implemented during March 2009 to July 2013 spreading over 16 districts of Nepal covering 115 farmers groups, directly working with 3500 households. Sustained long-term impact of development interventions targeted to the resource-poor and disadvantaged groups has been a recurrent issue for donors, policymakers and practitioners alike. Considering the issue, a post-project evaluation was carried out in a selected project group (Dangibari of Jhapa) after four years of project completion in 2017 in order to evaluate the impact and understand the factors associated with its success. Qualitative information was collected through focus group discussion with group members and associated local institutions. For quantitative information, a quick survey was carried out to the same group members only selecting few indicators. The results are compared with the data obtained from the baseline study conducted by the project in March 2009. The impact of project intervention was evident as compared to the benchmarks established during the baseline, even after four years of project completion. The area under home garden is increased to 729 m² from 386 m² and average food self-sufficiency months increased to 10.22 from 8.11. Seven to eleven fruit species are maintained in the home gardens. An average number of vegetable species grown increased to 15.85 from 9.86. It has resulted in an increase in vegetables self-sufficient month to 8.74 from 4.74 and a huge increase in cash income NPR 6142.8 (USD 59.6) from NPR 385.7 (USD 3.9) from the sale of surplus vegetables. Coaching and mentoring including nutrition sensitization by the project staff at the beginning, inputs and technical support during the project implementation phase and projects effort on the institutional building of disadvantaged farmers were the key drivers of home garden sustainability and expansion. Specifically, package of home garden management trainings provided by the project staff, availability of group funds for buying inputs even after the project, uniting home garden group members in a cooperative, resource leveraging by local institutions through group lobbying, farmers innovations for maintaining home garden diversity and continuous backstopping support by few active members as local resource persons to other members are some additional factors contributing to sustain and/or improve the home garden status by the resource-poor and disadvantaged group.

Keywords: food-based nutrition, home garden, resource-poor and disadvantaged group, sustained impact

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Authors: Michelle E. Taylor, Clare E. Morrall

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Microplastics are small particles produced for industrial purposes or formed by breakdown of anthropogenic debris. Caribbean nations import large quantities of plastic products. The Caribbean region is vulnerable to natural disasters and Climate Change is predicted to bring multiple additional challenges to island nations. Microplastics have been found in an array of marine environments and in a diversity of marine species. Occurrence of microplastic in the intestinal tracts of marine fish is a concern to human and ecosystem health as pollutants and pathogens can associate with plastics. Studies have shown that the incidence of microplastics in marine fish varies with species and location. Prevalence of microplastics (≤ 5 mm) in fish species from Grenadian waters (representing pelagic, semi-pelagic and demersal lifestyles) harvested for human consumption have been investigated via gut analysis. Harvested tissue was digested in 10% KOH and particles retained on a 0.177 mm sieve were examined. Microplastics identified have been classified according to type, colour and size. Over 97% of fish examined thus far (n=34) contained microplastics. Current and future work includes examining the invasive Lionfish (Pterois spp.) for microplastics, investigating marine invertebrate species as well as examining environmental sources of microplastics (i.e. rivers, coastal waters and sand). Owing to concerns of pollutant accumulation on microplastics and potential migration into organismal tissues, we plan to analyse fish tissue for mercury and other persistent pollutants. Despite having ~110,000 inhabitants, the island nation of Grenada imported approximately 33 million plastic bottles in 2013, of which it is estimated less than 5% were recycled. Over 30% of the imported bottles were ‘unmanaged’, and as such are potential litter/marine debris. A revised Litter Abatement Act passed into law in Grenada in 2015, but little enforcement of the law is evident to date. A local Non-governmental organization (NGO) ‘The Grenada Green Group’ (G3) is focused on reducing litter in Grenada through lobbying government to implement the revised act and running sessions in schools, community groups and on local media and social media to raise awareness of the problems associated with plastics. A local private company has indicated willingness to support an Anti-Litter Campaign in 2018 and local awareness of the need for a reduction of single use plastic use and litter seems to be high. The Government of Grenada have called for a Sustainable Waste Management Strategy and a ban on both Styrofoam and plastic grocery bags are among recommendations recently submitted. A Styrofoam ban will be in place at the St. George’s University campus from January 1st, 2018 and many local businesses have already voluntarily moved away from Styrofoam. Our findings underscore the importance of continuing investigations into microplastics in marine life; this will contribute to understanding the associated health risks. Furthermore, our findings support action to mitigate the volume of plastics entering the world’s oceans. We hope that Grenada’s future will involve a lot less plastic. This research was supported by the Caribbean Node of the Global Partnership on Marine Litter.

Keywords: Caribbean, microplastics, pollution, small island developing nation

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