Search results for: imperialism.

Authors: Nikolaos Mavropoulos

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Imperialism and colonialism had and still have a predominantly negative nuisance. In many ways the two terms are synonyms of racist behavior, exploitation, and oppression, imposed by the supposedly civilized West at Africa’s and Asia’s expense. Paradoxically enough, imperialism was not thoroughly negative for some Marxist scholars. For them, in reality, it served a historical necessity as the only mean to liberate the backward societies from their millennial stagnation and to introduce them to industrialization and progress. To Marx as immoral and cruel the imposition of imperial rule and the eradication of traditional structures may have been, the process is still a progressive step towards the formation of class consciousness, global revolution and socialism in a world scale. Overlooking the fact that imperialism could actually delay and put an end to capitalist development, some Marxists proponents considered it as a positive development for the colonized peoples.

Keywords: Colonialism, , Marxist theory, Modern history, , 19th century Imperialism,

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Authors: Mary Goitom, Maria Liegghio

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In this paper, we critically explore the ethics of Schools of Social Work from the global North developing courses for programs within the Global South. In it, we discuss our experiences of partnering with the University of Guyana to develop and teach graduate courses in a newly formed Masters of Social Work program. Under the umbrella of our university’s goal for 'internationalization', that is, developing and establishing global and local collaborations for teaching, research and scholarship, we bring into question whether a new form of academic imperialism is occurring under the guise of global citizenship and social justice.

Keywords: academic imperialism, global north and south, internationalization, social work education

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Authors: Kate L. Yusi

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This paper is an attempt to theoretically reframe the act of self-immolation beyond violence/non-violence discourse, to differentiate it from other paradigmatic examples of necropolitical activism like suicide bombing, in order to highlight its particular ontopolitical statement in relation to life and death and to re-energize its deactivating power. In this paper, the writer seeks to focus on self-immolation by Tibetan monks and other activists against Chinese imperialism, its continuing ethnic cleansing of the Tibetan people, forced assimilation, and territorial occupation. Here, the main driving force is this question: what does self-immolation mean to a people who are forced to live in deathspace? In other words, if one is reduced to nothingness that their deaths (as is their lives) become insignificant, in what ways does the reclamation of death/dying become a “way out” of this state-imposed enclave of death? To answer these questions, the writer engages with and put in conversation the works of Achille Mbembe, Elias Cannetti, and Giorgio Agamben.

Keywords: necropolitics, self immolation, tibetan people, chinese imperialism

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Authors: Andrew Wee

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As a result of the Italian Independence Wars starting in 1848, Italy began to change through unification. People gradually moved away from some of their traditional practices and values, such as the long-held belief that women were inferior to men, as part of the Risorgimento. Italians began to take interest in opera as a form of emotional release. As opera became more popular and prominent in their culture, it aided in the dissemination of ideas, especially stimulating the spread of imperialism, in the late 19th century, as Italy began extending its presence to other countries. In order to collect the information needed to analyze Italy’s foreign presence, it was necessary to consult texts concerning the culture of the Risorgimento. These texts included primary sources from operatic composers and contemporary recorded accounts. Letters from Giuseppe Verdi, a leader in opera during the Risorgimento, have been scrutinized for indications of popular attitudes of the time. The cultural context of the Risorgimento is essential to understanding the Italian motives and attitudes towards the outside world. On the more political side, research has also entailed the study of historical data of general laws, policies, and their purposes concerning geopolitical boundaries and foreign affairs, such as Edward Said’s thesis on Orientalism. By establishing these two characteristics of Italy, the paper will thoroughly illustrate Italy’s presence in foreign affairs. Texts have been searched with the intent of using information that reveals Italian attitudes toward exotic countries to determine whether their demeanor was positive or condescending. Motives behind sources have been interpreted in context in order to form a complete picture of the Italian sentiment towards foreigners. Additionally, research pertaining to Italian nationalism and imperialism such as song and literature has been used. The primary form of research has been the division of sources that are culturally based and those that are political in nature. Opera had always been developing since its creation in the 17th century, and in the 19th century, the bel canto movement revolutionized opera and its role in Italian society. This paper uses evidence that popular sentiment was influenced by opera to support the belief that the evolution of opera was as a result of the nationalist sentiment, and in turn fueled the cultural movement known as the Risorgimento. In this way, opera proceeded to affect Italian culture by spreading the idea of imperialism.

Keywords: opera, Italian unification, music history, imperialism

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Authors: Subhashini Chaturvedi

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The New World Order of the 21st century which is largely lead by Global Technological Leadership, and a workforce of United Nations coming together in the wake of our planet's future. The objective of this study is to understand the approach taken to implement sustainable use of resources and adequate architectural interventions. The framework of global policies in terms of sustainability has to be checked whether they commensurate and do justice to various nations with highly variable resource availability and development index. The method used to analyse the subject is a study of linkage between Age, Development, and exertion of the land, which attribute to the history of nations worldwide. The study also questions whether the use of term Sustainability is even ethical to be suggested in under developed or developing nations. Evolving through examples of American Imperialism to steady decline of Indian state of Punjab over last few decades, shows how sustainability has acted like scoop taken from a whole container in case of developed societies whereas it has acted like scratching the bottom of an empty container in case of embryonic societies where needs for sustenance are still far fed. The result comes out in favour of more innovative and rational implementation of architecture, sustainability and urban planning in context to indigenous space of a society and its statistics. The bridge to reduce the gap of fiscal deficit in resource premises can be consolidated by balancing on a global level majorly and this research paper is in the pursuance of the same idea.

Keywords: developing nations, economy, holistic development, innovation, logical approach, statistics, USA

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Authors: Yangyang Zhang

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Martin Eden tells about the tragedy of the protagonist Martin Eden’s suicide after his disillusion about American dream. The author Jack London presents various spatial routines of Martin Eden and reveals the involvement of space in realizing American dream: on the one hand, the Berkeley and Oakland cities contribute to Martin’s material success, making his American dream practical, and on the other hand, the two cities involve in the oppression of bourgeoisie ideology to Martin, promoting the domestic imperialization of bourgeoisie ideology represented by American dream. Molded by bourgeoisie ideology in the city, Martin constructed the oriental South Sea, revealing the oversea imperialization of bourgeoisie ideology behind American dream. By exploring the social, historical and political aspects of space, Martin Eden tries to demonstrate the mere material success and imperialism represented by American dream, revealing the fact of the involvement of American dreamin ideological oppression. When Jack London wrote Martin Eden, he had become a famous writer and realized his personal "American dream". He integrated his struggle experience into the protagonist Martin Eden, and also put his critique of the nature of "American dream" in the novel. The concept of the "American Dream" made the United States the land of dreams, and it also made many Americans believe that through personal struggle, they could climb the social ladder. Under the context of rapid growth in economy in the late 19 th century, American dream was reduced to the satisfaction on a material level. When material wealth was fulfilled, many people felt shattered for a variety of reasons, and such a phenomenon was reflected in the literature of disillusionment in 19th-century America.Martin Eden is such a work about disillusion, in which the geographical space becomes the witness of the realization and disillusionment of the protagonist Martin's "American dream". By analyzing the spatial narrative in Martin Eden, this paper reveals that the "American dream" only represents material success for individuals and the imperialization of capitalist ideology, and exposes the ideological nature of the "American Dream".

Keywords: Martin Eden, space, American dream, ideology of imperialism

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Authors: Fadil Elmenfi

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Edward Said, in his book Culture and Imperialism, devotes the introduction to the Arabic translation. He claims that the fading echo of Orientalism in the Arab world is unlike the positive reflections of its counterpart elsewhere in the world. The probable reason behind his inquiry would be that the methodology Abu Deeb applied in translating Said's book contributed to the book having the limited impact which Said is referring to. The paper adds new insights to the body of theory and the effectiveness of the performance of translation from culture to culture. It presents a survey that can provide the reader with an overview of Said's Orientalism and the two Arabic translations of the book. It investigates some of the problems of translating cultural texts, more specifically translating features of Said's style.

Keywords: Orientalism, retranslation, Arabic Language, Muhammad Enani, Kamal Abu Deeb, Edward Said

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Authors: Anna Savchenko

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The dissolution of the Soviet Union brought about a wave of decolonisation throughout the Soviet space in the 1990s. While this emancipation ushered in an era of reform in the newly independent states, it also opened up the opportunity for countries such as Ukraine to be (re)colonised by a different ruling power: the European Union. Ukraine’s relationship with the EU has been further complicated by the fact that the country’s political leadership has aligned itself with a Western agenda of democratisation. This article challenges the neoliberal belief that the global market can spurn democratisation by analysing the way in which market privatisation in Ukraine has allowed for mass corruption to flourish. I submit that neoliberalism, or the sheer force of the global market, is just as colonising as modern-day imperialism has proven to be by providing an analytical synthesis of Russia and Ukraine’s century-old conflict. The EU’s demonstrated inability to mediate cross-border conflict in the region foreshadows that Ukraine may have been economically colonised by another failing state.

Keywords: neoliberalism, imperealism, Russian-Ukrainian conflict, democratisation, colonisation

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Authors: Katie Hudson

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A growing body of scholarship is dedicated to the concept of imperial nationalism, denoting a nostalgia for empire amongst former imperial powers and a yearning to recapture the grandeur of the imperial ‘golden age.’ Much research within this field has focused on Brexit, arguing that Britain’s imperialist identity has spawned Euroscepticism. However, the interaction between imperial nationalism and foreign policy remains underdeveloped and thus far has failed to consider cases outside of the UK. Using maximum variation sampling across post-2000 Britain, Spain and the Netherlands, this comparative analysis aims to explore the discursive invocation of empire in foreign policy framing, under which circumstances and in what ways imperial nationalism emerges. Preliminary findings demonstrate that empire is most often cited when there is a perceived threat to the sovereignty of the nation and that all cases frame foreign policy options according to their acute concerns with regaining the prestige associated with empire. This is present to a lesser extent in Spain, whose earlier period of decolonisation affected the extent to which imperialism has permeated their national psyche. This, therefore, provides an alternative lens through which we can view both Euroscepticism and international relations, conditioned by an imperial legacy.

Keywords: empire, nationalism, foreign policy, IR

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Authors: Samaila Liman Gamba

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This paper discussed the importance of good governance and its impact on the socio-economic and political development of African countries and, conversely, its underdevelopment and consequent stagnation. The study employed the use of quantitative and descriptive methods of collecting secondary data. The system analysis approach was also adopted as the theoretical framework. It is a global system, but it is also used to analyze the place of regions and single states within it. The study showed that political leadership in Africa based on empirical observation and documented evidence since the hard-won political independence from colonial Europe has become one of Africa’s sources of problems confronting the states and their resources became the primary purpose of political contestation and the establishment of a political culture based on ethnicity and authoritarian pattern of governance. The solution is for African leaders to learn and imbibe the leadership qualities of the late Nelson Mandela, Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah, who carried their citizens along and were devoid of ethnicity and personal aggrandizement. They sacrificed their lives for their countrymen and fought against imperialism and are counted as patriots.

Keywords: political leadership, African development, constitutional democracy, power and resource control

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Authors: Abdelhafez Abdel Hafez

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Dependency theory was developed since 1950s, with economic concerns. It divided the world into two parts, the states of the peripheral (third world countries) and the states of the core (the developed capitalist countries). Another perspective developed to the theory with the implementation of the idea of semi-peripheral states in the new world order. With these divisions (core, peripheral, semi-peripheral) this study aims to develop a concept from the perspective of dependency theory, to understand the nature of the relationship of the U.S. with the Middle East Regions through its relation with Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. The tested countries (Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey) are seeking a foothold and influential role in the region. The paper argued that the U.S. directs its policies toward the region, in the way to guarantee no country of the region will be in semi-peripheral level (that could create competitions or danger on the U.S. interest). Therefore, U.S. policies in the region have varied from declaring war to diplomatic channels and sometimes ignoring. The paper is based on the dependency theory, and other international relations theories used to study the Middle East in the international context.

Keywords: dependency, hegemony, imperialism, middle east

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Authors: Essam Hegazy

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English has solidified its role as the global lingua franca, largely due to British colonial expansion. This research investigates the use of English as a tool for Empire-building and the subjugation of colonized peoples and their languages. The objective is to examine how linguistic Anglo-hegemony contributes to the construction of otherness and identity formation, and how these processes are depicted in R.F. Kuang's novel Babel: An Arcane History. Using a post-colonial theoretical framework, this study employs textual analysis to explore the novel's portrayal of characters' conflicting loyalties to their native cultures and the British Empire. Key methods include identifying themes of linguistic dominance, othering, and identity conflict through close reading and annotation. The analysis is contextualized with historical and cultural perspectives to understand the broader implications of these themes. The findings reveal that linguistic hegemony is a central mechanism of colonial power, deeply affecting the characters' sense of identity and belonging. The study uncovers how the imposition of English creates internalized conflicts and reinforces social hierarchies. This research highlights the need to challenge hegemonic structures to preserve authentic identities and promote cultural diversity.

Keywords: linguistic hegemony, otherness, identity formation, colonialism, imperialism

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Authors: Kaia Brose

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The Parthenon occupies a dominating position on top of the ancient Acropolis of Athens, giving the Greek world a clear view of the ancient city’s patron goddess, Athena. The technically refined nature of the fifth century B.C. temple, combined with the colossal statue of Athena Parthenos, has been considered a monumental tribute to Athenian hubris. The Parthenon specifically calls on Athena’s main personage as a goddess who creates and advances culture, a notion the Athenians specifically portray in her epithet as a parthenos or a virgin. This paper builds off of the modern research of R. F. Hooker, C. J. Herington and Susan Deacy, who discuss the evolution of Athena and distinguishes the significance of the Parthenos epithet attached to Athena on the Acropolis. The use of Parthenos suggests the Athenians intentionally portrayed a virginal Athena to reaffirm the presence of the patriarchy within the Greek world of the fifth century, specifically seen in the scene of Athena’s birth on the Parthenon. The suggestive subjugation of Athena to the patriarchy serves to establish a patriarchal presence within the Acropolis while simultaneously exposing the rise of Athenian hubris following the Persian War. Various elements of the Parthenon, from its pediments to the monumental statue inside, show Athena as a goddess reduced to mere womanhood in the presence of the patriarchy, a function that emphasizes the Athenian hubris displayed throughout the Parthenon.

Keywords: ancient history, greek mythology, women studies, religion

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Authors: Zahra Mehrabbeygi

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This research is opted to analyze and survey discourse variety and news image-making in western media regarding the news coverage of the Russian army intrusion into Ukraine. This research will be done on the news coverage of Ukraine in a period from February 2022 to May 2022 in five western media, "BBC, CBS, NBC, Al Jazeera, and Telegraph." This research attempts to discover some facts about the news policies of the five western news agencies during the circumstances of the Ukraine-Russia war. Critical theories in the news, such as Framing, Media Imperialism of News, Image Making, Discourse, and Ideology, were applied to achieve this goal. The research methodology uses Van Dijk's discourse exploration method based on discourse analysis. The research's statistical population is related to all the news about racial discrimination during the mentioned period. After a statistical population survey with Targeted Sampling, the researcher randomly selected ten news cases for exploration. The research findings show that the western media have similarities in their texts via lexical items, polarization, citations, persons, and institutions. The research findings also imply pre-suppositions, connotations, and components of consensus agreement and underlying predicates in the outset, middle, and end events. The reaction of some western media not only shows their bewilderment but also exposes their prejudices rooted in racism.

Keywords: news discourse analysis, western media, racial discrimination, Ukraine-Russia war

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Authors: Mariam Aref Mahmoud

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A myth surrounding the development of Cairo bases itself in the Fatimid era when the city, as we know it today, was built. Surrounding the city was a wall meant to protect the main center from any possible attack. The effects of global hierarchies of power extend further than labor regulations and trade statistics. Beyond that, they form dialectical oppositions between local and global identities within urban space. As such, those in power often aim to claim national identity as what they perceive to be the most nationally beneficial strategy. These claims over perceptions of national identity take over the streets, the advertisements, and the parks and eventually make their way into the different forms of media. Often, these claims take over the main planning goals of the city. Whether it is through the control over which sounds are allowed to be produced in public space, what type of people are encouraged to enter which spaces, or other forms of performing local and national identity, public space, property, and land have often been used as a method to present to both the public and the global population what people in power wish for these spaces to represent. In Egypt, these developments have been changing since the end of colonial rule. In particular, this paper will analyze how Hosni Mubarak, and to a certain extent Anwar el-Sadat, enacted neoliberal designs dedicated towards modernization in order to present an image of a Cairo that is not uniquely Egyptian but essentially Western cosmopolitan - a Cairo that belongs to a globalized world.

Keywords: Egypt, imperialism, westernization, housing

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Authors: Karen de Andrade

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Literature is generally understood as an aesthetic creation, an artistic object that relates to the history and sociocultural paradigms of a given era. Moreover, through it, we can dwell on the deepest reflections on the human condition. It can also be used to propagate projects of domination, as Edward Said points out in his book Culture and Imperialism, connecting narrative, history and land conquest. Having said that, the aim of this paper is to analyse how Wole Soyinka elaborated his main theoretical work, Myth, Literature and African World, a collection of essays published in 1976, by comparing the philosophical, ideological and aesthetic practices of African, diasporic and European writers from the point of view of the Yoruba tradition, to which he belongs. Moreover, Soyinka believes that (literary) art has an important function in the formation of a people, in the construction of its political identity and in cultural regeneration, especially after the independence. The author's critical endeavour is that of attempting to construct a past. For him, the "African World" is not a mere allegory of the continent, and to understand it in this way would be to perpetuate a colonialist vision that would deny the subjectivities that cross black cultures, history and bodies. For him, comparative literature can be used not to "equate" local African texts with the European canon; but rather to recognise that they have aesthetic value and socio-cultural importance. Looking at the local, the particular and specific to each culture is, according to Soyinka, appropriate for dealing with African cultures, as opposed to abstractions of dialectical materialism or capitalist nationalism. In view of this, in his essays, the author creates a possibility for artistic and social reflection beyond the logic of Western politics.

Keywords: comparative literature, African Literature, Literary Theory, Yoruba Mythology, Wole Soyinka, Afrodiaspora

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Authors: Reagan Rodriguez

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With a growing divide between political echo chambers in the United States, exacerbated by race and income inequality, it might seem to be unfathomable to draw connections that tie working class in an industrial city and a U.S. territory. Yet, in regions where either the economy has been hit due to dwindling job infrastructure or natural disasters have left indelible marks on an island already once marked by colonial imperialism, a larger social shared identity is at play. Fracking has long been an intergenerational and stable work opportunity for many in the Pittsburg PA, yet the rising severity of global climate change may soon impact the policy and even presidential elections which could result in the reduction of jobs in the industry. Cock-fighting, considered a cultural mainstay within the island of Puerto Rico, has already had legislation banning activity and thus cutting out one of the most lucrative aspects of a severely injured economy. Insecurity, infringement, and isolation while being tied to a working-class bracket with no other opportunities in proximity have left both groups expressing similar frustration and while another larger shared identity politic is giving little other options to develop social mobility. This paper utilizes a thematic analysis and compares convergent and divergent themes on internet forums amongst unionized fracking workers in Pittsburg and cockfighters in Puerto Rico. This research examines how group identity in relation to job and cultural identity is most strong and at which points its most malleable; when intergenerational job identity becomes a part of one’s cultural identity, its override may be strongest when it is perceived as threatened. Final findings and limitations were comprehensively outlined.

Keywords: identity threat, social psychology, group identity, culture and social mobility

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Authors: Omotoyosi Bilikies Ilori, Adekunle Saheed Ajisebiyawo

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After the Second World War, there was an emergence of a new stage of capitalist globalization with its Neo-liberal ideology. There were global economic and political restructurings that affected third-world countries like Nigeria. Neo-liberalism is the driving force of globalization, which is the latest manifestation of imperialism that engenders endemic poverty in Nigeria. Poverty is severe and widespread in Nigeria. Poverty entails a situation where a person lives on less than one dollar per day and has no access to basic necessities of life. Poverty is inhuman and a breach of human rights. The Nigerian government initiated some strategies in the past to help in poverty reduction. Neo-liberalism manifested in the Third World, such as Nigeria, through the privatization of public enterprises, trade liberalization, and the rollback of the state investments in providing important social services. These main ideas of Neo-liberalism produced poverty in Nigeria and also encouraged the abandonment of the social contract between the government and the people. There is thus a gap in the provision of social services and subsidies for the masses, all of which Neo-liberal ideological positions contradict. This paper is a qualitative study which draws data from secondary sources. The theoretical framework is anchored on the market theory of capitalist globalization and public choice theory. The objectives of this study are to (i) examine the impacts of Neo-liberalism on poverty in Nigeria as a typical example of a Third World country and (ii) find out the effects of Neo-liberalism on the provision of social services and subsidies and employment. The findings from this study revealed that (i) the adoption of the Neo-liberal ideology by the Nigerian government has led to increased poverty and poor provision of social services and employment in Nigeria; and (ii) there is an increase in foreign debts which compounds poverty situation in Nigeria. This study makes the following recommendations: (i) Government should adopt strategies that are pro-poor to eradicate poverty; (ii) The Trade Unions and the masses should develop strategies to challenge Neo-liberalism and reject Neo-liberal ideology.

Keywords: neo-liberalism, poverty, employment, poverty reduction, structural adjustment programme

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Authors: Mosito Jonas Seabela

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Breastfeeding in public has become a contentious issue in contemporary society. Mothers are often subjected to unfair discrimination and harassment for simply responding to their maternal instinct to breastfeed their infants. The unwillingness of society to accept public breastfeeding as a natural, non-sexual act is partly influenced by the imposition of a pornified and hypersexualised Western culture, which was imported to Africa through colonisation, enforced by the apartheid regime, and is now perpetuated by Western media. The imposition of the modern nuclear family on Africans, and the coerced aspiration to subscribe to bourgeois values, has eroded the moral standing of the traditional African family and its cultural values. Western-centric perceptions of African women have altered the experience of motherhood for many, commodifying the practice of breastfeeding. As a result, the use of bottles and infant formulas is often perceived as the preferred method, while breastfeeding in public is viewed as primitive, immoral, and unacceptable. This normative study seeks to answer the question of what ought to be done to preserve the dignity of African motherhood and protect their right to breastfeed in public. The African philosophy of Ubuntu is employed to advocate for the right to breastfeed in public. This moral philosophy posits that the western perception of a person seeks to isolate people from their environment and culture, thereby undermining the process of acquiring humanity, which fosters social cohesion. The Ubuntu philosophy embodies the aphorism, “umuntu ngumuntu nga bantu”, meaning “a person is a person through other persons”, signifying people’s interconnectedness and interdependence. The application of the key principles of Ubuntu, such as “survival, the spirit of solidarity, compassion, respect, and dignity” can improve human interaction and unite the public to support the government’s efforts to increase exclusive breastfeeding rates and reduce infant mortality rates. A doctrine called “Ubuntu Lactivism” is what the author proposes as a means to advocate for breastfeeding rights in fulfilment of African traditional values.

Keywords: ubuntu, breastfeeding, Afrocentric, colonization, culture, motherhood, imperialism, objectification

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Authors: Mehdi Heydari Sanglaji

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The dramatic events of the 11 September, and their tragic repercussions, catapulted issues of the political violence in and from the ‘Muslim world’ onto the political discourse, be it in patriotic speeches of campaigning politicians or the TV and news punditry. Depending on what end of the political spectrum the politician/pundit pledges fealty to, the overall analyses of political violence in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) tends towards two overarching categories: on the Right, the diagnosis has unanimously been, ‘they must hate our freedom.’ On the Left, however, there is the contention that the West has to be counted as the primary cause of such rage, for the years of plundering of lives and resources, through colonialism, the Cold War, coups, etc. All these analyses are premised on at least two presuppositions: the violence in and from the WANA region a) is always reactionary, in the sense that it happens only in response to something the West is or does; and b) must always already be condemned, as it is essentially immoral and wrong. It is the aim of this paper to challenge such viewpoints. Through a rigorous study of the historical discourses on political violence in the Leftist organizations active in Algeria and Lebanon, we claim there is a myriad of diverse reasons and justifications presented for advocating political violence in these countries that defy facile categorization. Inspecting such rhetoric for inciting political violence in Leftist discourses, and how some of these reasonings have percolated into other movements in the region (e.g., Islamist ones), will reveal a wealth of indigenous discourses on the subject that has been largely neglected by the Western Media punditry and even by the academia. The indigenous discourses on political violence, much of which overlaps with emancipatory projects in the region, partly follow grammar and logic, which may be different from those developed in the West, even by its more critical theories. Understanding so different epistemology of violence, and the diverse contexts in which political violence might be justifiable in the mind of ‘the other,’ necessitates a historical, materialist, and genealogical study of the discourse already in practice in the WANA region. In that regard, both critical terrorism studies and critical discourse analysis provide exemplary tools of analysis. Capitalizing on such tools, this project will focus on unearthing a history of thought that renders moot the reduction of all instances of violence in the region to an Islamic culture or imperialism/colonialism. The main argument in our research is that by studying the indigenous discourses on political violence, we will be far more equipped in understanding the reasons and the possible solutions for acts of terrorism in and from the region.

Keywords: political violence, terrorism, leftist organizations, West Asia/North Africa

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Authors: Mridula Devi

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Trafficking of women is a slur on human dignity and a shameful act to human civilization and development. Trafficking of women is one of worst brazen abuses which violate the women’s human rights. In India, more particularly in Assam, human trafficking and infringement of human rights of individual includes mainly the women and girl child of the State. Trafficking in North East region of India, more particularly in Assam occurs in two different ways – one is the internal trafficking of women and girl child from conflict affected rural areas of Assam for domestic work and prostitution. Secondly, there is trafficking of women to other south-East Asiatic countries like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Bangkok, Myanmar (Burma) for various purposes such as drug trafficking, labor, bar girl and prostitution.Historically, trafficking in human beings is associated with slavery and bonded or forced labor. Since the period of Roman Civilization, there was the practice of traffic in persons in the form of slave trade among the nations. With the rise of new imperialism, slavery had become an integral part of the colonial system of European Countries. With time, it almost became synonymous with prostitution or commercial sexual exploitation. Finally, the United Nation adopted the Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Prostitution of others, 1949 by the G.A.Res.No.-317(iv). The Convention totally denounces the traffic in persons for the purpose of prostitution. However, it is important to note that, now a days trafficking is not confined to commercial sexual exploitation of women and children alone. It has myriad forms and the number of victims has been steadily on the rise over the past few decades. In Assam, it takes place through and for marriage, sexual exploitation, begging, organ trading, militancy conflicts, drug padding and smuggling, labour, adoption, entertainment, and sports. In this paper, empirical methodology has been used. The study is based on primary and secondary sources. Data’s are collected from different books, publications, newspaper, journals etc. For empirical analysis, some random samples are collected and systematized for better result. India suffers from the ignominy of being one of the biggest hubs of women trafficking in the world. Over the years, Assam: the north east part of India has been bearing the brunt of the rapidly rising evil of trafficking of women which threaten the life, dignity and human rights of women. Though different laws are adopted at international and national level to restore trafficking, still the menace of trafficking of women in Assam is not decreased, rather it increased. This causes a serious violation of women’s human right in Assam. Human trafficking or women’s trafficking is a serious crime against society. To curb this in Assam it is required to take some effective and dedicated measure at state level as well as national and international level.

Keywords: Assam, human trafficking, sexual exploitation, India

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Authors: Ning Chia

Abstract:

Each of the three different language texts (Manchu, Russian, and Latin) of the 1689 Treaty of Nerchinsk bore official seals from Imperial Russia and Qing China. These seals have received no academic attention, yet they can reveal a site of a layered and shared material, cultural, political, and diplomatic world of the time in Eastern Eurasia. The very different seal selections from both empires while ratifying the Treaty of Beijing in 1860 have obtained no scholarly advertency either; they can also explicate a tremendously changed relationship with visual and material manifestation. Exploring primary sources in Manchu, Russian, and Chinese languages as well as the images of the visual seals, this study investigates the reasons and purposes of utilizing official seals for the treaty agreement. A refreshed understanding of Russian-Qing diplomacy will be developed by pursuing the following aspects: (i) Analyzing the iconographic meanings of each seal insignia and unearthing a competitive, yet symbols-delivered and seal-generated, 'dialogue' between the two empires (ii) Contextualizing treaty seals within the historical seal cultures, and discovering how domestic seal system in each empire’s political institution developed into treaty-defined bilateral relations (iii) Expounding the seal confiding in each empire’s daily governing routines, and annotating the trust in the seal as a quested promise from the opponent negotiator to fulfill the treaty terms (iv) Contrasting the two seal traditions along two civilization-lines, Eastern vs. Western, and dissecting how the two styles of seal emblems affected the cross-cultural understanding or misunderstanding between the two empires (v) Comprehending the history-making events from the substantial resources such as the treaty seals, and grasping why the seals for the two treaties, so different in both visual design and symbolic value, were chosen in the two relationship eras (vi) Correlating the materialized seal 'expression' and the imperial worldviews based on each empire’s national/or power identity, and probing the seal-represented 'rule under the Heaven' assumption of China and Russian rising role in 'European-American imperialism … centered on East Asia' (Victor Shmagin, 2020). In conclusion, the impact of official seals on diplomatic treaties needs profound knowledge in seal history, insignia culture, and emblem belief to be able to comprehend. The official seals in both Imperial Russia and Qing China belonged to a particular statecraft art in a specific material and visual form. Once utilized in diplomatic treaties, the meticulously decorated and politically institutionalized seals were transformed from the determinant means for domestic administration and social control into the markers of an empire’s sovereign authority. Overlooked in historical practice, the insignia seal created a wire of 'visual contest' between the two rival powers. Through this material lens, the scholarly knowledge of the Russian-Qing diplomatic relationship will be significantly upgraded. Connecting Russian studies, Qing/Chinese studies, and Eurasian studies, this study also ties material culture, political culture, and diplomatic culture together. It promotes the study of official seals and emblem symbols in worldwide diplomatic history.

Keywords: Russia-Qing diplomatic relation, Treaty of Beijing (1860), Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689), Treaty seals

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Authors: Sara Dragisic

Abstract:

Using the theoretical analysis of the birth of biopolitics that Foucault performed through the history of liberalism and neoliberalism, in this paper we will try to show how, precisely through problematizing the role of international institutions, the model of governance differs from previous ways of objectifying body and life. Are the state and its mechanisms still a Leviathan to fight against, or can it be even the driver of resistance against the proponents of modern governance and the biopolitical power? Do paradigmatic examples of biopolitics still appear through sovereignty and (international) law, or is it precisely this sphere that shows a significant dose of incompetence and powerlessness in relation to, not only the economic sphere (Foucault’s critique of neoliberalism) but also the new politics of freedom? Have the struggle for freedom and human rights, as well as the war on terrorism, opened a new spectrum of biopolitical processes, which are manifested precisely through new international institutions and humanitarian discourse? We will try to answer these questions, in the following way. On the one hand, we will show that the views of authors such as Agamben and Hardt and Negri, in whom the state and sovereignty are seen as enemies to be defeated or overcome, fail to see how such attempts could translate into the politicization of life like it is done in many examples through the doctrine of liberal interventionism and humanitarianism. On the other hand, we will point out that it is precisely the humanitarian discourse and the defense of the right to intervention that can be the incentive and basis for the politicization of the category of life and lead to the selective application of human rights. Zizek example of the killing of United Nations workers and doctors in a village during the Vietnam War, who were targeted even before police or soldiers, because they were precisely seen as a powerful instrument of American imperialism (as they were sincerely trying to help the population), will be focus of this part of the analysis. We’ll ask the question whether such interpretation is a kind of liquidation of the extreme left of the political (Laclau) or on this basis can be explained at least in part the need to review the functioning of international organizations, ranging from those dealing with humanitarian aid (and humanitarian military interventions) to those dealing with protection and the security of the population, primarily from growing terrorism. Based on the above examples, we will also explain how the discourse of terrorism itself plays a dual role: it can appear as a tool of liberal biopolitics, although, more superficially, it mostly appears as an enemy that wants to destroy the liberal system and its values. This brings us to the basic problem that this paper will tackle: do the mechanisms of institutional struggle for human rights and freedoms, which is often seen as opposed to the security mechanisms of the state, serve the governance of citizens in such a way that the latter themselves participate in producing biopolitical governmental practices? Is the freedom today "nothing but the correlative development of apparatuses of security" (Foucault)? Or, we can continue this line of Foucault’s argumentation and enhance the interpretation with the important question of what precisely today reflects the change in the rationality of governance in which society is transformed from a passive object into a subject of its own production. Finally, in order to understand the skills of biopolitical governance in modern civil society, it is necessary to pay attention to the status of international organizations, which seem to have become a significant place for the implementation of global governance. In this sense, the power of sovereignty can turn out to be an insufficiently strong power of security policy, which can go hand in hand with freedom policies, through neoliberal governmental techniques.

Keywords: neoliberalism, Foucault, sovereignty, biopolitics, international organizations, NGOs, Agamben, Hardt&Negri, Zizek, security, state power

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